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Mil. HALL)WIN.
I loni tl. National lattlhgsr.C“r.
Our last number announced the death of
Ahuaii'.m Baldwin, .Senator item Geor
gia. Ine annals of our country have rarclv
bei'.i adorned with a character more vein ruble
ora Inc more u ltd than hi';. War brings
its animation, and creates hs own heroes; it
often rears them up to fame v itiics ii ale assis
tance from native genius ns from study, or
from moral and poii u.a! virtue.
Jt is in times el peace that r.n illustrious
name is hardest earned, and most difficult to
be secured, especially among enlightened re
public;!!)', where an equality of right unci rank
leaves nothing to the caprice of chance ; where
< very action is weighed in its proper balance,
and every man compared not oniy v.itli his
neighbor but with himscil ; his motives being
ics.cd by the uniform tendency oi lii.s mea
sures.
Mr. Baldwin was bom in Connecticut in
Novcmbi r 17.i1, and received Ids education
very eai s at the university ut Ncvv-ilavcn.
Hi was one of the best classical and mathema
tical scholars of the age in which he has lived,
lie was employed as o:te of the professors in
this eolle ,e during the grcatci part of tin: Ame
rican war—,t the close of which, he began tile
jir.cticc of law, and went to establish himself
in the state ol Georgia. He arrived at Savan
nah in tlie beginning of 1784 ; he was imme
diately admitted a counsellor at the Georgia
bar, and in thiee months afterwards he was c
lceted a member of the state legislature. Du
tiig the first session of that body after liiseloc-*
lion, he performed a service for the people of
that state, for which their posterity vviilJdcss
Jiis memory. Indeed, it lie had done nothing
for them since, this action alone, wwitld have
immortalized him there. Ho originated the
plan of the I'niver .ity of Georgia, drew up the
charter, and with infinite labor and patience,
in vatujui-.liing all sorts of prejudices and re
moving every obstruction, lie persuaded the
assembly to adopt it. This instrument endow
.l ili university with forty thousand acres of
excellent land, required it to establish one cen
tra! scat for the higher branches of education,
and a secondary i allege in every county in the
state ; till dependent on the principal semi
nary.
These lands were then uncultivated ; the
f.tato itself was new. It is only within the last
sis rears tliat the rents of the univer: ity lands
have enabled the trustees to erect the build
ings and organise the institution ; and it is al
readv in a flourishing condition. Its principal
teat is at Athens, on the Oconee river. It is
now under the direction of Josiuh Meigs, its
first President ; a man equally eminent for
mathematical and chemical science, anil legal
and classical erudition.
John .liillci'ge, late governor of the state,
and now Senator in Congress, early associated
Is labors v.itli those of his f:icrnl Baldwin in
bringing forward-this establishment. And we
understand th it the present trustees have erec
ted, within the walls of the first colleges a mar
ble monument to Baldw in, as founder of the
in..dilution, and to Milicdgc his associate.
This ii not the only instance in which we
find their names connected by monumental
acts of” public authority. MiHcdgcville is the
shire town of Baldwin county ; and is now de
clared the seat of the state government.
Mr. Baldwin had not been two years in 8
Georgia when lie was elected member of 1
Congress. This was in 1785, to take hisse.it
in 1786. From that time till the day of his
death, he vvrs, without a moment’s interims*
sion, a member ol Congress from that state,
c ither as delegate under the old constitution,
until the year 1789, representative under the
new until the year 1799, and Senator from that
time till Ills death. And the term for which
lie was last elected had still four years to run
from the Hli of .March, 1807, the day of his
decease.
There has probably been no other instance
of such a long and uninterrupted series ofcon
f: ictii'e and service among the members of
the American Congn >s. And, what is more
remarkable,on the first day that he was contin-
I tv) !iis house, in his last illness, only eight
and o s b,-tore Ids death, he told Ins friends, that
and irng his twenty-two years of public service,
tii.it day, according to his best recollection, was
t ■ r first that lie had been absent from las pub
lic duties.
Mr. Baldwin was a member of the conven
tio that ’.rained the present constitution of the
United States. This he always considered as
the greatest service that he ever performed
lor his ■country ; and his estimate is doubtless
just. 1! ’ was an active member ol’that most
illustrious and meritorious body. Their de
liberal ms were in secret; but we have good
u’liliouty for saying, that some of the essential
<■ ei , i-f the iiiv.iluaNc, and we hope ever
lasting co npact. which they presented to their
, out: v.e ve their origin and insertion to Abra
ham Baldwin.
His i.ia-w r of conducting public business
is too veil known to his fellow labourers, and
to the gtv.it ti vs of his contemporaries, to
re 71111 r any Ulus'.) at Von in tiki hasty biographi
r.,l sketch. Hr m.iv have wanted ambition
io make himself brilliant. but he never wanted
in lustre to render himself useful. His ora
tory was simple, forcible, convincing, llis
jruxiro of never asserting any flung but whr.t
|n* lw.lie.vrd to lw true, could not fail to be
II efol in i arryin'c conviction to others. P.i
tirni *>f contradiction, and tolerant to the wild
r .t rvjjitiia-js, hr could he as indulgent to the
errors of judgment in oilier men, r.s if he b 4
‘tend th.c most in need of such indulgence for ]
himself.
Dm ing the violent agitation of parties which
have disturbed the repose of public men in
this country, for the last ten years, he lias al-
Wavslx en moderate, but firm ; relaxing no
thing in his 1 t-publican principles, but retain
ing r.ll passible charity for his former friends
who may have abandoned their’s. He has lived
without repiouch,and has probably died without
an enemy.
The state of society would lie rendered much
better than it is, if the private lives of virtuous
men, could Ire as well known, as their public
lives ; that they might be kept clearly in view,
as objects of imitation. We arc creatures
of habit; and our habits arc foi med as much
by repeating after others as after ourselves.
Men, therefore, mistake a plain moral prin
ciple, when they suppose it meritorious to
conceal their good actions from the eye of the
world. On the contrary, it is apart of their
duty, to let such actions be known ; that they
may extend their benefits by a sort of repro
duction, and be multiplied by imitation.
Mr. Baldwin’s private life was full of benefi
cent and charitable deeds, w hich he was too
studious to conceal from public notice. Hav
ing never been married, he had no family of
his own ; and his constant habits of economy
and temperance, left him the means of assist
ing many young men in their education and
their establishment in business. It would per
haps be improper for us to mention particular
cases beyond his father’s family ; but in that
there was an ample field for his benevolence.
Six orphans, his half brothers and sisters, were
left to his care, by the father’s death, in the
year 1787 ; and the estate that was to support
them proved insolvent. lie paid the debts
of the estate, quit-claimed his proportion to
these children, and educated them all, in a
great measure, at his own expence. The five,
out of the six, who arc still living, are well
established in life ; and owe every thing to his
paternal affection.
His last illness was so short, and his death
so unexpected, that none of his relatives, ex
cept his brother-in-law, were able to he present
at his funeral. But it seemed as if the public
in general were his near relatives.
We have rarely witnessed more general
and genuine marks of regret, at the loss of
any of the great benefactors of our country;
particularly among the members from Geor
gia. In that state, his loss will be most deep
ly felt, though it must be very sensibly perceiv
ed in the councils of the union.
Though his funeral was two days after Con
gress dissolved, many members stayed ex
pressly tn attend it. The procession was five
miles, from Capitol-llill to Rock-Creek church,
formed by the Vice-President of the U. S. a
number of the Senators and Representatives
and the heads of departments. Chief mourn
ers, Joel Barlow, brother-in-law of the deceased,
governor Milicdgc, his colleague of the Isenute.
and Mr. Early, representative from Georgia.
His remains were deposited hv the side of lii.s
old friend, Gen. Jackson, his former colleague,
whom he had followed to the grave just one
year before. The two chaplains of congress
attended, and the funeral service was perform
ed by Mr. Sayre.
BRITISH TREATY.
Mr. S. White, Senator from Delaware, has
authorised the printer of the Baltimore Federal
g Gazette, to publish the following communicu
i t'loll on this interesting subject. The state
-1 mint ol Mr. \Y liite, is also confirmed by Mr.
Bayard:
“ He (Mr. White) did not mean to express
any opinion of his own, in relation to the Treaty,
as he had no knowledge of its contents, or whe
ther its “ conditions” were” hard”or otherwise,’
except such as had been communicated to him,
with many others, the day before, by doctor
Mitchiil ol the senate, and other gentlemen,
who had received their information personally
from Mr. JeHcrson, with permission to men
tion it generally, and which was substantially
as follow s :—That the treaty would not ren
der a call ol the senate necessary, during the
recess, as he (th - president) had determined
to send it back to England, without submittim
it to the Senate. The chief reasons he assign’
ed were, first, that it contained no stipulation
on the subject of the impressment of seamen
and, -’dly, that annexed to, and accompanying
it. was a note, which went to declare, that if the
United Sta’o s ratified the treaty, it was undei>
stood they were to unite with England in re
sisting the decree of the French emperor,
lative to neutral commerce ; or that, notwitn
statuling the treaty, his majesty was at liberty
to pursue such measures of retaliation, on that
subject, as he should deem fit and proper.”
CO MMERCI ALLY IMPORTANT.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Rotter
dam, dated January 12, 1807, to his corres
pondent in AVw- York.
** The late royal non-intercourse law with
England kail given rise to serious doubts, whe
ther or not vessels coming from .America, but
having touched at England, would be admitted
into our ports. Now we have received the assu
rance, and 1 have the pleasure to inform you,
that ships coming from your country, and
w hich, either for orders, or on account of stress
of weather, or for want of water, have been
obliged to run into an English port, will be ad
mitted as heretofore ; provided that hv their
papers tt appears that they have neither land
| ed or taken in, in England, any part of their
I cargo ; and the required certificates of the
I Dutch or French consuls must not be forgot.”
SPEECH OF LORE HOWICK,
IN TnK BRITISH HOCSK OF COMMONS. JAN. 5,
CN I Hli NrIGOCiATiON WITH FRANCE.
(Concluded from oar lali.j
At the time when his majesty’s declaration
was issued, it was bis most anxious and earnest
w ish that it should be foundetion facts ; but now
v.e are to sit clown again to that declaration.—
Af er the objections that had been made, & the
investigation that had taken place, he oict no,
know how he could state the truth more com
pletely than in the way it was stated in that
declaration, namely that the otter of the basis
of actual possession was made by the enemy,
in which offer the negotiation originated.—
When lord Yarmouth got toParis, he met with
some unexpected obstacles. M. D’Oubti;
arrived soon after. The hope which the Frcnch
government entertained of inducing him to
conclude a treaty between Russia and France,
and the circumstances which related to Sicily,
induced them to retract from their proposition.
The actual signature of the treaty by M. D’Ou
bril rendered these obsticles of still more mag
nitude. Lord Yarmouth was then placed in a
very difficult situation. lie saw no prospect
of terminating the ncgociation in peace, but by
producing his powers. lie did produce them.
.No man could doubt the sincere desire which
that noble lord felt of serving his country ; but
at the same time lie must be allowed to say,
that this act was contrary to his instructions,
and to the intentions of government. The
next step taken by his majesty’s ministers was
to send lord Lauderdale to Paris. The firs:
thing lie did, in conformity to his instructions,
was to present a note, distinctly requiring an
acknowledgement of the basis of actual pos
session ; and his orders were, should that not be
acknowledged, to quit Paris. The answer was,
if Great-Britain did not feel disposed to surren
der .certain points, France would reject the
basis—if not, she would adopt it. A most
wonderful curious circumstance was attached
to this answer. Some word had been erased
by the stroke of a pen, and the word aclofitc sub
stituted. AVtiat the erased word had been, it
was impossible to discover but as it occupied
a longer sjnicc than the word written in its room,
it might probably have been reconnait. Lord
Lauderdale again insisted on a direct and for
mal admission of the principles on which alone
lie could treat, and tliis being withheld, lie de
manded his passport. Things continued thus
until the end of August. Anew conference
was required by the French negotiators, which
proved more unsatisfactory, and lord Lauder
dale declared he must quit Paris. The intel
ligence, however, of the non-ratification of the
Russian treaty changed the tone of tfee French;
but still their terms were short of those ex
pected. Thus the negotiation went on to tin
end of September, when lord Lauderdale de
manded his passports in a more .peremptory
way, and they were granted. If his majesty’s
ministers could lx; accused of any neglect or
omission in this transaction, he should feel the
accusation most painfully ; but still it would be
deprived of much of its bitterness by the asser
tion, which even the opponents of government
have been compelled to make—that the cause
of the country was clear ; that the country was
in the right. A learned gent'em an opposite
had characterised the ncgociation as an instance
of artifice on the one side, practising on credu
lity on the other. He insinuated, thac his ma
jesty’s ministers had been dupes- This was
an assertion more easily made than proved.
How dupes? Were they dupes during the first
period ol the ncgociation? From the first offer
made by M. Talleyrand, to the 20th of April,
was there any credulity shewn in that period?
In the continued refusal of Mr. l'cx to listen to
any terms of negotiation in which Russia was
not included, was there any thing to shew that
he was for one moment duped ? Nor was there
any tiling in the transactions from the 20th of
April to .he 30th of August, which deserved
this insinuation. “ But,” tlie learned gentle
man might say, “after the 30th of August, the
offers of the French were false and insincere,
and ought not to have been listened to.” And
yet, if his majesty’s ministers had at that time
entertained the opinion, of the truth ol which
experience had convinced the learned gentle
man, how could they have acted otherwise ? If
au enemy offers terms of peace, and exhibits a
conciliatory disposition, the minister who would
subject himself to the reproaches of all Europe,
and, what was of more consequence, Fa those
of his own country—he would fail in his duty.
AA hen France first manifested a conciliatory
temper, it was impossible to adopt any course
> but to endeavor to ascertain the sincerity of that
<fcanitestcition. No delay had taken place in
ts attempt but what arose from a few days
indisposition of lord Lauderdale, and from the
evasions and almost refusal of the French <*o-
O
vernment to grant him passports. It had been
said, that the protraction of the ncgociation had
prevented the British govern mem from giving
the necessary aid to Prussia. .No opportunity
of doing so would have been Inst, had not Prus
sia, by the fatuity of her own councils, rendered
it impossible to assist her. The good faith of
the country had been most completely upheld
by our refusal to negotiate without Russia ;
and when Russia had sent her minister to Pa
ris. we negotiated separately in form, but in
substance in concert. On the signature of M.
D’Oubril’s treaty, Great-Britain became releas
ed from its engagements; but when that treaty
was disclaimed l>y Russia, the two courts wcr<
replaced on their former footing, and lord Lau
derdale had instructions to conclude.!:* treaty
in which the interest of Russia was not scrupu
lously attended to. Did the gentleman oppo
si'e feel dissatisfied with the terms proposed
by the British government ? The terms were,
the statd of actual possession; that is, that *ve
should keep every tiling tn..t we then hcid. ex
cept something equivalent to it should be ine i
to us in exchange. This was a basis pauiou
larly applicable to the siiuatici of both count! its.
France was powerful on tlie continent—l irt-ai-
B: itain at sea. .Neither nation had the pros
pect of making any considerable impression on
the other. It was a principle of equality to
hold Sicily for our allies; to maintain good
faith with Naples; to recover Hanover winch,
as it was unjustiv seized, it would have been
dishonorable to abar.de..l ; to maintain the intc
giity of Sweden anil Portugal. These were
general prop; sid.i.ni, from which we never ma
terially receded, it must be recollected, that
the value of concessions for peace increased,
when that peace appeared to be precarious. .
There never was, at any peiiod of the negoti
ation, the power of obtaining terms such as
could have been acceded to. Previous to lord
Yarmouth’s arrival from France, no particular
terms had been specified—then came the terms
of the uti Jiosxidcii .. But from this the French
government immediately receded, both with
respect to Sicily and other objects. .Nothing,
however, was distinctly stated until after the
signature of D’Oubril’s treaty. At that time,
lord Yarmouth stated, that Hanover, the Cape,
Mr-ha,and India, remained pure and untouched.
Soon, however, this rejection of the basis ope
rated with a vengeance. The French negoci
ator declared that his master would not surren
der l-’ondicheriy, Surinam, Tobago, Goree,
Bcrbicc Essequibo, Sic. Malta too was to bo
subject to the payment of certain pensions, kc. ;
the British garrison to be Emitted in force.
Besides, the tenure of M. Ita would have be
come quite insecure from the loss of Sicitlr, on
which that island depends for its provisions.
For Hanover, it was proposed by the French
to take the principality of Iloya. The Capo
was to become a free port; that is, England was
to pay the cxpcnccs of t'nc establishment, and
other nations to derive the advantages of it.—-
Independently therefore of the violation of fai-h,
these were terms which Great-Britain could
not accept. She could not agree to abandon
Russia and Sicily. The equivalent for Sicily
was to be given to Sicily. The king of Siciiy
was to have been dethroned, and Great-Britain
to provide for his subsistence. Could any man
with a heart, and with feeling truly English,
say that these were terms to v. hich his majes-
ministers could have listened? On the 4th
Sept, after the information of the non-raliii*
cation of die Russian treaty had reached Paris,
a great change took place, and they were de
posed to go much further. They were willing
to give up Hanover without deduction, Malta
without restriction; the absolute sovereignty of
the Cape to Britain, Pondicherry, Chondeina
gore, Tobago, Sic. These were better teims,
hut they were far from the original basis.—.
Yet such as they were, they were to he at tire
price of abandoning Russia and Sicilv. Ilad
they, however, been infinitely more advanta
geous, at such upi ice they ought not to have
been purchased—and at what time too were
they offered ? Not until the French emperor
had left Paris, to take the command of his ar
mies, then on their march against Prussia
His (lord Ho wick’s) opinion of the Russian
connexion was, that ii a hope remained of re
trieving the affairs of Europe, it rested on an
intimate understanding between Great-Britain
k Russia. By every tie,both ofgood faith and of
interest, v.e were bound strictly to adhere to
our engagements with that power; and with
regard to Sicily, when it was recollected how the
king of Sicily had been brought into the pre
sent war, it was evident that ivc were bound to
defend it for him, unless he could obtain some
fair equivalent. With regard 10 Dalmatia,
considering it even us a Russian object, hud
Russia no right to expect any thing from
France ut the conclusion of a peace, in return
for her acknowiedegment of the imperial title;
for her consent to the occupation of Naples and
of Holland? She had a right to demand the
evacuation of Dalmatia ; besides, Russia was
in possession of tlie strong fortress of Cattaio,
on the borders ol Dalmatia, from which France,
with all her power, could not dispel her. But
Dalmatia was not alone a Russian object—it
was a British object, lxt the situation of Dal
matia be considered—it was not in contact with
France—it was an advanced position which af
forded the French means of communication,
with the discontented bashaws of Turkey, and
subsequently of attacking India. It also, by-
Hanking Hungary, became dangerous to the
German powers. It was U position more for
midable even in peace th nip. war—and in eve
ry point of view it was important to Russia—-
it was important to England—it was import
tail to E.uropc that Dalmatia should
main in possession of the French. Some
might contend that the British government
ought not to have rejected the terms offered,
because it would be diificuit to procure better.
To that he would answer, that they were re
jected becaitiw it would have been dishonora
ble to have accepted them. Insufficient as
they were, they become more so, when it was.
considered that they v.\re not offered until
Bonaparte lmd left Paris; and therefore that
thi-v had not produced the effect without which
a peace on our part was scarcely desitablc, of
diffusing peace over Europe. For, he won id
ask, would our acceptance of the offered ion it,
have stopped the operations of the French rp -
riles ? Could atiy assurance of Talleyrand’s,
on .that head, have been set:.,?, c'ovy ? The.
principal inducement held out to M. D’Oubril,
to sign his precipitate treaty, was, that t'qe
: changes in Germany might I e prevented. Ih t
’ his signature was scarcely dry before tl-.e Rhe
nish confederacy took place. There \ver*x
two results to be expected from the war be
- France and Prussia. Either that Prm.
, sia would be successful, or that, she v< uid U,