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BRITISH MINISTRY.
[ln the Times ol Monday andTues
d i\, ( -ic our paper of ‘I utsdity and
Thursday, last week) we published tlie
speech ol Lord iiowick, in the British
house of commons, d< tailing the caus
es u hich led to the change of ministry.
As there was no member ol the new
administration present, there was no
counter statenu nt given in that house.
lii the house of lords, the same even
ing, lord Grenville gaie a similar nar
rative to that of lord liowick, together
with a brief discussion ol the merits ol
the subjec t. Lord Sidmeuth followed
with further explanations. Lord
Hawkcsbury, now secretary of state,
then rose, and in the follow ing Speech
corrected the statements of lord Gren
ville and lord Sidmonth.]
Lord Hawkesbub y was fully sen
sible of the delicacy of the que.V.ion be
fore tin hom e ; he felt the delicacy of
the discussion when a question was at
issue between a subject and his sove
reign. It was not tor him to decide
wild her or not this discussion could
have been avoided. Much had been
said by the noble baron and the noble
viscount, of the publications that lad
taken place on this subject. Os these
he knew nothing, and lilt: s much ri -
gret as any person, that such state
ments should have found their way to
the public. Bui he must observe, that
previous to his having any knowledge
of the transaction, there had been ma
ny rumours in circulation, directly
contrary to the fact, and proved to be
so by the stamp of the noble baronet
himself, which had proceeded, no
doubt, from individuals not connected
with his majesty’s government. Un
der these ‘circumstances, he had tho’t
it his duty to request the permission
of his sovereign, after notice of the
noble baron’s intention had been given,
to communicate the whole circumstan
ces of the case to his friends, in order,
that if tlii:. <Udcu*shm should m fortu
nately coiue on, they might be pre
pared to meet it, and to state, on the
part of his majesty, w hat were those
principles, boih with regard to the
honor of the crown ancl the interests
of die empire, that had inducid him to
adopt the course w hich lie had taken.
The catholic subject was not anew one.
It had often been under consideration,
and had about two \ ours since, after
the most ample discussion in both
houses of parliament, been decided
upon by the largest majorities ever
known, considering the character and
t dents of the persons w ho had brought
it forward. The noble baron had stal
ed what would be the effect of the
measure, both as to its immediate re
sult, and with reference to its fuuire
consequences ; but he should beg
leave to state wMiat had been the feel
ings of that illustrious person (Mr. Pitt)
w.iose virtues, character, and unrival
ed abilities, were universally admired,
beloved, and revered, but who unfor
tunately was then no more, upon this
subject. When that distinguished
person had come last into office, tho’
lie had before withdrawn from his
public situation in consequence of this
measure, yet knowing the honest, con
scientious principles that prevailed
against it—prim iples which ought to
be upheld in any quarter, but still more
in that exalted quarter in which they
existed, he hail not in consequence of
any pledge demanded of him, but vo
luntarily engaged not to bring forward
the question. He stated this as a fact
known to himself, and not as a re
proach to the noble baron; he stated
merely what had been the opinion and
feeling upon this subject of so high an
authority, for which the noble baron
must entertain as high a respect as him
self. lie had less difficulty in stating
this, because he had always differed
from his right hon. friend upon this
question, which he had always esti
mated on its merits. He agreed cn
tirelv with the noble viscount, that if
the policy pursued should not be stea
dv on this head, they would continu
ally be fomenting troubles and discon
tents. Whilst he was ready to admit
that no ordinary law should be un
changeable, there were fundi men
tal laws which ought not to be altered,
except upon the most pressing neces
sity. The right of petition, the trial
by jury, and the independence of the
judges, were fundamental principles
of the constitution, and a protestant
government and establishments were
equally so. The same changes that
might be wise with respe ct to othei
laws, w ere not to be applied to funda
mental laws. They might alter the
constitution of the army, the'establish
ment of the navy, the regulations ol
the revenue, or, as they were at that
time in the course of doing, the ad
ministration ot justice ; but it any such
change were to be carried into effect
with respect to the national establish
ment, it would overthrow the consti
tution. This doctrine might he term
eel bigotry ; but he would prefer to
any ne w lights, the bigotry of 1658,
which had effected the revolution, and
established the liberties of this country
oil the most solid foundation. Before
he should comment upon what had
been stated by the noble baron, he
begged to say a few words upon the
subject of the particular measures that
have led to the present circumstances.
He could not conceive any piactical
good that would result from it. lie
had differed with the noble lords op
posite on the Catholic claims, and on
that subject’ lie could understand
their arguments, but it was otherwise
with respect to this measure. Had
they any reason to think that this mea
sure w ould have satisfied the Catholics,
or, that having obtained this, they
would not equally desire any’ thing
else ? This measure was to give them
the sword, but to re fuse them every
thing beside; and yet he led never
conversed with ar.y person upon the
subject, who would not rather grant
to the Catholics what his majesty’s
ministe rs by this measure refused them
and refuse w hat they granted. He was
adverse to the measure, because it
would grant what was dangerous to
give, and was not calculated to give
satisfaction or to produce content.
He came next to consider the misun
derstanding that had taken place upon
the subject. In observing upon this
part of the statements of the noble
baron, and in supplying some particu
lars which had bee n omitted by him,
he eliel not feel any inclination to de
tract from the credit due to the noble
baron’s statement, or to give a partial
colour to the case. If he should be
guilty of any inaccuracy, the noble
baron would, lie trusted, correct him ;
and in the observations which he pro
posed to make, he was actuated by a
desire of promoting the honor of the
crown, the dignity of the king, and,
with re ference to the mselve s, of dis
charging a most scrupulous duty.
The noble baron had accurately sta
ted, that the measure had originated
in the dispatch from the Irish govern
ment. This dispatch had bee n laid
before his majesty, and upon an atten
tive perusal of the contents of that dis
patch, he was of the opinion of his no
ble friend, that all that was desired in
the dispatch was the extension of the
provisions of the Irish act generally.
This was the impression upon his mind
on reading the dispatch, anel the same
impression seems to have been felt In-
Mr. Elliott, who, when asked by the
Catholic deputies, whether the mea
sure was to remove the limitations of
the Irish act, declined an explicit an
swer, till he should refer the question
to the British government. His ma
jesty had, in the first instance, unequi
vocally anel strongly- declared his dis
approbation of the measure. In con
sequence of this disapprobation, a long
cabinet minute had been laid before his
majestv, detailing, in an able manner,
the reasons for the adoption of the
measure, with a view to induce him to
retract his objection, and to consent to
a measure of a limited nature. It was
impossible, therefore, that either the
noble viscount, or the noble anel learn
ed lord, could have supposed that the
measuii- was to go farther than to
make tlie provisions of the Irish act
generali A doubt might indeed have
been fejt, and he had entertained that
feeling,j whether the measure was on
ly to .include Irish Catholics, or the
Catholh s,cf the empire. But upon a
more aljLci.tive perusal of the minute,
he was convinc< and that it had been pro
posed :o extend the pioe isiors c. the
measur e to the- Catholics of the em
pire. lie stated this to prove, that by
eve ry i rgument w hich had been used
to obtain lus majesty’s consent to the
measure, it was clear the bill proposed
was oi J' : to e xtend the pro\ isions of the
Irish biff. llis majesty was assured,
that it i tas only the same measure to
w hich e 1 ad consented in 1793, and
that tL*. present measure was only in
ter.dedUo carry into effect that act ac
cording to the principle upon w hich it
had been enacted. That prine ipic had
been to give the Catholics the privi
lege of holding certain commissions in
the army-, at the same time reserving
others; and if the principle of the act
of 1793, w ere to have been the princi
ple of the proposed measure, lie eon
teneled that the rise rvations formed as
much a part of that principle, as the
admission to certain commissions.
This opinion lie felt mote strongly,
from the manner in which the mea
sure had been brought forward, so dif
ferent from that which had been first
! proposed. It had been at first intend
-1 ed to carry the principle into effect, by
the introduction of clauses for that
j! purpose ; but when it was determined
[on to carry the measure farther than
ii was at first proposed, it was found that
jj a clause in the mutiny” bill could not
l make that law general, which had been
| before limited, and therefore a sepe rate
bill had be en thought necessary. The
result of ali he had stated w as, that no
prohibit ion could be clearer than that
the lirst object was only” to make the
i Irish act of 1793 the general law of the
empire. How the misapprehension
arose upon the subject it was not for
him to decide, and certainly he would
be the last mania such a case to assert
or suspect that the misapprehension
was w ilful on either siele. He had,
however, authority to state, that on the
3el of March a communication had
been made to his majesty on the sub
ject, and on the 4fh, loiel liowick had
an audience of his majesty-, at the
queen’s.palace. At this inten iew, his
majesty had stated his objections to
the measure, but he was ready- to ad
mit that the noble lord had felt convin
ced in his own mind, that nothing-had
fallen from the august personage dur
ing his auelience of him, that preclu
ded him from opening the measures as
he had done to parliament. W hen,
however, the misapprehension that haei
taken place, hail been more explicitly
staled, tlie noble baron, and the noble
viscount, and the other members of
the cabinet, had considered the sub
ject in a long consultation, to ascertain
vvnether the biff could be modified, so
as to answer the purpose for w hich it
hitd been intended, the result of which
was, that they thought it better to drop
the bill altogether, w ith some reserva
tions, of which he proposed to take
some notice before he should sit down.
In withdrawing the bill, it appeared
that they had made two reserves ; lirst,
that they should be at liberty to de
| clnre their opinions on the general po
lh y of the measure, as well on the
w ithdrawing the bill, as on the event of
the Catholic pctitioji being presented.
The second reserve was, that as a go
vernment, they should be at liberty to
bring the subject from time to time,
under his majesty’s consideration, bv
recommending such measures as thev
might deem proper to be adopted.
W here any indivielu.il consents to give
up any measure, lie had, no doubt, a
right to propose conditions ; but in
this case there were two parties, and
though the ministers hael a right to
propose conditions, the situation of his
majesty was not to be forgotten. He
should not say that thev had not con
sc tenuously proposed these reserves,
but he asked their lordships to consid
er what would have been die situation
oi the king, if he had acceded to ti.e
proposition. W hat would have been
the effect of such an assent, but to di
vide the ur.ityof the executive ? Would
it not be to destroy the constitution,
one of the w ise maxims of w hich was,
that the king could do no wrong, there
by casting a veil over his sacred cha
racter? Would it not have*the effect
of casting the w hole odium on his ma
jesty, of resisting the measure, and of
gi\ irig the whole popularity to his min
isters ? Was his majesty to wait until
the time should arrive, when his min
isters micht think it convenient to
ej
bring the quetion again forward, with
more prospect of effect? He was not
aware of any other alternative Ins ma
jesty hi el, when they hull refused to
withdraw their statement, or to make
any promise respecting the future, but
that w hich lie had adopted. The no
ble baron’s opinion had certainly been
known to his majesty- on this subject,
but his majesty could r.ot forward, it or
w hether his opinions upon it might not
have derived additional strength from
the decision upon the question, hjk the
greatest majorities that had ever been
known upon any public question. But
when they” had given up their half
measure, it was rather extraordinary
that they should reserve the pow er of
bringing forward the whole question.
All that he had authority to state on
the part of his majesty” w r us, that the
measure w hich had been brought in
w-us widely different from that w hich
had been sanctioned by his majesty, as
first proposed. He could distinctly
state with reference to this subject,
that until he hud been called upon, in
conjunction w ith his noble and learn
ed friend,.(lord Eldon) by his majestv,
lie was ignoiant of this ti nsaction.
But having been so called upon by his
sovereign, he should have Ju unk from
his duty, if he had not yielded obe
dience to his commands. He wasfui
ly aware of the weight that was to be
derived from the support of all the
great interests that had given their
countenance to the late administration ;
he was sensible of the splendid talents
of the noble baron, and of the great
energies that we re necessary for the
government in the present crisis, but
he should have sin unk from his duty",
if he had not been ready at the call of
his majesty to come forward on a
question which he thought necessary”
for upholding the dignity of the crown,
for maintaining the interests of the
country, and for maintaining; the pub
lic establishments, which he looked
upon as intimately connected w ith the
prosperity- of the empire.
The emperor of Russia has suppress’d the
imperial seminary for the reception of \ oi:ig
ladies, founded by the empress Kliz. be'h, on
the same model as the convent of St. Scyr in
Trance In the preamble of his edict, he de
ck: es, that the tunds may be used to greater
advantage, if applied to the education of those
youths whd are intended to serve their coun
try —and that the education of a femalcvbeing
limited to domesiic management, she will learn
it sooner in her father’s house, than in a sump
tuous establishment, where it is vainly attempt
ed to teach the sciences, the knowledge of
which nature foibids them.
Amidst the details of battle we are informed
of the future destiny of the Louvre. The em
peror has declared to consecrate it entirely to
the set vice of literature. The French say that
in a tower of this edifice, Charles V. establish
ed the first library in France, if not in all Eu
rope. That upon the death of Charles ft con
tained about 900 volumes, which Henry VI. of
England violated. That Henry IV. again ap
propriated it for valuable collections in the arts,
But. say the French, other times, other cases.
It is now to be the imperial library, which al
ready contains 300,000 printed volumes, 70,C00
mat uscripts, 20.000 engravings, 40,000 bronze
medals, and 30,000 medals in gold. Napole
on has assigned this library lor the Louvre,
which first received its gtfts from Charles V.
the wise and eloquent, five hundred years from
the present time. Tilled with the, great de
signs of Henry IV. he wishes to collect as he
did, under his own eyes, and within the enclo
sures of his own palace, all tlie ‘monuments of
the sciences and of the arts obtained bv his
arms perfected and arranged under his govern
ment. The Museum of painting will still
occupy the great gallery, and anew structure
will be added to the palace for the statues.
The other collections will be accommodated so
that the immense treasures of the Louvre, secur
ed by guards, might never be endangered in tlie
night by being in the palaces inhabited by men.