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TOUR TO THE PACIFIC OC EAN. City rs M’u thin “ton, March ‘4. TI “ in;: been inform'd that there were sevc r.i unauthorised, and probably some spurious publiem - • now prcpai hi!} for die press, on t he st’ > i i.t ( f iny late tour to the l*s.< if.'; Occur ; iii<*ri ufoah entirely enk* own *o me, I have lui.i.idercd it a duty which I owe to the public, ‘.veil as myself, to put tfo'in on their ,yiard uitli i • spiel to sorb piibli<xitionv, hist, Iroui I t ie practice of such in:pos;tioi , they may t;e j tali',lit to depreciate the ■ rth o! die v .. i ■which I am, myself, prepa,fog for publication Lelnra it can possibly appear ; as mr.’ h time, labour, and expense, at - absolutely uc'..ess,tn, m order to do justice toseveral j vets which it will embrace. With a v.ou therefore to prevent the practice of those do options, the public are infori: td, that the list for subscrip tions, which have been pi oruuigaled by my seaf, are held with the subjoined Prospectus, and, that those who wi ,h"to possess the • y inl ine work, may obtain it by cntr.i mg ilicir names on those lists. The Prospectus will serve “to shew the distribution and contents of the work. The map will most probably so pubiifud | by tin; latter < nil of October tie::*, and the liir.t j volume of the wok, about the. first of .7 amtary, I 1808. The two . mailing volumes wiil folio'.; in succession us e.-.rly us they tan possibly be prepared for publu-alio;:. As early as a jmt esrimu'e oi the price of the several pails of this work cun be formed, public notice will be when ofti v same, *hrough uic medium of the pre r . To Robert I . v.icr only, lias permission been given, eitlicr by Gem. William Clark, or myself, to publish any thing in relation to our late voyage. V/he.i the proposals were first drawn in October last, for the publication of the journal of that man, they v. ere submitted to me for correction. J then expunged the promise which fail be * n made, that the work should contain information in relation to the natural history of ihc country through which we had passed, and cautioned tie persons con cerned in the publication, net to promise the world any thin;,’ with which they had not the means of complying; hut as the hope of pain seems to have out-stripped their good faith, to the public, in this respect, 1 think if my duty to declare that Robert Frasier, who was only a private on this c::|:dition, is entirely unac quainted with celestial observations, mineral fogy, botany, zoology, ami ther-tore cannot possibly give any accurate inforinuUim on those subjects, nor on that of geography, and that the whole which can be c*prri 1 hum his journal is merely a limited it, mil of our daily transactions. Willi respect to all iin.aithor ised publications relative to this \oyge, 1 pre sume, that they cannot have strain,cr pie ten sions to accuracy or inforinatiou tiiaii tluv. of Robert Frazier. MERIYVETHER IF.'VIS. PROSPECTUS OF LEWIS AND CLARK’S TOIJR TO THE EACIFIC OCEAN, Tliroiigb the Interior .l tlia Contineiu o'. North Ame rica, get formed by oril-'t el th “ .;ov* iv.x. lit of the United States, duriln; the yuan ISOt', 130 b, aim i 800*. This work will he prepared by cant. Meri wether Lewis, and will bo divii led into two j pains, the w hole comprised in three volumes, octavo, containing from lour to five hundred pages, each ; printed on good paper, ami a iair }>icu Tvpc. The several volumes in succes sion will be put to press at r.s early periods as the avocaiious of the author will permit him to prepare them lor pulikrati I'lH l THE HIIS’1 —IN TW O VOl.VV.r.s. r • /£n —\Y II ■■ nt tin ani ’tativeefthc voyage, with a description of .-.omc ol the most remarkable plac.< ; in those hitherto 1 nknowa win's of Amcrie.r, accompanied! y a map <1 good size, and embellished with a view of the great Cataract of the ‘.lis.souri ;tc plan, on a large st ale, of the coinic. tiili. il f ihrt river, ns also of those of tit-, tails, nam vami git.., rapids of the t’c liunbia, w nil thcii - w;.nl por tages. For the informal! ui 1 future voia .vCr there will lie ai!do\, in the sequel of tie volume, some observations and remarks on the navigation of the Mi ..suv.ri und f fimifiir ii\. r*. pointing out tin pri cautions wfii !: l lust net r jianlv be taken, in order to instr.e success, io crCther with an itinerary of the. most direct and practicable route across the continent of .Ninth America, from the coailuence oi the Missouri :uul Mississippi rivers to the discharge of the Columbia into the Racine Ocean. ; .'itmc treottd —Whatever properly apper tains to geography, embracing a description of the rivers, mountains, climate, soil, ami face ol the country ; a view of the Indian nations dis tributed over that, vast region, shewing their truth'tens, habits, manners, customs, national , har.u'tci s, stature, coir.plexitis, ilrcss, dwei lines, arms, and domestic nteuails, with many other interesting particular;, in relation to them : also, observations and reflections, on the subjects of civilizing, governing, and main taining a friendly intercourse with those na tions. A vii vv oi the lur t r uticot North Ame rica, setting I'nth a pian (or its extension, and site vein-a* the immense advantages which would* ccerne to the mercantile in Crests ot iLe Unit ed ates, liv combining the same with a direct I Hade to the Fast ludii s, through the continent of North America. This vohu ic will be tm belS died widi a number of plates, illustrative pi he dre-c and general apjk .irtmee of such fntlian nations as differ materially from each other , -J the!; habitations, their weapons -x-T habiliments used in war; their bunting and fishing rppqratus; domestic utensils, for. In an appendix there will also be given a diary of the weather, kept with great attention through out the \. (..>!■• of the voyage, shewing also the daily l i e and fall of the principal water-cour se*, which were navigated in the course of the sunic. y • TIT THK KZCOyn—IS OVX va:,u?iE. ’j i’A part of the work will be confined cx h: i .cly to scicniifi ; research, and principally to tia natural iiistoyv of those hitherto unknown region':, n will contain a full dissertation on such subjects a-; lute fallen within the notice of the author, art! vvbiT.t mr.y properly be dis tiibuted undid the heads ol Ixitany. mineralo gy and zoolof , v, to'a'< tlvorwith some strictures on tin: oi .an nf I’n nies, t,ic cause ot the mud dir.t sos the Missouri, of volcanic appearances, and other natural pi; s onvena which were met with in the course of this intei sting tom;. This .ohmin v.'.1l also contain a comparative vice, o'” twenty-throe vocabularies of distinct indie.i languages, procured by captains Lewis and L. lari; on Übe voyage, and v ill lie orna mented and embellished with a much greater iiumbt i of [dates than will lie bestow ed on tie first p: ft of tliw work, us it is intend. ;d tliat eve ry subject of natural history which is until cly le w, and of wluch there are a considerable mini! or, >h;.ll lv ; accompanied by an appropri ate engraving illustrative of it. This distribution of the work lias been made with a ‘dev. to, tie accommodation of every d< .c.riptkn u r readers, and inhere offered to the patronage of the public in such shape, that all persons ‘.vis!ling to become subscriber* may accoiTUTOda’ themselves v.ith either of the paits, or the cntiiv work, as it shall be most convenient to themselves. Detached from this work there will be pub lished on a large scale, as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers be obtained to defray tin; ex pc nee, LEWIS A CLARK’ MAP OF NORTH AMERICA, From longitude nine dtg. weft, to the Pacific Ocnak> mid between :5G deg. and dl! north latitude, Embracing all tlrric late discoveries, and that part of the continent heretofore the least known. This map will be compiled from the best maps now extant, as well published us in manuscript, from the collective information of the best in formed traveller ; through the various portions of that region, and corrected by a series of se veral hundred celestial observations, made by captaih Lewis, during his late tour. For the convenience of subscribers, these several works will be delivered at the most rcsp, c'able commercial tow us, and at the scats of government of the respective states and ter ritories within the union. No advance is re quired, nor vi ill payment be demanded until siic.li delivery is made. Knur iny; that a very considerable proportion of the expc.nee of such p.iWi/xutions depends on the engravings vhicYi embellish or form them, and that the precise number of such en gravings, particularly a. it regards the second pu;\ of the work, have not yet been settled, it is ditc'-Ailt for the author at this moment to fix a pili. on them ; he therefore declares to the pul'li . that bis late voyage was not undertak en with a view to pecuniary advantages, and pledges himself, tlmt the estimate which he will, in this instance, set on his literary labors, skull be if tiic most modi rate description. His principal reason, iudji 1, for proposing a sub-, seriplion at all. is, tint': he may be enabled to fnrr i ome estimate of tie number of copies to be struck off. ; ■ J'.if of Pullti’ Prill's in the United Stuii •, dhji’Md io aid the JiubiUv ‘ton of this ■u’or.'N art- rctjuet\ :l to .pie;.’ ti e foregoing a j LXI . i'tlitl I'lidis, - i .Ttem— ■— LITERA RY ENTE RFRI-’H. A literary genfem .n, la* 1 arrived in X;. fork k'i’.i l'.ngsau'.l, iur.ushes the following inforination ; “ Du the sixtren.b day of June, 179 ft, one hundred young sei-ntific* ;>;c*n.tlemen, who had just then fui’shcd tf.eir educuiion in the col leg. . ol England and Scotland, met, by ap- P'ointmi nt,Yarmouth, where, they resolv ed, inv.a the strictest injunction oi secrecy, “that each of them sh ni!d, it; m dev to obtain correct mformalura ol the world, and ol the customs, maimers and dispt -itions • i inaitkind, quit their native island, and reside tor ten years, succrs- MVc'y, ‘;i different lorcigti covntries, particu larly specified; .aid that they should, on the first dry of September, ! 307,‘again meet toge ther in London, for the purpose of reading over their difierent journals, and of preparing the amt for public;, km;’ This strange reso i'Hhm v:p .'.dually put in practice; and, on the first id January, ISuT, it vias known to some scientific men in London, that thirteen of the young adventurers hail died, and that the ienuiinir.g eighty-seven would certainly meet next summer, accorciir.g to agreement. It was said, that one of tliose adventurers had i mstant 1\ resided in the city of New-York, where he is said to have collected a most v aluable mass of inforination.” Married, lately, in the district of Maine, Mr. Sou >l. s>< mi i , to Miss Salkx Paixe. Two lovers pierc’d by t'eriu's dart, Long ligh’d for linns'* chain ; Fhe kindly w idl'd to have his Smart, And he to have her Paine. A Pr;cft they call’d, (nor call’d in vain) Hi* biclliag to impart, He loon give longirg Samuel Fai.ni, And made load Sally Smart. BURR’S CONSPIRACY. FROM TIIF. VATIONVL INTF.M.TGEXCIR. (Continued from our daft.) But amidst these proud trophies of a govern ment, whose best praise is its competency to guard the public liberty anil general happiness, we are called upon to notice some circum stances of peculiar delicacy and even difficulty. The mi itary power at Nev.-Orleans has as sumed the exercise of authority, vested by our constitution and keys in the civil depart ments of the government, and has thus sus pended for a time the enjoyment of some of the and -arcs', privileges of the citizen However strong the necessity that may have dictated them measurer,, there is t o mint in this coun try, friendly to our political institutions, that mu and not sincere!} deprecate their occurrence. i lie subordination of the military to the civil power rs one of the most necessary preserva tive; of freedom. There can be no principle of greater value. i hat the invasion of a principle thus sacrecl —a principle for which we recently put our peace, our properly and our lives at issue— should awah.cn an extraordinary sensibility, is not surprising, p, would, on the contrary, have been surprising, if events so rate and in teresting had not. comiiundeil a general and so lemn attention. We rejoice that this sensibility and this at tention have been excited. Regardless ol the auspices under vvluch the one - ; s attempted to be kindla! into furv- and .he other challenged, to the exclusion of all otic :’ subjects by a zeal whose vc!k na nce lctravs great art or little oc llcctio.g the friends of the governmvit ought to be. and we believe wiLlbe, among the fore most to give ties subject the rulifst and freest investigation. They will not pursue the enqui ry in that spiri: which has characterised most of those animadversion-, recently presented to the public—they w ill not make use of it as a striking horse, to gain the confidence of the people—they mi! not seas’ upon it as the last forlorn hope of turning tht tide of public opini on against those who have heretofore possess ed the confidence of tire nation—they will not torture truth so as to effect the basest political or personal objects—ihci v. ill not, before they have made am examination, pn-determine to destroy this man or that man. Unused to the use of such means, they will leave them ex clusively, as they heretofore have done, to their adversaries, and confine themselves to the single enquiry, how far t! events at New-Or leans arc justified by actual circumstances. The first suggestion which presents itself to the unprejudiced enquirer, after truth, is, that any decided judgment, at the present time, is premature. I’e.v events, which have occur red in this country, are clouded in so much uncertainty, as those on which we are thus called to pronounce. Tlv; virtue of the com mander in chief, is itself loudly impeached. Whether there in any truth in tire Imputations thrown on his fame, we pretend not to say; They may lie true; but however clearly thi; may be eventually established, it is net less certain, that there is at present before the pub lic, no information, on which an honest ani unprejudiced min 1 would feel it .elf at liberty to decide. If any judgment were given, it would be that of acquittal and not conviction, according to the, invariable feelings of every honest mind, that an individual ought to he considered innocent until proof is adduced of lus guilt. Equally obscure is the information we have heretofore received of the degree of danger existing or apprehending at New-Or leans. Nor are we better enlightened with regard to the number or power of Burr’s con federates at that place. Under these circum stances, it is the duty of a man, (not rash to madness, or prejudiced beyond conviction,) to hesitate before he definitely declares Gen. Wil kinson un justified in the strong measures he has taken. For ourselves, we should practice what we inculcate on others, and refrain from all far ther discussion of a topic, so difficult of treat ment at the present moment, were it not for the unjust attempts which are so industriously made to throw odium on the conduct of the conr niaiulbr in chief, and to use this as the means of virtually injuring the government. When, however, the federalists are in arms, from cue end of the union to die other, and. are using these events as the means of once more ral lying their forces and arraying them against those now in power; when their denunciations arc mingled with those of a still louder note, emitted by the voice of treason ; when, too, cf the republicans of the nation, some from impure and others from honest motives, are induced to increase the clamor—it certainly becomes the duty of the friend of truth and cf his country, to give the subject as full an examination as the circumstances already referred to admit. Had he been permitted to take his own course, he would have remained silent. Attacked by an avowed enemy, resistance becomes a duty —enforced by principles of all others the strongest—the principles of self-defence. The first point that presents itself for exa mination on this subject is, whether their can exist any situation in which an invasion of civil rights by military authority is justifiable. It may be confidently affirmed that there are. It is true, that the general theory of our instituti ons, no less than their positive injunctions, pla ces the civil above the military power. It may likewise be demonstrated that this is essential to the maintenance of republican princioles. u without it freedom cannot exist; but although this proposition be allowed in Us utmost latitude, it is notwithstanding a gloomy fact that emer gencies will too often occur, in which the sal vation of the country, or at any rate some of the most invaluable blessings enjoyed bv it, will depend upon flie instantaneous application offeree ; in which the imminence of the dan ger v ill require immediate and vigorous exer tions. If tins danger presents itself at a point where the armed force may be stationed, re mot ■ from the sea: of government, it will ine vitable follow, that a good officer, who clearly perceives the approaching danger will consider it his duty to exert all the means to repel it ; nor will any man hesitate under such circum stances. According to their nature, he will ob serve or violate the instructions he may have received, as well as the existing laws or consti tution of his country, w here the necessity is great and commanding. These, however sa crcdly he may hold them in common times, will be r.o limitations on the exercise of his power; he will do what he deems right, and stake his life, his liberty and fame on the issue. It has been wi 11 said that necessity knows r.o law; and •although this be called the plea of tyrants, it mav still be, as it often has been, the best justi fica.icn of freemen. For its v erification we appeal to the annals of the revolution, which, if they illustrate any one thing emphatically above another, illustrate the necessity, in times of danger, of transcending the regular limits of law. There is one consideration on this head that merits some attention, as arising from the ; e culiar nature of our institutions. It is, that just in proportion to the approximations ofa govern ment to the greatest state of freedom, will be the occasional necessity in periods of uncom mon danger, for some of the public function aries to adopt measures that will in some mea sure violate the established constitution or laws. In despotic governments, where all power, civil as well as military, is in the hands of one. man, it is obvious that no occasion can present itseif in which the despot can tran scend his powers : and the same remark will applv with proportionate strength to ibe mon archies and aristocracies of Europe, according to the several degrees of similitude they hear to a despotic government. It is to be remark ed, that in almost all of them the military pow er is, without limitation, placed in the hands of the civil executive. Collisions between these two departments of power can therefore rare ly happen; whereas, under a free government, which principally consists in the limitation and distribution of different species of power among the several distinct and co-ordinate depart ments, they may naturally, and will sometimes necessarily take place. Hence we may expect, ;f exposed to equal dangers with the European v, oriel, that these interferences of or.e depart ment with are -her, these usurpations of autho rity, these violations of the constitution, will more frequently fall to our lot than to that of nations less free. It may be well on this subject however to descend from general reasoning to particular cases, which will perhaps more conclusively shew the duty ot the jmblic officer in several cases to violate the constitution of his country* to act without law, and in some instances, even contrary to Jaw ; for this is in fact the true view of the subject. It is not so much a casa between the military and civil power, as be tween tire former and the constitution and laws of the country. The civil power is in deed no otherwise entitled to respect than, as being the established constitutional organ for carrying'these into effect. So long as the mi litary, or any other species of power, aids it in executing them, the act is meritorious. It is only when it opposes itself to rights or bene fits guaranteed by the constitution or laws, that j it becomes reprehensible. Let us then suppose a case, which indeed federalists have not many years since sounded in our ears, not merely as possible, but as pro bable—the case of a sudden anil alarming in vasion by a foreign enemy. Among the wise instruments cf defence, devised by republican policy, is au overflowing treasury. With five millions at the disposal of the government, without any particular objects calling for its disbursement, it lias been justly believed, that wc would {lie enabled, on any emergency, to present a bold front to the enemy. Let it, however, be recollected, that this sum remains entirely unappropriated to any particular ob ject. Suppose, then, the invading army to be on our shores, and the loudest call consequent ly made upon the federal government, to pio tect tlie country from desoiatton. The consti tution makes it the duty of the President to de fend the country, and vests him with full autho rity, in the very case referred to. This, how ever, could not be done to any effect, w ithout money ; and in such a case as this, without a, very large sum of money. On this point tho constitution holds a different language, ft exs prcssly prohibits the expenditure of a single dollar, unless previously appropriated by law. Suppose Congress not to be in session. ‘ The invading enemy surely could not be expected to wait until they should be regularly conven ed, to crdl cut the national strength.’ What would the President do in the mean time ? Wcrud he permit she enemy to advance, will;- out an effort to check them i Would he bid the good people of the United States to foil back at 1 bell-approach, when he had the means within his reach, to arrest, if not destroy them f V oli and be wait til! the tardy forms oi’ legisla tion should have legalised to his use, the mil. linns in the exchequer ? No—instead of this, if lie did his duty, he would take them with out a scruple, and expend them in embodying, and furnishing a competent force to defend that country . Not doing this, however unconstitu tional and illegal, he would not do his duty. He would omit doing that for which he ought to be, ar.d would be impeached, and ejected from office, amidst the frowns and indigna, lion of an incensed nation. Here then is a clear, decisive, indisputable instance, in which the Force ol necessity rejects all fe.Lnjut, and