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J'vom licit’a II ‘ciphl P/estetlgrry Jaru 1 AMEKIC.iN treaty. So much has keen said upon the principles Oi tnc present aiiommutlatiou with America, v, ~ii n, though but now concluded, has been Ion.; s mguinciy expee'ed by the Mercantile World, that uc cone* ivc it a point of duty to •.O' 11 readers, to enter into some detail, and ex* pi :n ‘ii” points and beatings of ibis important <] ’cation. it is a natural and necessary consequence of u long war between t)>e commercial states a. i,n,ope, dial t!m- ncuti'al nations are employ < and to c arry on much of the general commerce oi ihe belligerents. From the custom of pri v-ut ring, ami maiitime captures, neitlrcr the I‘ivtieh nor English traders can sail so often as ii.l i ino of | race ; they arc compelled, there by c to transfer the greater part of their trade to the ieutral nations. The Americans in the pir.v.eu century, like the Dutch in earlier ages, * e of all nations best adapted for this carrying trade. They have almost invariably small cap itals, aivJ therelbrc arc rather suited to act as f.r'ors l'or others, titan as merchants for them tj*• i. ■>. The right of neutrals to this free gen ii.d commerce will not admit the doubt of a fTioment. But as such general right, v. hen c:t- Cici..eil by nicrch.ii,ts more intent upon their paiticulad gain, than the laws of neutrality, v\iii he sometimes extended so as to interfere With the m in ( lids oi the war, every nation has found i’ necessary to limit this general n ~;t by a certain precise code, and to ensure the observance of this code ; that is to sav, in < Cider to pievent llie supply of the cm my with Contraband of war, the principal maritime n.lions have established the right of search. This right is in fact the main hinge of the 1 ngiish niuiilimc system, and as long as our mini tiy have retained this, there can he )ii i< cause of censure in their pacific con testi MIS. The present war has been indeed distin guished by one peculiar circumstance. In no funner war lus the maritime force of England been so predominant as entirely to banish the commerce of her enemy from the face of the ocean. I his, however, lias happened in the present war. What has been tlic result? Why the In cur Ii have been compelled to carry on their trallie, through the medium of neutrals. ’) bus has it happened, that tire whole commerce of I ranee, the supply of her best colonies, and the carriage of their produce to the mother country, is in the hands of the Americans. The surface of the sea is covered with the Ameri can Hag, acting as the factors of French com merce. What is the result of this state of circum stances:— ft is summed up in a few Words.—- Tiie maritime stre\;th of England is render ed useless. She may annihilate the navies of Erui.ee, hut the French commerce has always a ready means of escaping from her power. The ncutiai ling is at hand, and hostile pro perly is secured behind this sacred cover. Let us i indicate, then, our rights, exclaim these puiilK i.ais. The neutral nations must submit i. we enter upon the contest. Should they even unite in a general league against us. we should suffer less bv their open enmity, than by their fraudulent neutrality. Better tii.it Imeiicu should be our enemy, and (ill the Atlantic with her privateers, than, under the i over of amity and neutrality, secure the commerce of France, and bailie the British navy. ‘Nothing can he so absurd as to enter into the question of abstract right, when all the world are ready to dispute it with ns. We nay compel, Rut we cannot hope to persuade the neutral nations to adopt our particular comments It is of more real, because of more particular importance, to examine the prudence of exerting this right, supposing it t > be well founded, and to be deduced by im mediate inference from the writers of public E'v - Suppose, therefore, it can he made to ap pear.- hat, granting the question of right to be mi the tide of Great Britain, no advantage viwtevcr would ensue from her exerting it— {.•.front her prohibition of the neutral me dium for the French commerce.—Suppose th it it can ho further proved, that, as to the ul timate consequences, there is no effectual dif lA.'cnce between the former and the present mode of the french colonial trade. If those a o: lions shall be clearly made out, we hope to near no more of neutral frauds, and the per nicious clamor of war in disguise. 1 is evidently beyond the power of the whole British navy to prevent the supply, uudthcsuf jticie vt supply, of the French colonies. Di rortiv, or by a circuitous importation,’these co iki. aeswill always be supplied to the full amount of their wants. Unless we can surround every ijrccU .ukl haTbour in Franco, and, following Bte example of our extravagant enemy, de ,c!:.iu a continent in blockade, and a kingdom in a state of seige—Unless we prohibit the neutral nations from trading with France in th u rfiwn inervKandilc, or in the merchandize of our colonics, the French people must be sup pbed, equally in peace and war, with sugar and Ci ‘ft c. “Suppose that we could prevent those a u lri from Ining carried di ecliv to France | i'.n her colonies, the price will then rise, and i will become a lucrative branch of commerce for neutrals to import them in their o\vn coun tries. and then re-export them to France. But our admiralty courts here come in with their xi >e distinction—“ That this mere importa ti >n and exportation, though accompanied with the re lap, ling of the cargoes, and the-payment of duties, is btu a collusive transaction, and fulls hir a legal prohibition, as a Continuation of the original voyage.” What follows then ‘ — “\Vc compel the neutrals only to have two sets of vessels —one to be employed between the French colonics and America, the other be tween America and France. Your admiralty laws cannot follow the neutrals here. There is litre clearly another voyage, another venture, and a neutral general commerce. But suppose we should absolutely prohibit this -cormnerce, upon the principle that this trade was hot open to the neutral during peace —What will be the Utility of this prohibition ? Its effects must lie one of the two following— cither the French will lie compelled to carry the produce in their own ships, or the produce must remain in the colonies. As to the first effect, the French might perhaps venture at first to freight their own vessels with their co lonial produce, hut this trade must soon cease ; the risk of capture must be so great, that nei ther merchant nor planter could afford it ; the alternative, therefore, would take place. The •produce of the French colonies must remain to rot on the plantations. The very terms on widen this alternative is necessarily expressed are such as to call down upon it the most un qualified abhorrence, it is the benign princi ple of modern warfare to direct itself as much as possible against the nation, and as little as possible against individuals. Here individuals would be effectually ruined, the mother coun try, as a nation, very inconsiderably injured, and the main end of the war not advanced one jot. This kind of war is, very happily, totally contrary to the practice of modern times, and we hope never to see the day when war shall lose its general aim, and pass into private ma lignity and individual mischief. This is not worthy of Christian nations. Thus stands the question of neutral rights, which are sual to he conceded in the American treaty. Ihe commissioners have conducted themselves with that pacific spirit which distinguishes the present administration ; they have looked rath er to the substance than the words—rather to practical consequences than abstract rights. They have conceded only so far as the most e vklent utility has justified them in such conces sions. ‘l’ lie right of search, of contraband, and of blockade, have doubtless all been preserved in their full integt ity. These, as vc have said before, are the hinges, the props of our mari time greatness, and as long as these are pre served undiminished and undisputed, all other concessions are <>l very minor importance. These points are indeed vital. IMP EIIIAL PARLIA MENT. HOUSE 0E COMMONS, JANUARY 7. TIIE NEGOCIATION. The order of the day for taking into rorsi dcration the papers presented to the house, by command of his majesty, respecting the nego tiation between tlus country and France having been read, Lord Howicx entered into a review of tire origin, progress and issue of the negociation. After expatiating at considerable length on each of these subjects, lie concluded by stating the. sentiments of Mr. Fox. It was true that the last letter written by Mr. Fox, was on the 26th of June, and that the subsequent details were carried on by others; but he knew his sentiments for the remainder of the period during which he was capable ot expressing those sentiments. He knew that he always understood that the uti possidetis was the basis offered bv tire French government; and he knew the indignation which he felt at the cavils and equivocations on that subject. On Sunday the 7th of September, the Sunday preceding his death, when there appeared to be rather a favorable turn in the negociation, anxious as that great man was for the restoration of peace, he declared that there were three objects, without the acquisition of which no peace ought to be concluded—first, the maintenance of the honor of the country ; the second, was the pre servation of our connection with Kussia; and the third, was the re-establishment of the king of Sicily- It was on these two last points that the negociation was broken off; and he solemn ly declared to the house, that this rupture was in strict conformity to the sentiments and re commendation of that illustrious statesman, w lu>, in the most severe moments of his ill ness, stated it to be the ardent wish of his mind to accomplish, before his death, two great works on which he had set his heart—the restoration of peace, and the abolition of the slave trade. Vfter’a brief recapitulation of the principal to pics of his speech, lord Howick concluded by moviug an address of thanks to his majesty. Lord Y * r mouth took a short review of the different stages of the negotiation, and vindi cated himself from tlve imputation of violating instructions which he had never received. Lord Howick stated, that the noble lord had had no instructions to insist on a written ac knowledgement of the basis, in the first in stance. As the noble lord stated, he had been* sent to carry a verbal answer, to a verbal pro position. lie was instructed to obtain, in this way, an acknowledgement of the basis, and directed not to use his full powers until the French government should return to the basis on which it set out. Mr. Montaqur could see no benefit likelv to accrue from sending a second .negotiator, after the changes in Germany, which rendered any peace that could be made, as the noble lord observed, totally insecure. Sir Thomas Turton delivered an able speech ; in the course of which he condemned the want of wisdom and piudence which mi nisters had evinced. Mr. NVhitbhkad praised the candor and firmness with which the negociation had been conducted while Mr. Fox lived; but he felt himself called upon to say, that after the death of that illustrious statesman, all had not been done which ought to have been done. r i he po litical death of Mr. Fox pioduced a cousidcra able sensation on the continent, whatever it might have done here ; and whenever anew negociator had been sent out, at that particular moment, and it was considered what persons remained in the cabinet, though he was per suaded” every one of his majesty’s ministers was sincerely desirous of peace, it was not sur prising that the French government should have supposed that some change had taken place in the sentiments of his majesty's minis ters. He thought it would have been better if, instead oi demanding his passports, on the receipt of bis note from the French plenipo tentiaries, that bad been so commented upon, lord Lauderdale had returned a moderate an swer, passing over the exceptionable parts of the note, though he could riot hut reprobate the insult offered to the dignity of the nation, in the passports having been so long withheld after they had been demanded. The terms ought to have been discussed rather than the form, at a time when the French government had so far recognised the basis of actual pos session, that there was reason to hope that they might lie brought to agree to satisfactory terms. The papers did not appear to him to justify the declaration, that rh© rwsmeiation has failed in consequence of the injustice and ambition of France. Wc were not yet arrived at that state in which peace may not lie made, and ho hoped and believed a peace might be brought about. He was convinced of the sincerity with which the king's ministers had sought for peace ; but in his mind they had mistaken the way. If lord Lauderdale had done on the 11th of Au gust, what he had done on the 18th of Septem ber, lie was of opinion that peace might have been made, and war with Prussia prevented. In one of lord Yarmouth’s conversations with Talleyrand, that minister declared, that the bit terness which was felt at the commencement of the war, had in a very great measure sub sided, and that the French government was more pacifically disposed ; and lie was glad to find, in tiie last note from that minister to lord Lauderdale, that the. French government was still ready, at any future time, to renew the ne gociation for peace. He would not recommend a resumption of the negociation at present, nor that we should sue, under any circumstances, to any government, for peace. He was willing that we should follow the example of Kussia, in stating, that wc were ready to renew the ne gociutio ion just conditions. We were-engaged in a contest that called for every sacrifice, and we were prepared to support it with the most fervent loyalty and attachment; but it was de sirable that the roads of peace should not be blocked up, nor the gates of mercy shut. He had prepared an amendment, which he pro posed to move, to the address, to this effect; but as lie had not had any communication with any gentleman on the subject, he did not know whether it would meet with any support; but if any gentleman thought with him, he would nevertheless second his motion, and, at any rate, it would he read from the chair. The honorable gentleman concluded by mov ing an amendment to the. following purport, which was to he substituted for the latter part of the address:—■“ To assure his majesty of the firm determination of that House to co-operate with his majesty in calling forth the resources of the United Kingdom, for the vigorous pro secution of the warm which this country unhap pily is still engaged ; k to express to his majes ty an earnest request, that his majesty will, in his paternal solicitude for Ins people, as far as may be consistent with the honor of his crown, and the interests of his kingdoms, afford every facility to the restoration of peace.” Mr. Canning, in a long speech, animad verted with great severity on the misconduct of ministers, particularly in not openly avow ing die intimate connection between this coun try and Kussia. As to making the French ne gotiators retract their denial of having ever ad mitted a clear basis, nothing could argue such ignorance of human nature as such an endea vour. In short, their whole efforts to negotiate only proved serviceable to France ; and, as far as they were advantageous to France, they were detrimental to England. There were several periods at which he thought the nego tiation might have been more beneficially bro ken off than at the time it was discontinued ; for example when the basis of the utipossidetis was refused to be acknowledged, or when the passports had been refused to lord Lauderdale, and so insulting an excuse offered for the re fusal and delay. As to the conduct of lord Lauderdale, he saw nothing to blame in it ; he thought there was more room to commend his forbearance, than to censure his abruptness or intemperance ; as to any expression, such as that proposed in the amendment of the honor able gentleman, he perhaps rather lamented than rejoiced at the unsuccessful termination of the negociation ; and that lx-causc the pre sent state of Europe afforded such slender hopes that any well combined effort could be made to check the career and arrest the am bition of the ruler of France. Was their any fair prospect of such an event, he would lament that any such negotiation should have succeed ed. Lord H. Pf.tty rose in reply, and principal ly attached himself to prove the existence, and the importance of the basis of actual possession, as objected to bv Mr. Canning. Mr. Perceval repeated his accusation of government for having been the dujx-s of the enemy. Alluding to one of M. Talleyrand’s letters to Mr. Fox, in which he addresses him in terms of high encomium, he said it was diffi cult to believe that the 1- reach minister was not quizzing the English one. Lord Howie x defended the memory of his illustrious friend from what he termed the ill timed scoffs of the Icsmcd gcnricrerr. T very part f the private cqrrtilponbeiice be ween .• r. lox undr.Nl. Talleyrand had Lecn uxa by his majesty. t Mr. VVhitpread’s amendmeut was then negatived without a tin ision, and the address oi’ ionn to has majesty was carried r.em. con. LONDON, January 10. The privy council, wc understand, have fi nally pronounc and upon the charges lately pre ferred against general Picton, by colonel Ful lerton, and decided that there is no real ground lor the accusation thus preferred. The casts of the girl who was put to the torture, how ever, remains to be re-argued in the court of hang’s bench. The Neriade frigate has carried into Madei ra a Spanish corvette, laden with arms, ammu nition, and officers (French and Spanish) bound to the Cat raccasj the capture of which vessel may be regarded as a fortunate circumstance. The Persian ambassador, who has arrived at Constantinople, from Persia, is, it is suit!, ti e bearer of very important political dispatches from his emperor to Napoleon, exclusive of many rich presents. An offensive and defen sive alliance, between I- 1 ance and Persia, is said to be the chief design of this embassy. Many French officers, and other emissaries, have already gone to Persia, by way of Con stantinople. The Persian and Tut Irish lan guages arc now also taught with assiduity to a number of French officers at Pails, who are destined to go on expeditions to those coun tries. An engagement of a very serious, though partial description, has. according to -letters front Danlzick of the 17th, been (ought in the neighbourhood of that place, between detach ments of the French and Prussian cavalry, the leading circumstances of which are thus stated; “ A French spy having been sent to reconnoi tre the Prussian force in the city ct Dantzick, was intercepted by a detachment of the iino Prussian corps of cavalry, raised and disciplin ed under the immediate inspection of the great Frederick, and known by the name of the “ death's head regiments,” or “ hussars of d> alh.” The Frenchman, with very little entreaty, in formed the Prussian commander of the object of his mission, which was simply to gain infor mation of the strength of the garrison of Dai.:- xick, and whether it would be prudent to march a small force to take possession of it. Some regiments of French cavalry w ere at a conve nient distance at the time, waiting for a signal how to act. The Frenchman, in obedience to the instructions of the Prussian commander, agreed to signify to the enemy, that it would be perfectly safe for a small force to advance, as the garrison was very weak. Two of the death’s head regiments, in the meantime, by a circuitous route, possessed themselves of an advantageous position, in which they were al together unobserved by the enemy. Two. re giments of French cavalry shortly afterwards advanced toward the town; on approaching which, they found that they had been deceived with respect to its military strength. A rc treat was of course immediately determined upon ; but in vain was it attempted, The brave death’s head now rushed impetuously upon them. A desperate conflict ensued, but was speedily terminated by the whole of the ene my's corps being literally cut to pieces by their spirited assailants.” The bill for abolishing the slave trade, brought into the house of lords, by lord Gren ville, enacts, that after a day, (to be fixed in the committee) it shall be unlawfu’ for any subject of this realm to fit out, man,orm via t any ship or vessel, for the purpose of can pini on the African slave trade ; or forcibly to carry away as slaves, any of the inhabitants of arv i - country, kc. not being in the posse- sign or occupation of his majesty ; or to aid and as sist in putting on board any ship or vessel, any such inhabitants, for the purpose of dealing with them as slaves. By the master of the French tugger captur ed by the LTmpei ieuse, we learn, that she sail ed in company with 200 sail of brigs, sloops, and chasse marees, with wines, brandy arid stores for the lice’at Brest, See. under convoy of a gun-brig, about 12 days since; and that du ring the passage the. convoy experienced a most dreadful gale, which, dispersed the whole convoy ; that he saw 40 sail of sloops and.rips* sc marees founder and go ashore bn the rocks, out of which there was only one man saved, whom he picked up almost exhausted; and that he had been at sea CO years, and never saw such a storm. > The arrangement is at length completed for the family of the Idle Mr. Fox ; uiider which, Mrs. Fox obtains a pension of 12201. and Miss Willoughby, his natural daughter* 3001. per. annum. Bcnapartc has proposed.to the king of Spain, to take into his service’ 25.000” French ‘troop, and a like number of Prussians, who are to be allowed from the prisoners of war to enlist into the Spanish service. M. Defaugiers, who is entrusted by Bona parte with the negociations he is earring on with Denmark, has been received by the Prince Royal with the most marked attention. Ho •has been repeatedly invited to the Prince’s tabic. From the 10th September, 1803, to the 13th November, 1 SOS, the number of Austrian, French and other troops, quarter,.! in the city of Ulm, have amounted as follows :—Generals, I, ; Staff officers, 18,11” ; Officers in - gene -’ neral, 110,272 ; Members of .Administration, 11, ; Privates, 1,11->,821. dotal number of individuals, 1>257,374—H0r5e5, 295,45-*, .