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Agriculture in England.—An American gen- lletnau, a correspondent of tlia New York Ob server, and now in England thus speaks, in com paring English agriculture with that of this coun try. “From Manchester to Birmingham, with the exception of the coal regions of Wolverhampton, and another few miles of poor land, the whole country is a perfect garden. An American far mer knows nothing of English husbandry. The difference is too wide for him to appreciate it. Select the most cultivated grounds of the rich soil on Manhattan island, or behind Brooklyn, or in the immediate vicinity of Philadelphia, or Bos ton, and they, are only ordinary specimens of Eng lish farming. A poor English cottager displays a taste about his humble dw.tiling and gets a pro duct from his little patch, wh.ch might shame the wcakhly fanners of the United States. I wish not to speak disrespectfully of my country or my countrymen; but I should like to provoke them, by whatever means, to more rapid improvements, both in agriculture and horticulture. England and America.—Blackwood’s Maga zine, speaking of the petty jealousies that exist between the people of this country and those of Great Brilian, has the following amusing para graph: “England and America are too fine wo men—and not only so, but they are mother and daughter. England is fai, fair, and forty,' and fit for the arms of a King. America is in her teen9, and a morsel for a President. As long as they pursue each her own path, and are proud, each of her own lord or lover, botli can bear, without any painful uneasiness, the thought of each other’s beauty and smilingly blow kisses from their hands across the Atlantic. .Yet Uwould be too moch to expect, that when they speak of each other’s charms, they should always select the most seducing; that when they touch on each otner’s defects they should point to the least prom inent. ’Tis not iu nature.” w ith Mr. refferson, to Wait “the returning justice of the General Government,” rather than involve the couuiry iu all the horrors of anarchy aud revolution.—Southern Banner. Electric Fluid.—While several trains of Coal Cars were returning to the Miues on Friday last, during a thunder storm, the iron rails on the road were observed to be sparkling with electric fluid w hich was conducted along them for the distance of several rods, passing three train of cars, aud knocking down four mules attached to them. No injury was sustained either to the road, cars or mules. Had this occurrence happened in Vermont, in the neighborhood of the famous Coll of lightning memory, it would, perhaps, have been given as a trial of speed upon the rail road .—Courier. FAMILY ECONOMY. Their 19 nothing goes so far towards placing young people beyond the reach of poverty, as e- conomv iu the management of thoir domestic affairs. It is as much imposible to get a ship a- crossthe Atlantic with a half a dozen butts start ed, or as many bolt holes in her hull, as to eon- duct the coucerns of a family without economy. It matters not whether a man furnish little or much for a family if their is a continual leakage in the kitchen, or in the parlor, it runs away, he knows not how; and that demon, waste, cries more^like the horse leache’s daughter, until he that provides has no more to give. It is the hus band’s duty to bring into the house and it is the duty of the wife to see that nothing goes wrong- folly out of it—not the least article however un- wnportant in itself, for it establishes a precedent; nor under any pretence, for it opens a door to ra in to stalk in, aud it seldom leaves an opportu nity unimproved: A man gets a wife to look after his affairs—to assist him in his journey through life—to educate and prepare his children for a proper station in life, and not to dissipate his property. The husband’s interest should be the wife’s care, and her ambition should carry her no further than his welfare and happiness, to gether with thjjt of her children. This should be her sole aim, the theatre of her exploits is in the bosom of her family, -where she may do as much in making a fortune as he possibly can do iu the counting-house or work-shop. It is not the mouey* earned that makes a man wealthy, it is what is saved from his earnings. A good and prudent husband will make deposit of the fruits of his labor with his best friend; and if that friend be not true to him what-has he to hope?— If he dare not place confidence in the companion of his bosom where is he to place it? A wife acts not for herself only but she is the agent of many she loves. And she is bound to act for her own gratification. Her husband’s good is the end at which she should aim—his approba tion is her reward. Self gratification in dress or indulgence in appetite, or more company than his purse can entertain, are equally pernicious.— The first adds vanity to extravagance: the second fastens a doctor’s bill to a long butcher’s account, .and the latter brings intemperance, the worst of all evils, in its train.—N. Y. Mirror. Correspondence of the Journal of Commerce. Washington, Aug. 22, 1832. There is nothing very interesting among us, except the demonstrations which appear in all sections of the political zodiac, in opposition to the re-election of General Jackson; but more es pecially iu opposition to the election of Martin Van Buren as Vice President. I am decidedly intimate with one of the gentlemen who bolds under General Jackson a very high and respond sible office; but who fears neither the President nor Van Buren. In conversation this morning, he expressed the opinion most decidedly, that the iattcr could not be successful, lit even stated 'itie number of votes he might poll, which would ifeave h .*q far iu minority. If Van Buren lose New Y jrk, and tbatis the opinion of my friend, Vis poll will have been reduced to New llamp- r litre 7, perhaps Maine 9, Maryland 3, i jnne«- *ee 15. Every othei State is decidedly opposed to him, or at most very douhtful- Mr. Donelson and his family have returned to the city. Mr. McLane has been quite unwell. Every one regrets his indisposition, for he is a real workiug mau. and no doubt has brought on his attack by too much labor. Mr. Woodbury also had suffered.some what from the effects of this cli mate, but is improving. The last accounts I have from Gov. Cass are as might be expected, from the effects of his recent great alflictiot, the death of a daughter, who, by his parental care and in- Uructiou, had just been introduced among us. * “ e father-in-law of Major Lewis, and the Gov ernor of North Carolina, (Mr. Stokes,) has been, as you know, appointed to the office of Commis sioner te treat with the Indians. His acceptance left the Speaker of the Senate to wield the execu tive: but he declines, and leaves the government headless. I wonder it has aot occured to the honorable Senators of that State, to petition the President for a Governor, ' The Voice of Georgia.—We rejoice to find pub- Bc sentiment throughout the State, settling down decidedly against the revolutionary principles of -alhoun and Cooper, lately attempted to be in troduced into Georgia. We regret that the lim its of our paper prevent us from keeping pace numerous public meetings which have and i hro £g h which those opinions have R, ? hm(>nd ’ Chatham, Jones, in a voice ?S , ‘ and Kurgan, speak Ty * . otcq . P*? 0 * 1 ho icustaken—they have ^inmhilaied” C alhouuism—‘knock- ***? abttiiag”Mithout “leaving aff^a^heeu.” The freemen "e firm and decided in their op- “ k ““ T * Jr " "It Electoral Ticket.—We publish to-day, the Troup ticket for Electors of President and Vice President. We are not disposed, however, to pledge ourselves to support the whole of it until it can be satisfactorily accertained, what are the sentiments of several of the individuals on the tick et. We hold, that no man who professes the doc trine jo Nullification can consistently support Au- drew Jackson, aud if we are not greatly mistaken, one of the gentlemen of this ticket has the premon itory symtoins, and another is in the blue or collapsed stage of the disease.—Ib. Answers received by the Richmond Committee of Correspondence' on the subject of Nullifica tion: Camesville, September 4,1832. Gentlemen—Your communication dated 29th ult. addressed to me iu pursuance of a resolution adopted at a meeting of the citizens of Richmond couuty, on the 18th of August last, requesting me to express to them, through you, my “senti ments in regard to Nullification,” is now before me. I do Dot hesitate to comply with that re quest. I have no desire, ncilher would itbe justi fiable in me, to conceal my political opiuions.— The deep and pervading iuterest felt throughout the couutry, in regard to our grievances uuder the tariff system, and the firm determination of the people of this section of our Union, never, quietly submit to a measure so unequal and unjust iu its operations, have induced me to devote to the consideration of these subjects more than ordina ry attention. I have endeavored to deliberate calmly, dispassionately and maturely, upon them —that I might be enabled to determine honestly, aud satisfactorily for myself, what would be the best, aud most proper course to be pnrsued under present exigencies. That the burdens of the General Government are not equitably appor tioned, seems to me to admit of no doubt. The present Tariff law, contemplating the protection of manufactures, is not founded in a spirit of con stitutional justice, and operates unequally and op pressively upon the South. Under this, state of things, these questions present themselves: What shall be dohe? To what means shall we resort for the purpose of lreeiug ourselves from this sys tem of injustice and oppression? Are our griev ances so intolerable, our liberties so much infring ed, and that constitution, whico is the basis of our free systam of government, so grossly, so danger ously, aud so palpably violated and disregarded, as to demaud a resort to violeut and forcible means to obtain redress, that might, and in all probability would, result in a dissolution of this Union? This last is, to me, a question of very grave and solemn import. It should be mature ly considered, aud every matter having the least connexion with it should be deliberately weighed and revolved in the miud of every freeman before he ventures a reply. A misstep once taken, from the pride of opinion, common to men, is sel dom retraced. I would yet forbear a resort to a- uy remedy that might tend to a dissolution of the Union, aud a consequent destruction of this Gov ernment. If I do not greatly misapprehend the doctrine of Nullification, it will, if enforced, pro duce this result. I cannot view it as either a peaceful or constitutional remedy, aud that the enforcement of it “would prove most disastrous to the country.” I deem it unnecessary,, and presume thatit is not expected, for me to give at length the reasons that have operated in bringing my mind to this conclusion. At the same time that I believe this doctrine daugerous, aud that if- acted upon, it would prove destructive to the Union and the best interests of the country, 1 know, that among its advocates are ranked ma- fiy, very many, highminded and honorable men, whose attachment to the constitution aud the Government, is pure and unfeigned. But why need 1 name its advocates? it is uot agaiust them, but their doctrines that I war. I believe that a State has as mueh right, as an individual, to in vestigate for herself the constitutionality of a law of Congress, and to express her opinion accord ingly. But 1 do not bell-jve that a single State has a right, consequent upon her declaration of the unconstitutiouality of a law passed by Con gress, agreeably to the forms of the constitution, forcibly to resist the execution of, and to retuse o- bedieuce to that law. I have adopted the view taken of this subject, by Mr. Madison, iu his re port to the Legislature of Virginia, upon the re solutions passed by the General Assembly of that State, on the 21st December, 1797; That “the declarations iu such cases are expressions of o- pinion unaccompanied with any other effect than what they may produce on opinion by exciting reflection.” “Wherecan there be the impropri ety of communicating the declaration to other States aud inviting their concurrence in a like declaration.” It is thus the minds of the people throughout the Union may be aroused to a know ledge of a constitutional infraction, and a sense of their danger; thus a change produced in public opinion, aud then by the intervention of .the con trol of the people, aud the State Legislatures, o- ver the government of the United States, the ob noxious act be repealed, and all is well again.— “The resolutions of Virginia, as vindicated in the report on them, will be found entitled to an expo sition, showing a consistency iu their parts, aud an inconsistency of the whole with the doctrine” of Nullification, (Mr. Madison’s letter, dated 1830, to the Ed. N. A. Review.) Whenever the op pressions and burdens of the people become so vast and onerous, that .they cannot, with a dne .aud proper regard to their rights and liberties, submit to them, till they can be constitutionally redrcssfcd, they have a right beyond the control of all constitutions to redress themselves: or in the language of Mr. Madison, (in the letter before referred to) “in the event of the failure of every constitutional resort and an accumulation of usur pations and abuses, rendering passive obedience and non-resistance a greater evil than resistance and revolution, there can remain but one resort, the last of all, an appeal Horn the| cancelled ob ligations of the constitutional compact to original rights and self-preservation. This is the ultima ratio under all governments, whether consolida ted, confederated or a compound of both, and it cannot be doubted that a single member of the Union, in the extremity supposed, but in that on ly, world have a right to make the appeal.” 1 connot conceive that this extremity has yet arriv ed, consequently I am opposed to a resort to for cible and violent means, or to any mode of re dress “that would endanger the Union, the gov ernment and the liberties of the people.” I fear, gentlemen, that I have transgressed the limits it was anticipated 1 ought to occupy. By saying less I could not have done justice to myself; as 1 am fully aware I have not to a subject that so deeply agitates the. couutry. Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, and thpse citizens whom you represent, the tender of my highest regard and esteem. Very respectfully, your fellow-citizen, JAMES C. TERRELL. Messrs. Wm. Gumming, John P. King and A. Slaughter. • Columlus. 5th Sept. 1832. Gentlkmen—In consequence of an absence from home for the last two weeks, your commu nication of the 20th of last month, in compliance with a. duty-imposed by the citizens of Richmond county, reoaesting my sentiments upon the sub- joet of NnUificatkm, has bt^tthis moment been I recognize the right of the people to . interro gate those who solicit their suffrage upon all sub jects connected with the public interest, conse quently hold myself ready to answer at all times freely aud fraukly. I am opposed to Nullification, believing it to be neither a peaceable or constitutional remedy against the evils complained of—but a revolution ary measure when reduced to practice. And whatever feelings of hostility I may entertain to wards the protective system, or however unequal iu its operations, unjust and oppressive in its con sequences I may consider it, I am not at jhis time prepared to join in the support of any measure which might inevitably end in the dissolution of our government. Nor can I adopt the idea that the system has become the settled policy of the coustry. The public debt is nearly extinguished, a uational change will take place in Congress, under the late census. The system has com- msneed a retrogression. The present adminis tration is avowedly with us upon this subject.— Those circumstances, together with a general knowledge of the great difficulty in enforcing a law coutrary to the will of so large a portiou ol the country, presents to my mind cheering con siderations in favor of its speedy repeal. The language of the father of our country up on this subject, would seem to me, appropriate, he says, “we should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to our National U- nion, accustoming ourselves to think and speak of it, as of the palladium of our political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion thatit can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawi^pg of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link to gether the various parts.” With great respect, your obedient and humble servant, JAMES C. WATSON. Messrs. Cumming, King if Slaughter. Augusta, 4th. September, 1832. Gentlemen:—Iu consequence of my absence from the city during the last six weeks, I did not receive your communication of the 20th ult. un til today. In reply to yoflr request “that I will obligomy fellow-citizens of Richmond by communicating through you my sentiments in regard to Nullifica tion,” I take great pleasure in saying to them, and to you, that 1 am decidedly opposed to that doctriue. I believe it to he neither a peaceable nor constitutional remedy for the grievances of which wo so justly complain: in fact, I believe it to be no remedy at all. I view it as false and deceptive iu theory, aud revolutionary in practice. And, although I ain, and always have becu op posed to any and every tariff, for protection, and will use all constitutional means to put it down; yet the evils arising from the present protective system, are not iu nry opinion, so great, as to au thorise or justify the adoption of Nullification, or any other measure, which will tend to disturb the peace and harmouy of this great republic, or endanger the Union of these States. I am proud of the title of “Citizen of the Uni ted States.”—The great apostle of the Gentiles found protection under the name of “Roman;” declaring to the Chief Captain that he w-as “born free.” I, too, was “bora free,” and enjoy honor and protection uuder the “Star spangled banner.” I am unwilling to blot out from this glorious standard of my native laud one single star. Let them all remain. Their united light sheds a lus tre over our country and our liberty, which swells with joy every patriot bosom. With sentiments of respect, I am your most 0- bedient servant, WILLIAM SCHLEY. Messrs'. Cumming, King and Slaughter. Telfair, September 3, 1832. Gentlemen.—In reply to your enquiry respec ting my opinions on the doctrine of Nullification, I have the pleasure to state to*you, that I recog nize at all times, the right of the pcoplo to be made acquainted with the sentiments of those who are before them for promotion especially on so momentous a question as that which is the subject of your euquiry. 1 cheerfully therefore reply to you, that I am decidedly opposed to a Protective Tariff—but am as decidedly opposed to Nullification, or any o- ther rash measure, that would endanger the Gov ernment, or the existence of the Union. I need uot enter into any argument upon the subject— These have always been my opinions, and I hope they will accompany me to my grave. If the best and happiest Government, over yet devised for man should he subverted, where is the hope of the American? I am Gontlcmen, very respectfully, Your Fol low-Citizen, JNO. COFFEE. Messrs. Cumming, King and Slaughter. Letter of Judge Smith to the Committee invi ting him to a public Dinner at Holland's Store, Laurens District: Yorkville, August 12th, 1832. Gentlemen—At 9 o’clock last night I receiv ed at the post office, your letter of the third .post mark 8th; inviting ine to dine with you and a large number of your fellow-citizens at Holland’s store, in Laurens District on the 15th inst. It would give rae much pleasure to do so were it in my power. Had I obtained the letter.at a reasonable period after its date I could have done so. But other arrangements of importance will prevent me from doing so at this short notice.— l would however, even now make any sacrifice to afford my humble service in arresting the vi olence of faction and controlling the demon nul lification, whose madness would control the for tunes of our once happy Republic, did I not be lieve the returning good sense of your community will need no such aid. It cannot be possible that a community like ours can remaiu under such a delusion. Can a- ny man who has heard of the declaration of Judge Prioleau, to Major Long of Greenville, and which the Judge himself has published kin his owu letter to the world, “That if the Legisla ture passed the act mf nullification, they would take caro to make it effectual by every means in their power, as by pains and penalties, or it would be nugatory; and he thought we should then find no one bold enough to resist its execu tion, when the consequeuce might be the confis cation of his estate,” be so forgetful of his own safety and the peace of his country, as to lend his aid to the overthrow of both? The CONFISCATION of his ESTATE!!! Yes, Judge Prioleau has said the confiscation of his estate; and might have added the imprison ment of his BODY, if the pains and penalties of which he so boldly speaks are to be provided.— This gentleman, JUDGE PRIOLEAU, is a man who never sports with political subjects, and moreover he is the near relation of Govern or Hamilton; he married tae*Governor's sister. Gentlemen, if this awful admonition will not bring your citizens to serious reflections upon the deplorable catastrophe which awaits our beloved country, should nullification succeed at the next Legislature, no arguments of mine could avail you any thing. As I cannot have the pleasure of dining with you on that day, permit me to offer you the fol lowing sentiment. Peace without the horrors of eml tear; Union without NulHhcatkmi and, the rights — — iW the TIOK. Accept for yourselves and the respect able citizens whom you represent on this occa sion, my most unfeigned acknowledgements for your polite invitation. And permit me to pre dict that although our state must be disgraced should nullification triumph, yet the good sense of the other states will most assuredly keep the Union, the other twenty-three harmless. I havo the honor to be gentlemen, with pro found respect your ob’t.ser’vt. V WM. SMITH. TELEGRAPH. 3YIACON, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 19, 1832. 05 s * We would respectfully inquire of the en- lighteued editor of the Athens Gazette,, by whose authority the name of Geu. Newnan is '■■removed" from the Clark Ticket of candidates for Congress to give place to that ofHay les? Has Newnan de clined being a candidate? If he has, that fact is not generally known. While the Gazette sup presses his name entirely, it has given place to the whole Troup ticket, together with the supernu meraries, nullifiers ami all; and places the names of Haynes and Wayne upon wlliat he calls the Clark ticket!—by what authority we should also like, to know? Have these two gentlemen be come Clark men? Do they support the Clark ticket? If they do not—and we don’t believe they will, never having heard of either of them ever supporting a Clark man—how can the Clark ticket, or the Clark party support them? But why is Newnan the only man in the State who is not allowed to como before the people 1 Why is he so unceremoniously shuffled off. If the people are in reality opposed to his senti ments, why not give them an opportunity of so expressing it at the polls ? We can see no harm in it. But if on the other hand the people ap prove of his principles, we trust the talented edi tor of the Gazette will not attempt to thwart their will, by keeping his name back. So long as the Clark party pretend to act upon principle, they should show some consistency in their actions. Now how can they support Haynes or Wayne, who have always advocated a differ ent set of measures and a different set of men, without forfeiting principle, and their claims to consistency? True, these gentlemen claim to be Uuiiou men, and opposed to Nullification. But have they always been UnioiAneu as we have understood the term? Have they always been opposed to Nullification as we have opposed it? If not, how can we support them ? What pledg es have they given that they wopld support the measures of our party ? W hat pledges have they given that they will not support nullifiers, though they profess to be opposed to nullification ? Are they not advocates for the doctrines advanced by Gov. Troup in his South Carolina letter, and are not those doctrines synonymous with nullifica tion ? We have all along been under the impression that the Clark Ticket was made up in a Conven tion of the Clark party. Now if it takes a Con vention to make a Ticket, can any thing less than a Convention alter it ? As respects Newnan, we have watched hie course pretty narrowly; and have read his letters with a great deal of attention; and, we are free to confess, that the obtuseuess of our intellect does not enable us to see wherein he has forfeited all claims upon the courtesy of tho press, or upon the confidence of his constituents. The Superior Court of Monroe county is adjourned, owing to severe indispqsition of the Judge, until the 4th Monday in October next. Extract of a letter dated Columbus, 13f& Septem ber, 1832. “I have just come from tho great Nullification meeting. Nullification resolutions were offered by Judge Shorter, and supported by Shorter, Jones and others; and opposed by Iverson, Wayue, &c. At half past four the meeting ad journed to dinner without coming to a vote—to meet again tomorrow at ten o’clock—their fate is uncertain.” us, and we have, m nr f, been delving on in the beaten”!* 0tVu piW disregarding the many v a L ah u' ks 5 tfl? aud discoveries of the age.-J^Lf P^tn**' We have received ,he x Southern Planter and Kamil?\ Num,>e! ' <*f a worthy, talented and indSt5o» y ?' u «- W Bartlett, Editor of the Macon Tefc first number break* up the ground ]Xn l ' h ' t£ P® ct , to see a fine cr <>p put into it \v j'^ e e s , the harvest may be riel, b '*« fcjr 5 periodical was desired in Geo-4 • our old friend may prove as useful T ^ he has been a politician. We real 1* £ a Dr. Bartlett.—-Please to announce the follow ing Ticket for Delegates to the Convention to be held iu Milledgevillc on the 2d Monday in No vember next, to represent the county of ifouston. CARLTON WELLBORN, Esq. Col. WALTER L. CAMPBELL, HUGH LAWSON, Esq. V VIANY VOTERS. The Southern Planter and Family Lyceum No. 2, was issued from this office on Saturday last. CONTENTS OF THIS NUMBER. (Original.) Medical Department: Observa tions on Bilious Fever, No. 1.—Tales of Rural Life: Tom Tadpole—Editorial: Botany; En couraging prospects; Gardener’s Calendar for September 15; Farmer’s Calendar; Egg Plant or Guinea Squash; The Tomato; Tomatoes Ketchup; Layering; Inoculation or Budding; Agricultural Fair; Premium for the best writ ten essay on the Rust in Cotton; Notice for a meeting of the Agricultural Society; New Cot ton.— Poetry: Stone Mouutain Ballad. (Selections.)—Night Blindness; Sport for Gentlemen; Destroying Insects; Large Apple; Bone Manure; Sand as a Manure; The Cotton Crop; A Snake’s Nest; New method of wash ing dirty houses; Curing a Hypocondriac; Cho lera Anecdote; Bela’s Comet; Red Bones from Cholera; Cholera among Flies; The Tapir. NOTICES OF THE ABOVE WORK. The Southern Planter and Family Lyceum.— —The first number of this paper has made its ap pearance,’ under the Editorial management of M. Bartlett, of the Telegraph. The typographical appearance is neat; and if the contents of the ’first number are a fair specimen ofwhat the work will continue to be, it well merits the patronage of the public; ap<f we would especially recom mend it as one of great utility to v all who are in anv manner engaged in agricultural pursusts, iA publicatk a of this kind has long been 1 needed in tWa. section ofourcountiy.Hitliererto the w sow eral is ueen a politiciau. We reallv b* ? tr > si good seed, aud reap a goldenh--, pehet »b Union. '* irv ^t.—p f / The Southern Planter We h- the first number of this periodic-1 * % rcctiv? show .h» necessity of such a work c.'e'S' than ,t lias been done, m an article puHhLj * our Agricultural head. We refer 4 " . 1 it. If we had room, we would cot ' Southern Plauter, a few articles ^ • ll01u 1 ‘ as they are useful. We hope that shonTfS pollutes, with the weather, will fall • heat, we will be able to give "rest"? v '; our columns—Constitutionalist. ^ 1 LARGE MEETING IN HOUSTON Coi\ Pursuant to public notice, a mure™,, ‘ 1 of-the citizens oi' Houston county Perry, on. Monday, the 10th instant tor L- ■ consideration the present posture of a <r.• :s regard to the Tariff law's. Resolution^ fered by Howell Cobb Esq., James M**?* Esq., Elijah S. Owens Esq., Elijah E'fy ■ Ksr, andD. B Low Es? H aJaf,t : ?J* free discussion, by the above named and f gentlemen, the preamble aud resolution!,^ by Howell Cobb Esq. were adopted by whelming majority. The compauy was 4 ‘ °' to consist of from four to six hundred. ^ : PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTION The right of the people to meet in couvil avo look u’iou as inherent in them, and as a . * feature of our government; so long, therefore our government retains its present form and-bJ racter, this right will, must, remain anquestk 1 Hie; but under our present institutions it h |j always, expedient to do so. The suggtilion l] each county is not to send, to the Convention^ assemble in November, a greater number of d>.| legates than they have members in the Htussr Representatives, the number to be the same* one as tiie other, we look upon as unequal ad unfair, because some couuties have four iU sentatives while others have but one; andaitho* Houston may have nothing to fear Iron, an id servauce of tho suggestion, yet we ought to b] a proper regard for the rights of mV the couuti It is clear that Monroe county and Lownde-co: ty will not stand upon the same ground iBt Convention, but that Monroe may font an Lowndes such terms as may best suit hem!f. V i believe the counties should have au equal am of delegates iu the Convention. With regard to the present agitated state c public mind in this State, on the subject of a-r:j laws of Congress imposiug duties upon impor.f called Tariff laws, aud the extraordinanj toVt doctrines connected with them, called Nailct tion, we deem it entirely expedient and propaj meet in Convention, aud declare freely our vie upon these subjects. As it is not practicable! us all to attend the Convention to be lioiik Milledgevillc on the second Monday in Momwt next, we will delegate some of onr fellow cite to represent us there; aud, ihattve may i.'c; :■ mistaken or misunderstood in the CunveiaJ that nothing may be left to inference, on the of our delegates, we her#give our views full; k| the subjects to be considered of iu the Couvetii.J and instruct aud command our delegates to coif fine themselves within them, aud by no ine?n; -| depart from them; wa further declare, that if e delegates should transcend these instructions, Ml will, in r«o case, feel ourselves bouud or coun ted by their acts, and if any course, different ml the general course that presents itself to us itl proper on that occasion, is adopted, tve hertljl most solemnly protest against it, dedating»h we have uot aud never wiiMuve, any cucn:c'ji| with if. -j That Congress has the right, under the Cuj stitutiou “to lay and collect taxes, duties. aud excises,” ami in the exercise of tiiatpo^ passed the laws complained of as oppressivf,q too plain to need a moment's attention; hut a j contended that the Tariff laws are uncon5tiu®*| al because they impose dulie 1 ,,nn11 imoorts T transceud the purposes of r unequally—we do not intend to attempt a lo cation of these laws upon constitutional P® pies, because we deem it a matter ol supere<VI tion, at this time, to enter upon the discussioa^ that question, and will merely remark, vu 1 J deference to contrary opinions, that d [ e J laws of 1828 aud 1832 art unconstitutional, ^ Tariff laws of anterior dates icere unconst^ ■ ■■ also, and the politicians that are so j now agaiust the present Tarift, are ' raaJ L letting the people remain so long ujjs |J with regard to their lost rights and liber 1 . J it, however, at auy timre become c 7 L | to determine upou the constitutional prW'P’ fully agree to the opinion of Mr. ’ ju> letter to Major Cartwright, ofthcSt u ^ in which he says, “You may nsK, ' 1 ,| c; , partmeuts (State and United States) • each the same subject of power, wnen• ■ A mon umpire to decide ultawttbj Iu cases of little importance, >ne pru parties will keep them aloof from > 9 ground; but if ft can neither be promised, a convention of thf. .- • , BE CALLED, to ascribe tha doubtfu p<^ ^ department which THEY may To believe one half the complaints a ^ the Tariff laws to be true, is to M Southt »ji tal annihilation of every thing ^ '‘9 merican liberty: we are g l | a ^J ens 0 n o^-'j cormorant that fattens a . u [ , • ( . n i ( j until " e l j stance, will never relinquish ^ricbe 5 1 entirely consumed,” that 4 the ^ ol ^ northern part of the Union a heweo* southern,” and, “that tve uorthc rfl fl wood and drawers of water <0 u5 asf* 1 ^ pie”—these thiugs are repr^^ beIic vc truths and we aro callei J* • e ^Jjeii " e JI We do not wish to excite su p- facts eT i~t. ■ we do not understand ^J***!^tax^jfj are aware that many of southern \ , Tariff are made use tttft but they are not taied .» ^ero*” , tax is less burdensome on_ th* ^ ,j, e re » J southern statesfis , so ‘, aX ed arW?* 5 great a consumption o this &&, former as in the latter st ’active!)' the local position of th ® *j^ ot to be ^ climate and pursuits, ____ fyvor to any partiality of CoDg , ire jucxe era part of the Vmoo southern, the imported «aed^ it duty to *6 § over “£®“fgavium8l«;5^y port of Boston or ** that we would be as ni {o ^ lu nnijg^L B i^ wtih the northern pe«P for BQt to manufacturing » , v j t ht&e®*[* tion oi tfceTa us?