Newspaper Page Text
The Subscribers,
TR^tnrn their thank* to their friend* and cnftomerafor
the liberal support tliejr hare had in the FACTOR
AGE and COMMISSION LINE, and would beg
leave to recommendeo theirfriendfhip,Mr- Henry H.
M«»u Net a, who ba* lived with themfer feveral year* ;
and they take pleafnre in announcing to their friend*,
that they have the fullett confidence in him, afid doubt
not hut he will do jultice to those who may eutrnft
thrjc hufineft to h:scare.
Sturges, Burroughs & Butler.
May 2-1—76
Factorage & Commission
BUSINESS.
The fubferiber wiK enter into the above line of bu-
rvr
2%. „
FOR THE EVENING LEDGER.
Ifv.
The annals of English history afford no in
stance in which the popular dissatisfaction has
been more generally manifested, without'ac
tual rebellion against the constituted authori
ties, than in the recent commitment of Sir
Francis Burden. An inflexible advocate of
the people add their rights, he commenced
his political career deiet mined, as be solemn
ly avowed, to support the one with the utmost
zeal, and to the best of his abilities, in the free
exercise and independent enjoyment of the
other, jfKs subsequent conduct has fully evin
ced the spit it of sincerity in which that gene
rous and rr.anly resolution originated ; and
cusing party condemns him, and he is dragg
ed to prison; under the authority of a warrant,
issued by his opponents, and signed by their
head. Where the accuser, is judge too, the
accused will in vain look for justice. I always
thought, until now, that the trial by jury, was
one of the most sacred, as it surely is one of
the most estimable, among the privileges of a
British subject. Twelve unbiased men, how*
ever, may yet repair the injurious usage of
Burden ; and a justice, equally tenacious of
his judicial character, and the favorable opin
ions of the good portion of his cotcmporarics, it
is to be fervently hoped, will hereafter receive
with contempt, the illegitimate claims of an
infuriated and malevolent faction. A judge, !
possessed of the firmness and integrity of jus
tice Holt, will treat the present, as he did a
next, and folicit* a (hare of the bufinef6 of hi* friends
■end the public. HENRY H. MOUNGER.
May 24—62
For Sale,
The following valuable TOWN PROPER
TY, on a credit of one, two and three years
The Wharf and Ware-Houses at present
occupied by Dr. Cumming and the subscriber,
together with the adjoining property, former
ly belonging to the estate of Mr. Clay.
Also, that commodious tenement House, in
-the occupation of Mr. Sturges and Mr. Baker,
consisting of two good well finished Dwelling
Houses, with floor-cloths, grates, and every
accessary out building, for the accommodation
of separate families.
Also, that new and convenient House at
present possessed by Mr. Barnett, with godti
out buildings of every' description, known by-
Lot No. 11, old Franklin ward.
Also, vacant Lots, Nos. 25, 26 and 27 Liber
ty ward, corner lots, and situated in a part of
the town that appears to be progressing in im
provement. Nos, y and 30, Columbia No. 30, a
corner lot. Apply to GEORGE SCOTT.
April 10 43
Notification.
Some time in the months of May or June,
1803, Messrs. Alexander S. Roe and Waite i
Roe, purchased of col. Thadius Holt, three or
tour tracts of land, in Baldwin county, and for
which they paid him one half of the purchase
money, and for the other half they requested
me to join them in three several notes, amount
ing, altogether, to two thousand dollars, paya
ble, I believe, in the following manner:—One
note for 500 dollars, on the 24-th June, 3810;
one other note for liie same sum, on the 24tli
June, rail; and one other note for 1000 dol
lars, payable on the 24th June, 1812; and, for
jjty security, they were to give hie a mortgage
un the said laud, which they have never done,
as they have never had titles themselves. It
is now more than twelve months since I was
informed by colonel Holt and-.the said Roes,
that the mode of security for the payment of
the lest half of the purchase money was ar
ranged in another mariner; and that the notes
to which 1 had put my name, should be given
to me- 1 have also since been frequently as
sured by the said Roes, that the said notes
should be given up to me ; but, as yet, they
never have, nrijl as 1 have in. no way.ur.in any-
lnaoifeb ~wnatev er, received auy consideration
for the said notes, I do now notify all and
every person, that I will not pay the said notes,
therefore caution all persons not to deal or
trade, for said notes.
Peter H. Morel.
Dcarfitld, Bryan county, April 24, 1810.
P. S. In June last I was informed by A. S.
Roe, that the notes were still in their posses
sion.
N. B. Since the date of the above notification,
I have received an order from Messrs. Roes,
to their attorney, Mr. Fi.ch, to deliver the
above notes to me, and which was to have been
do ie by the first of this month, but not having
heard any thing more of them, I have thought
proper to give the above notice#
June 1U .1-1—73
$3° In consequence of the above
notification, I feel it necessary to state a few
facts. When I made the purchase abovemen-
tioned, it was understood with Mr. Morel that
it should he for the benefit of my brother's
family. I paid one half the purchase mo
ney, and I am informed, and believe, Mr. Pe
ter Morel since said several times, that he in
tended to pay the other half himself. While
I was up the country, said Morel expressed
a wish to have a mortgage, as security for his
indorsements. I immediately executed one for
a much larger sum, and sent it to Messrs. Da
vies Sc Berrien, and it was by them handed to
3Ir. Morel. No application was ever made
to me for the notes above alluded to, until Mr.
Harford called some time since, requiring, in
the name of Mr. Peter Morel, an order on
vile followers of a corrupt ministry can adopt,
possess the power of shaking the honoiable
virtuous* representative
finch, in the (lore, at prefent occupied by Meffr*. I this last result of his patriotic zeal, testifies, former speaker of the house of commons ; j
Stukoe*, Burroughs & Butler,on the firft of July r.|, at no desputical proceedings, which the ser-’ " ^ ,K “
and instead of issuing warrants for the com-i
mitment of obnoxions persons, Mr. Abbott will
stand a very good chance of being induced to;
firmness of a virtuous* representative. The | le ? v . e the '? our ? where i ust ‘ ce sho “ ld b « ad * l
practisers of iniquity will ever be the enemies ministered, and not oppression sanctioned, un- ;
of those, whaj aciuated by a love of truth and
fair dealing, endeavor to expose deception,
and to unmask fraud It is a subject, theie-
fore, of no astonishment whatsoever, that the
councils of Great-Britain were irritated at the
manly opposition of Bui dett, and more parti
cularly at his steady and resolute perseverance
in the cause of parliamentary reform. That
cause is now the cause of the people; since the
people will oe debarred from the most valua
ble of their privileges, without such reform.
The ministry and their hirelings, in the zenith
of their anger, precipitately adopted measures,
which had an immediate tendency to gratify
(he turbulent and vindictive fefclings; but
wholly regardless of that minute and solemn
adherence to constitutionality of proceeding
:-nd moderation of temper, without which :he
conduct of any legislative assembly can be
marked only by the characteristjcal features of
intemperance arid imbecility.
When we read of the frequent visits which
Sir Francis receives from many among the
most experienced, solid, and eloquent states
men of England, we cannot refrain, as friends
of humanity, from secret exultation. As the
friends of humanity, it is said, because the
dignity of human nature sinks, inevitably,
when virtue, ennobled by resisting oppression,
becomes itself the victim of that daemon,
whose progress it endeavors to impedb, and is
left, while shackled, to support its destiny with
out sympathy or regard. Burden has the
sympathy of thousands—and what his ene
mies, in the weakness of their perception, con
sidered as the certain mean of curbing him,
and oi intimidating his friends, has, on the
contrary, added fuel to the warmth of his for
mer zeal, and doubly endeared him to the sus
ceptible hearts of his grateful constituents.
Away with the idea, that the actions of Burdett
at e dictated by ihc abject motives of a Wilkes.
Though the pecuniary situation of the one
was no extenuation ol his deceits and chicane
ry, yet, in the case of Burdett, necessity can
he na.sliimilus to delusion. The one made
.loud professions, with a view to profit. He
was fathomed ; and, as soon as the man was
known to the ministry, the people were for
sook by the man. HE who has dared to be
the leading mover, and the strenuous advocate
of such motions as Burdett has introduced,
and such measures as he has supported, will
not be easily draw from the path of principle,
by the alluring proffers of ministerial friend
ship. Minisieis sound, before they attempt
to bribe men. Wilkes was sounded, and made
chamberlain ; but Burdett is perfectly known,
and has no chance whatsoever of any ministe
rial offer. We see, among the foremost on
the list of his friends, the respectable name of
colonel Wardlc. That gentleman, in obedi
ence to the impulse of duty, arraigned no less
a character than the duke of York, before the
house of commons. Shocked at the villainous
and low traffic, in which that magnificent and
high officer was concerned, the colonel, as a
man of honor, ceased to respect his person,
while he mourned over the degradation of his
office ; and thought any character unfit For a
chief who could so much disgrace that of a
man. Acting, therefore, in conformity to his
sense of duty, he dragged the licentious duke
reluctant from his fancied security, and expo-!
sed the abject meanness of his private pursuits.
What dependence is to be placed on the pro
tection and the valor of au army, a considera- •
der pain of being imprisoned himself.
MARCUS.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
Thursday, June 7.
At 12 o'clock his excellency the governor,
attended as usual on similar occasions, met the ,
two branches of the legislature in the represeii- 1
tatives' chamber, and delivered the following ;
SPEECH ;
Gentlemen of the senate, and
Gentlemen of the house of representatives,
The independent, and respectable electors
of this commonwealth, by a majority of their
suffrages, having honored me with the office of
their supreme executive magistrate—an honor
at this period increased by the existing state
ot our public affairs, I have accepted the im
portant trust, with that gratitude, which is due
to such distinguished confidence ; with that
diffidence, which is fearful to do wrong; and
with that solicitude, which is inseparable from
a sincere desire to do right.
In this enlightened age of the world, the
criteria forjudging of rulers,are their rarasurcs
not their professions : those only then,^*hose
condun is candid, upright, and honorable, can
enjoy ;r the happiness of conscious recti
tude, oi ■ne pleasing expectation, of the ap
probation, esteem, and support of their fellow
citizens. And should their rule be meritorious,
how often do circumstances of a public nature
occur, which leave to government a choice on
ly ot evils ; deeply affecting the feelings and
interests of the people, and producting jealou
sies, discontents and opposition ?
Such of late has been the state of our nation
al concerns, and the consequent divisions have
exhibiied prospects of serious alarm—is it not
the duly of the trustees and guardians of the
inestimable rights and liberties of the people,
to destroy if possible this germ of political
confusion, and at the shrine of public safety,
honor, and welfare, to sacrifice all private and
local views, prejudices, and discordant pas
sions ?
If I have formed a just estimate of the char
acter whom I adchcss, there cannot exist a
solitary doubt, that in a pursuit so deeply in
ti resting to the public, regardless of political
dis buttons, they will co-operate with me, in
aitSP.ing these important objects ; and to se
cure success, let the mantle of friendship be
drawn over past obnoxious measures, and our
exertions be directed to prevent their repeti
tion.
Whatever may be the points of difference
between parties, in this they wifi undoubtedly
agree—fiat union is the vital principle of liber
ty z for as well may the physical body have a
being without air, as the body-politic of our re
public, without that principle.
From time immemorial, the successful max
im of ambition has been—“ to divide and con
quer and even free governments have so far
sanctioned if, for preventing the union, and
Berving the subordination of their colonies, as
to disseminate jealousies amongst them.
Such was the policy of Great-Britain for re
taining the colonies which first formed the Uni
ted States ; a policy which in the early period
of their separation from her, exposed them to
imminent danger, and was their most formi-
duble foe.
But the good sense of the colonists prevail
ed ; and with a population not exceeding two
my attorney for the notes,
diately given him, and forwarded; by Mr.
Haiford, in a letter written by Mr. Morel, to
gcr.. Mitchell, for the purpose of receiving
them. Any defeasance or counter security,
that an upright man could demand, or I could
have in my power to give, I have not withheld
nor denied. Mr. Morel knows that the busi
ness between Holt and myself is pending at
law ; and he has an idea that the publication
above may injure me in the suit.
These are sufficient to prove to the public,
that the object of 'Mr. Morel is persecution.
To those who are acquainted, or have had
dcalingasfhh him, farther remark would be
WALTER ROE.
Me number of whose officers receive their orl
ginal commissions, or are honored with pro- , millions of inhabitants; with executives and ju
motions, in consequence of agreements found- diciaries, almost wholly opposed to them : with
ed in corruption ? What security is there in regal troops, in their fortresses, cities and prin-
the protec. ».w which that army would afford, cipal towns, to awe and cootroul them; with
This was imme- a large portion of whose officers hold their sta- . few arms, and military stores ; and wi’hout
tions in virtue of specific payments into the
lap of a notorious courtezan, and the favored
mistress of the commander-general. Folly,
only, would place any dependence at all on
such protection ; and he, v/ho contends for
it* security, if he should be a candidate for
having the soundness of his intellects doubted,
will most assuredly be successful. The army
of England, however, seems to be maintained
only with a view to subsidize the enemies of
France; and theresuh of such subsidizing is
death to many, and defeat to the remainder, of
her soldiery. Lord Chatham declared in the
public funds, or an organized government to
conduct (heir operations, they adopted this
motto—“ United we stand, divided we fall;"
and their union, successfully commenced, and
triumphantly terminated the revolutionary war.
Had a party spirit then prevailed, it would ha'-e
been fatal; it would have plunged the patriots
into the abyss of irretrievable servitude ; it
would have exchanged their exalted stations of
man, for that of senseless Automata—and even
cemented as the United States now are, by ex
cellent federal and state constitutions, if the in
visible hand of foreign influence, or if deep-
own account, received every satisfaction he
could ask ; and has the notes (as far as we
could place them} in his own possession.
June 31—74
unnecessary,
_. „ ^ . lay down his arms, were he an American, as
N. B. Whoever will peruse the above no- , an Eoglishman , whlle the enemy con-
uficauon, will see that Mr. Morel has^by lus . q lhe | ountry .*» This was openly ac
knowledging his approbation of the hostile
measures, which were adopted by the revolt
ing party. The freedom of parliamentary
discussion, however, was not then shamefully
manacled by the arbitrary will of a factious
aud vindictive ministry. To contend for the
necessity of a reform in parliament, and to ex
pose its many palpable abuse! ; when, too,
the manifest object of such contention is- the
preservation of those sights and liberties, which
the people are entitled to exercise and enjoy,
is now the basis upon which the most unfair
and illiberal system of persecution is reared.
The representative is acjusgd ; the aC*
house of commons, during the revolutionary; rooted domestic prejudices and animosities
conflict of these states, that he “ would never I should obtain the ascendancy, they will too late
Notice.
I forwarn all yerfons whatever, rot to trade for
Five Notes, Riven by me to Daniel Kirkland, in
January laft. for 30 dollars each, and figned C. B. Shep
ard and Thomas King, jun. as the consideration, for
which faid notes were given, I since find not to be
agreeable to bargain and sale, and I am determined
not tc pay faid notes, unlefs compelled by law.
c. JB, SHEPARD,
5t. Mary’®* Marsh S—28
discover, that the loss of union, is the loss of
liberty;for, however remote we are from foreign
nations, or lulled by prospects of their friend
ship, should our union be destroyed, intestine
wars must ensue, and soon convert ibis beau
tiful, populous, and cultivated country, into ft
barren,- depopulated waste.
But will not foreign powers, viewing as they
do these flourishing commercial states with
the invidious eye of competitors, seize the first
favorable opportunity, for destroying their com
petition ? And with what ease will they effect
it, should one seceding section of the confed
eracy, requiring an equal number to oppose it,
but a remnant of the nation to resist foreign in
vasion ?
Jf wc fake a view of the two gigantic com
batants of Europe, Frdnco and Grcat-Britdin—
nations to whom all others are most indebted
for their progress in arts and sciebces, and for
those useful discoveries and improvements
which adorn society and promote human hap
piness ) nations unrivalled by land and by sea;
who, in their conflicts, have nearly destroyed
the independence of continental Europe, and
threaten that of the other quarters of the globe ;
if we reflect on the mcasuies of (heir mighty
governments, we cannot too deeply regret that
they have lost sight of their own dignity and hon
or : Or why do they not apply the powers en
trusted them by Divine providence, to com
plete, not the misery, but the happiness of
man ? Why do they not immortalise their
fame by recording it, not on the surrowfol
tombs of slaughtered millions, not on ihe-dcso-
late ruins of mournful principalities, kingdoms
and empires; but on the brilliant pages ot
illustrious philanthropist*—-on the durable an
nals of the great, the good, the God-like be
nefactors of man ? To the civilized world,
the answer is a subject of the deepest re
gret and grief. Inordinate ambition and pow
er, allies on the ocean, are insatiable and un
merciful as the i elentless grave. Unparalleled
wealth, agriculture, manufactures and com
merce, but furnish endless magazines cl* fuel
to feed the unquenchable flame of ambition f.
and power, lawless and boundless power, is oti
both sides, impiicity obedient to her sovereign
will. Obligations of every kind, political, mor
al and religious, arising from the most solemn
treaties, from public law in general, and front
humanity itself, are neglected, cancelled and
treated with ineffable contempt. Every beam,
of hope that national justice would resume her
elevated station, has been ephemeral—glitter
ing in the morn, it has been dim at noon, and
extinct in the eve.
France has charged Great-Britain with the
establishment of a despotic commercial mono
poly ; and has viewed her own conduct as the
meritorious effort of a magnanimous volunteer,
in a common cause, to defeat the measure.
The king of Great-Britain, in return, has charg
ed France with the fabrication of this as a pre
text to cover her deep designs of universal do*
initiation. Neighboring nations, by their vibra
ting conduct towards these mighty belligerents,
have declared that both are in the light, and
both in the wrong—and the United States, ever
careful to offend neither, have, with uniform
solicitude, cultivated the friendship of each.
May their laudable endeavors be crowned with
merited success!
France, previously to her revolutionary war,
for a series of years, trembled at the nod of
mighty Britain. That unparalleled event has
reversed the scene, and France threatens the
overthrow of her great enemy. The emperor
Napoleon has in substance, if not in form, de*
dared it. Napoleon, that great arbiter of tho
east, is a most formidable foe: His equal is noc
to be found in the annals pf man. Other mon*
archs have been styled great; but, as a states
man and warrior, he is super-eminent. He ja
a prodigy of human nature. He is viewed by
his enemies as a comet of the first magnitude :
at a distance, they admire the awful grandeur
of both ; but the approach of either they dread,
as the precursor of certain destruction.
Thus unhappily circumstanced is Great-Brl-
t'lin, and she viewB her safety in war. • She
conceives that, by a peace, her great and only
national safeguard, her navy, must be disman
tled ; that her numerous foreign seamen will
return with joy to their native shores ; that her
national seamen, in part, will be compelled to
seek employment abroad ; and that, when im
perious necessity shall again require her navy,
in its present vigorous state-—an event which
would rapidly follow—the measure would be im
practicable, and the result her conquest. Her
eagle-eyed statesmen act on this principle, and
have declared it. They have even declared
that a peace must establish their national safe
ty ; and this they view as a political impossibil
ity-
On the part, then, of the United States, wiR.
not good policy look forward to the continuance
of a war, in the participation of which they have
been, and will continue to be in danger.
Each of these tremendous powers present*
itself at different times to United America,
with the affected attachment of a disinterested
admirer. But are they not disingenuous and
inexorable competitors i And, however impair
tialiy she may conduct towards them, when
either merely suspects that she favors the oth
er, is not a jealous phrenzy thereby excited,
urging the decree of American destruction f
In such imminent danger, is there uol an indis
pensable necessity of union ?
Shall we not then cordially invite the other
great depaitment of our government, the judi
ciary, containing our luminaries of law, the able
and learned counsellors and practitioners at the
bar—our respectable and pious instructors, the
clergy, whose love of country and promotion
of union during the revolution, is a pledge of
their support—the citizens of the other learn
ed professions, who, at that eventful period, in
patriotism and prowess were inferior to none—
cur respectable and wealthy farmers, mew-
chants, manufacturers and mechanics, whose
ruin would be completed by intestine commo
tions—shall we not invite them all to aid in the
preservation of our union ?
Will not this desirable measure, if comment
ced by government, be supported by the con
stitutional sovereigns of the land, the people l
Will not every friend to bis country recollect
the sacred truth, “that an house divided against
itself cannot stand.” Will he not determine
for himself to relinquish a party system, and
the practice of misrepresenting, and unjustly
reprobating, his political opponents ? Will he
not magnanimously impute to his fellow citi
zens in opposition, a mistaken zeal and patriot
ism, anJ cordially embrace them ? Will he not
discountenance every attempt to Wound the
dignity of the press, that great palladium of li
berty, when urged to prostitution and abuse.
And will not internal peace and happiness, will
not order at home and respectability abroad,
be thus again restored to this great and respec
table state.
Washington, the immortal Washington, by