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THE SAVANNAH DAILY HERALD,
VOL 1-NO. 177.
The Savannah Daily Herald
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important correspondence
Letter from an Oberlin Commit
tee to Maj. Gen. J. D. Cox.
REPLY of general -cox.
He Opposes Negro Suffrage—He Maintains
tlie Union Platform.
A HEARTY ENDORSEMENT OF PRESI
DENT JOHNSON.
t
IXTTBE FROM THE OBERLIN COMMITTEE TO MAJOR
GENERAL J. V. COX.
Oberlin, July 24, 1366.
General J. D. Cox:
Dear Sir— The people of this place, with
eutire unanimity, sought your nomination
for Governor of Ohio. ' With equal unanim
ity we desire to promote your election. We
rejoiced in your nomination, because we had'
perfect condolence that your views and sym
pathies were in harmony with our own on the
great issue before us—the equality of all
men before the law. We still believe that
we are not mistaken. But some of us have
been startled by a report to the effect that
you are opposed to giving the elective fran
chise to colored people, and that you re
quested the editor of the Chronicle to pub
lish your views on the subject, that you might
not lose the support of Union men in the
southern pait of the State. We do not credit
the rumor, and yet it has' so disturbed somo
of your warmest supporters, that the under
signed have been requested to address you
on the subject.
We want to know directly from you your
views on the following subjects: Ist. Are
you in favor of modifying our Coustitutiou
so as to give the elective franchise to colored
men? 2d. In the reorganization of the
Southern States, should the elective franchise
be secured tb the colored people ?
Amoug us there is but one opinion on this
subject, and we were never more in earnest
on any political question. We believe that
the distinction made by our Constitution be
tween white and colored people was made
in the interest of slavery, and is both wicked
aud absird. And we believe that to recon
struct the Southern States, aud admit them
with constitutions excluding colored men
from the polls, would give the country and
the negro into the power of the very men
who have sought and still desire to ruin the
one and enslave the other.
Deliver the four millions of freed people
into the hands of their former oppressors,
now embittered by their defeat, and they will
make their coudition worse than before. The
Copperheads of the North, with the united
South, would gaiu control of the General
Government, aud in various way3 would har
• rass and oppress the negroes aud their friends
beyond endurance. A war of races would
be likely to result. If, as a nation, we can
be so wicked as to deliver our colored sol
diers and the millions whose freedom we are
pledged to maintain, into the power of the
mi ist cruel aud vindictive people that ever
laid claim to civilization, a terrible retribu
tion will await us. We speak strongly, that
you may know we feel on the subject.
If it be said that the negroes of the South
are ignoraut and unfit for the elective fran
chise, we answer, grant it, but this has noth
ing to do with the question. Our colored
soldiers who have fought three years for the
Union are not of this class, nor are those
who have always been free, many oi whom
have amassed wealth. It is for these we ask
the elective franchise. If it should take a
year, or two or three, to prepare the mass to
vote, we would be content. Tbougli we be
lieve our free institutions would be safer in
the hands of colored people as they are, than
in the hands ot the best half of the white
population of the South.
The question is, shall colored people be
allowed to vote? The enemies of our coun
try say no. The mass of the loyal say yes.
So decided are our people on the subject,
that they could by no meaiis be persuaded
to vote for a man known to be opposed to it.
The Union party of this country, so far as
we know, are unanimous on the subject, and
we believe that throughout the country the
party can be rallied on Ibis platform with
greater enthusiasm than any other. All the
prominent religious papers, and, with one
or two exceptions, all the leading Republican
papers are In favor of universal suffrage. We
Delicve that nothing could be more suicidal
to our party- and the cause of freedom than
to reject this doctrine.
Please to let us hear from you soon. It
Is not our wish to publish your view? unless
you desire it; but we wish to have our minds
relieved, and to be able to contradict any
false reports that may be in circulation re
garding your views ou this subject.
Very truly aud sincerely yours,
E. H. Fairchild,
Sam übl Plumb,
Committee.
REPLY OF MAYOR GENERAL COX.
Colcmbcs, July 25th, 18G5.
Gentlemen : Your letter of yestcrdaj', in
quiring what are my opinions upon some of
the phases of the question of the reconstruc
tion of the Union, wtqj received this morning.
You sign yourselves as “Committee,” hut
have omitted to inform me what body or or
ganization you represent, or to give me the
instructions or resolutions committing the
subject to you. This accidental omission
would be of no consequence, since I know
you both to be members of the Union party
of this State, and, though we have scarce
seen each other for some years, have believ
ed you to be personal friends of mine; but
my relations to the Union men of Ohio are
such that it may become of some importance
to know who are those with whom you are
acting, and for whom you declare that a
hearty and honest concurrence in the prin
ciples which you and the other loyifl people
of Ohio adopted in convention on the 21st
ultimo, expressly as the basis of united poli
cal action in the coming State election, shall
not be sufficient to secure your votes
* * * * s * *
Our Convention adopted a platform of
which the doctrinal part is substantially em
bodied in two propositions. 1. “That slavery
aud its institutions ate irreconcilably opposed
to freedom ahd free institutions,” and must
be finally and- completely eradicated. 2. I
That President Johnson’s policy of recon-I
struction.is “endorsed,” with the proviso that j
the completed restoration of the rebel States
“shall be at such time and upon such terms !
as will give unquestioned assurance of the
peace and security not only to the loyal peo
ple of the rebel States, bat also of the peace
aud prosperity of the Federal Union.” „ i
The spirit and disposition which should con
trol us in determining the “time aud terms'
of reconstructipn, and by all other questions
of policy accumulating'upon us, were like
wise stated in two resolutions, one urging the
example of our martyred President “in wait
ing *>r the solution ot difficulties to be
furnished by the progress of time and local
events the other declaring the necessity of
keeping steadily in view the great principles
of our Government as set forth in the De
claration of Inde|)endence.
To condense still more, the essence of the
position of the party may be said to be, the
determination of the political results of the
war by the uaited and harmonious action of
truly loyal men, actuated by- a spirit at once
cautious, and controlled by an earnest belief
in the broadest doctrines of human rights.
To those principles I have given my public
and sincere adhesion. You are the only
members of the Union party of the State
whom I have found impatient to commit
your brethren in advance of the meeting ot
Congress to a definite policy upon a subject
upon which the Convention had by the
strongest implication declared it premature
to decide what course ought to be taken.
The State election decides no such issues;
the progress of events in the South will
probably tbrow increased light upon all such
quections; yet you insist that I shall give
you my views, not tor the purpose of mu'ual
assistance in arriving at a solution of a diffi
culty, but under notice that the votes of
your people will be determined for or
against me by my answer. I think that in
so doing you wrong both yourselves and the
members of the whole political organisation
to which we belong, aud to which you gave
pledgo of cordial 'co operation upon the
platform as adopted, through your delegates
who were present at the convention.
For myself I have no secrets as to my
opinions, and have never hesitated to de
clare them on proper occasions. So far have
I been from desiring to conceal them, that I
had sent, before the receipt of your letter, a
private note to Professor Ellis, of your place,
indicating my plan for the final solution of
the problem of reconstruction, and seeking
his criticisms upon it. No restrictions were
placed upon him in makiug it known, ex
cept such as his own discretion and friend
ship might impose. You are misinformed as
to my having requested my view's to be pub
lished at my home or elsewhere. You must
act upon your own responsibilility in de
termining upon what publicity you shall give
to this.
The importance to our country of deter
mining rightly the grave questions which
must probably be settled within the coming
year, is too great to make me williDg to omit
using whatever influence or information I
may have in assisting at the solution.—
Whether in public or private life, I shall
lreely give the results of my expearience and
observation in the South during the war, and
the conclusions to which my study of both
races has led me; I shall expect the facts
that I have been an anti-slavery man from
my youth up, that I assisted at the original
organization of the Republican party, and
acted with it and the .Union party ever since,
and that I have been a Federal soldier from
the surrender of Sumter to the surrender of
the last armed rebel, will secure me a candid
and even a friendly hearing from all whj
have loved the country and earnestly taken
its part in the late terrible struggle. If other
views than mine prevail, I shall hold it my
duty to act, cheerfully and promptly with
the body of loyal men, believing that the best
solution which they can give will be best
attainable, and that to divide from them will
be to deliver the Government into the hands
of its enemies.
I believe that the President is earnestly
determined to seek the good of the whole
country, and of all the races in it; that he
has tutl claim to that confidence which we
declared that we reposed in him; and that
what we as Union men cannot succeed in
doing, in harmony and co-operation -with
him and his Administration, we sbail fail of
doing altogether. My support of him, there
fore,will be no half-hearted support, but a
zealous and thoroughly hearty co-operation,
with no ulterior purpose or thought of sepa
ration ou issues likely to arise. It is by the
cordial harmony of Mr. Johnson and the
Union members of Congress that the country
is to be carried safely through its present
perils, and division between them would
place me in imminent danger of shipwreck.
Wc may have diverse opinions as to the
true solution of this knotty problem of re
construction, and during the proper period
for discussion we may aud ought to discuss
them with candor, with fullness, and with a
tolerant spirit; but when this is done, and
the time for action arrives, it will bo the bus
iness of Congress and the Executive to agree
upon the plan to be adopted, and that which
is in this manner honestly determined by de
votedly Union men, I shall believe, as I have
before said, to be the best attainable result,
whether it agree with my views or not. In
short, I believe that under no circumstances
should we wish the transfer of the power of
this Government to the hands ot those who
have been disloyal during the war, by any
divisions among ourselvc-s, until all the ques
tions which grow out of the war are perma
nently and finally decided.
Having thus stated what I think is the
true doctrine of political organization, and
indicated the great danger of losing all for
which we have been striving by such divi
sions as those at which you hint. I am now
prepared to state my private views upon re
construction, and the claim of the freedmen
to political privileges in the Southern States,
leaving to you the responsibility of your ac
tion iu regard thereto.
I presume we shall agree in regarding the
four general asserted in the “Fan
euil Hall Address,” 89 those which should
guide the determination of our relations to
both whites and blacks, in the rebel States.
That there may be no mistake in reference to
this, I quote them:
“First- The principle must be put be
yond all question, that the Republic has a
direct claim upon allegiance of every
citizen, from which no State can absolve
him, and to his obedience to the laws of the
Republic, anything in the Constitution or
Taws of any State to the contrary notwith
standing.
. “Second. The public faith is pledged to
every person of color in the rebel States, to
secure to them, aud to their posterity forever,
a complete and veritable ireedom. Having
provided them this freedom, secured their
aid on the faith of this ptomise, and by a
successful war and actual military occupation
of the country, having obtained the power
to secure the result, we are dishonored if we
fail to make it good to them.
“Third. The system of slavery must be
abolished aud prohibited by paramount and
irreversible law. Throughout the rebel
States there must be, in the words of Web
ster, ‘impressed upon the soil itself an ina
bility to beat up but freemen.’ ”
“Fourth. The systems of the States must
be truly republican.”
The application made of the last principle
in the address I do not regard as sound, but
I shall perhaps agree more fully with you
than you do|wit h the address when I assert that
In a republican community political privileges
of any kind can never be rightly or safely
baaed upon hereditary caste.
How, theu, it will naturally be asked, can
there be any practical difference between us
as to the mode of carrying out these princi
ples? It is found in the views we take of
the mutual relations of the two races ip the
South. You, judging from this distance, say,
i„V e i 7u r the ,our millions of freed people
th ® hands of their former oppressors,
m«L?w by their defeat, and they will '
con dition worse than before." I,
£r‘ n j£ 0f ? ‘he same principles, and after
° f close and thoughtful observa
tion of the races where they are, say I am
unwillingly forced to the conviction that the (
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, SATURDAY, AUGUST 12, 1865.
effect of the war has not been simply to “em
bitter” their relations, but to develop a rooted
antagonism which makes their permanent
fusion in one political community an abso
lute impossibillity. The sole difference be
tween us, then, is in the degree of hostility
we find existing between the races, and its
probable permanence. Yon assume that
the extension of the right of suffrage to the
blacks, leaving them intermixed with the
whites, will cure all the trouble. I believe
that it would rather be like the decisions in
that other darkness of which Milton speaks,
where
“Cliaos umpire sits,
And by decision more embroils the fray.”
Yet, as I believe with vou, that the right
to life and liberty are inaiieDabl*, and mure
than admit the danger of leaving a laboring
class at the entire mercy of those who for
merly owned them as slaves, you will say I
am bound to furnish some solution of the
problem which shall not deny the right or
incur the peril. So I am, and the only real
solution which I can see is the peaceable
separation of the races. But, you will re
ply, foreign colonization will break down
hopelessly under the very vastness of the
labor, even if it were not tyrannical enough
to expel these uufortunate people from the
land of their .birth. I grant the full weight
of the objection, and therefore say the solu
tion is thus narrowed down to a peaceable
separation of the races on the soil where they
they now are.
The essential point in the discussion thus
appears to be the actual relations of the two
races in the Southern States as a question of
fact, and the probable luture consequences of
those relations as a question of theory.
Upon the questiou of fact I think I may,
with all modesty, claim that my antecedents
and my opportunities of observation entitle
ray testimony to have some weight, even
with the most radical anti-slavery men of the
North.
The antagonism of which I have spoken is
not entirely one-sided. On the part of the
former master it takes the form of an indomi
table pride, which utterly refuses to enter
tain the idea of political or social equality,
mingled with a hatred intensified by the cir
cumstances and the results of the war. This
feeling is not confined to the slave owners
alone, but the poor whites share it fully, and
often show it more passionately.
On the part of the freedmen, it is manifest
ed in an utter distrust of the dominant race,
aud an enmity which, although made by cir
cumstances more passive aud less openly
manifested, is as real and implacable as the
other. They have the mutual attraction of
race among themselves, and repulsion of the
whites as another people, developed to a de
gree which surprised me. It is not as indi
viduals of a nation common to us all, that
they speak of themselves, but, to u«e the
language of one of them, speaking to myselr,
they feel that they “have long been an op
pressed and down trodden people.”
Hildreth, in his Despotism in America,
declared slavery to be in itself a state of war,
and this character is indelibly impressed upon
both races iu the South. The captive learns
duplicity toward his captor, and in the slave
it has become a marked characteristic. It is a
fair stratagem for which he fe.els no guilt. I
have seen a master boasting of the fidelity
of his servant, and discussing the subject of
slavery in his-presence, while the negro
waited upon him with an impassive humili
ty which would make you believe no intel
ligent idea of freedom ever penetrated his
brain. Yet I have seeu that same negro af
terwards in camp, transformed into a clear
headed ally of our troops, leading him to his
master’s buried stores, or guiding them to
the flanks of the enemy s lines, with an in
telligence and steadiness of purpose which
left no doubt as to his understanding of the
conflict between himself and his master.
Tlie daily and hourly repetition of proofs
of ttiis fact, many of them too subtle for des
cription, but none the less convincing to the
observer, has fully convinced me that never
between Norman and Saxon, nor between
Gaul aud Frank, was there a more conscious
hatred, or an antagonism more likely to
prove inveterate, than between black aud
white ou our Southern soil. The negroes
will have no sense of security nor faith in
their former masters, even if they offer them
political rights ; they will fear them as La
naos dono ferentes.
What does history teach us in regard to the
permanence aud durability of such prejudi
ces and enemities of race? Speaking on the
subject, Augustin Thierry, iuhis “History of
the Roman Conquest," says: “Whateverde
gree of territorial unity the great modern
States of Europe may appear to have attain
ed ; whatever may be the community of
manners, language, aud public feeling which
the habit of living under the same govern
ment and in the same stage of civilization
has introduced among the inhabitants of
each of those States, there is scarcely one of
them which does not even now present liv
ing traces of diversity of the races of men
which, iu course of time, have come together
in it.
“This variety shows itself plainly under
different aspects, with features more or less
marked. Sometimes it is a complete separa
tion of idioms, ot local traditions, of political
sentiments, and a sort of instinctive enmity,
distinguishing from the great mtional mass
the population of a lew small districts ; and
sometimes a mere difference of dialect, or
even of accent, marl|p, though more feebly,
the limits of the settlements of races of men,
once thoroughly distinct and hostile to each
other.”
If fifteen centuries of common government
and political uuion have not been able to ob
literate the distinctions and even the “instinc
tive enmity” of races which were physiologi
cally similar, what eucouragement have we
that success will attend a forced political
fusion of bitterly hostile races from the anti
podes of the human family ?
The process by which even the compara
tive unity of the English people was achiev
ed, is described by the same philosophic his
torian, whom I have quoted, near the close
of his great work, as a “complete amalga
mation” of Norman and Saxon idioms, and a
“mixture of the two races,” which it took
four centuries of sanguinary war to accom
plish.
Just stepping as we are from lhe battle
field on which descendants of a common
ancestry, so little removed from us that we
cau literally reach back our hands to grasp
those of our common sires, have waged the
most tremendous and terrible of common
wars, it does not become us to argue that
peaceful discussion will quietly settle differ
ences which in former times were settled by
tbe sword; but the memory of the almost
present as well as of the remote past calls
upon us to build our polity solidly upon prin
ciples which 1 experience as well as reason
prove to be durable, aud more thau ever lo
avoid deluding ourselves with the cry of
“ peace, peace, when there is no peace!”
As, during these weary years ot war, I
have pondered this problem- in the intervals
of strife, or. by the cam firep at night, I have
been more and more impelled to the belief
that the only basis of permanent nationality
is to' be found in complete homogeneity of
the people, of manners, aid of laws. The
rapid fusion of the races ot Western Europe
as they have met upon our shores has se-.
cured the former of these requisites, and the
Yankee race—l adopt the epithet.as an. hon
orable one—marked as it is with salient
characteristics, is so complete an amalgama
tion of all families from the eastern * boun
dary of Germany to the western coast of Ire
land,, that there are few of us in whose Terns
are not mixed the blood of several. But
this unhappy race of which we are spdkking
does not amalgamate with the rest. It is
entirely immaterial to discuss why it is so;
tbe fact no one can deny. Nor can it be de
nted that its salvation or its destruction will
surely be worked out in its family isolation.
Because there could be no real unity of
people between the Southern whites and
Southern blacks, it seems manifest to me
that there could be no political unit}-, but
rather a strife for the mastery, in which the
one or the other would go to the wall.
The struggle for supremacy would be di
rect and immediate, aud I see no hope what
ever that the weaker race would not lie re
duced to hopeless subjection, or utterly de
stroyed. There is no reason to suppose that
Missouri border ruffianism could never be re
peated on new fields, and the strife once in
augurated, the merciless war would con
tinue as long as the obnoxious race had an
existence. You have expressed your antici
pation of such’a result in one state of the case
how is i t at >ou do see not tkatja direct strug
gle for power at the ballot box wonid make
the contest more deadly ?
I hold that there is great philosophic truth
in the words of Guizot, in summing up the
eight centuries of gloodshed out of which
tlie French emerged into nationality from the
strife of, petty races and tribes. He says,
“In tlie lifq of nations, that union which is
exterior afl'd visible, the unity of name and
of government, although important, is by no
means the first in importance, the most real,
or that which makes indeed one nation.
There is a unity which is deeper and more
powerful; it is that which results not merely
from identity of government and of destiny,
but from the homogeneity of social elements;
from tbe likeness of institutions, of man
ners, of ideas, of tastes, of tongues : the
unity which resides in the men themselves
whom society assembles, and not in tbe
forms of ther associations; in short, that
moral unity (I’unite morale) which is
far more important than political unity, and
which is the only solid foundation for the
latter."
I have watched with deep interest the edu
cational effect of the war upon our own
army, and I assure you that while our white
soldiers have uniformly and quickly learned
to appreciate the fact that the existence of
our free Government coitld only be preserved
by the destruction of tbp system of slavery
and so become radically and thoroughly
anti-slavery, the tendency of battling for the
old flag was almost equally uniform in in
creasing and deepening their pride of race.
The fact is one which cunaot safely be over
looked in any calculation involving their ac
tion upon the political problems before the
country, and it is one in regard to which I
think I can hardly be mistaken.
Tlie details of any system of separation could only
be determined by careful study and a wide compari
son of views. Suppose, however, that, without
breaking np the organization of any 9tate, you take
contiguous territory iu South Carolina, Georgia, Ala
bama, and Florida, and there, under tin; sovereignty
of the Cnited States, aud with all the facilities which
the power and wealth of the Government cah give,
we organize tlie freedmen In a dependency of the
Union analogous to the Western Territories.
Give them schools ; laws facilitating the require
ments of homesteads to be paid for by their own la
bor, full and exclusive pu.itical privileges, aided at
tlie start, should It seem necessary, by wise selec
tions from tlie largest brains and most philanthropic
hearts among anti-slavery men, to join them ; a ju
diciary or executive which would command their
confidence in the first essays of political existence.—
There need be no coercive collection of the colored
race in the designated region : the majority are there
now, and the reward of political power would draw
the remainder quite as rapidly as their place could
be supplied by white emigration into other States.
The ports ol' seaport cities could remain under the
direct control of the Federal Government as the basis
for that common trade and intercourse wiih other
parts of the country and the world, which would be
necessary. The fullest opportunity to develop tlie
highest civilization they are capable of would theu
be given. Colored men of talent and intelligence
would not then make a vain struggle for the empty
name of being lawyers without briefs, or merchants
without trade; but would have what u leadlug jour
nal at the East has irequeutly demanded for them,an
opportunity, as well as tlie right,to take rank accord
lug to their real character and Ability.
That there are dilUculties in the realization of such
a plan I shall be the first to admit, but there arc dis-
ficulties in all plans. It is natural to men to strug
gle to avoid responsibility, and to drift upon the cur
rent, trusting to fate ; but drifting also leads to dif
ficulties, as we who drilled into a war which has
cost us half a million of lives and untold millions of
money, should not need to be told ; and I agree with
you that drifting will- probably decide this matter
against the black race, and involve his destruction,
whilst by leaving the labor of the South iu the hands
of a degraded caste, it entails upon the country the
worst material eirects or slavery, aud prevents" that
homogeneity of Institutions and manners, North and
South, which I have said I believe to be the only sure
foundations of permanent peace.
The Anglo-American and African-American races
now stand face to face upon the- Southern soil in ir
reconcilable hostility. The few colored men whom
we have amongst us may be regarded as the waifs
and strays ot the great body wliich 13 a nation in
numbers and In its isolation by mental and physical
characteristics. It is as a unit that we must deal
wuu Ilian, and no paltering with the edges of the
difficulty will avert the doom which all history
teaches us will follow a wrong solution.
Tue magnitude of the problem is immense, but the
principles which must decide it one way or the other
are simp’e. When we deal with a whole community,
hbwcv.r closely relate 1 to ourselves, It is not by the
application of the maxims of municipal law as ap
plied to individuals that we must decide the case,
but by the taodifled foftu of International law, which
so far Horn ignoring our responsibility to God, our
common ruler, or tbe obligation to recognize the fun
damental rights of man, necessarily Implies them
all. Religion, honor, humanity, republicanism, all
call upon us to see well to it that we do not allow the
seething aud molten elements to chrystallze Into a
new form of oppression, and 1 recognize as fully as
TOU possibly cau the burdeu or responsibility which
this great epoch In the world’s iilstory rolls upon all
who nave even the humblest part in determining the
shape of pnhlic policy.
I Uave approached the subject as an anti-slavery
man. I have thought as deeply as 1 was capable of,
aud have carefully revised my opinions and tested
them by all the fundamental principles of right and
justice. If others do not agree with me, and It part
me from any whose principles and motives are not
the same as my pan, my deep regret that It should
be socatmot change my convictions.
It has seemed to me that the solution I have offered
rids us of most of the difficulties iu onr way. It
gives to the black man political rights and franchise.)
without onerous terms; It reduces the representa
tion of the Southern whites iu Congress to a proper
basis—their own numbers ; it secure* the permanent
peace o: the Government and the allegiance of
the people by the • only sure guarantee, viz:
Mint of common Interesi aud Identity of institutions.
What more would you have '<
it is worth while to consider that in such a plan as
I have suggested there is ’hat which is llhclv to at
tract co-operation on the part of reflecting men in
the Southern States. There can be no question that
some portion of the sectional bitterness which finally
led tiiem to secession and war, was caused by a more
or less distinct perception of difficulties like these we
are considering, ftom which they saw no reasonable
outlet; and that any plan which reoognizes the facta
I have stated and endeavors to provide for them so
a9 to secure harmony and prosperity to the South,
will so find advocates there. Ido not mention this
ns an important argument, because 1 fully accept
the responsibility which the military subjugation of
the rebel territory has imposed upon’us to determine
tlie matter by tlie counsels and the action of those
who have been truly loyal, aud not by those of the
disloyal of either section. We must, however, re
member that Hie ultimate object we aim at must be
to return the people of the South to their relations to
tae Federal Government as equal and full participa
tors ill It,- 1 1 pits and blessings. Through what delays
or intermediate steps their owq action, under the ex
perimental organization granted by the President,
must detent luv But, In the end, the genius of our
Institutions will tolerate no unequal or sectional
laws. The homogeneity must be made perfect and
complete, for neither subject provinces nor military
pro-consulships can long co-exist with republican
government.
Such are mr personal opinions upon the subjects
you have c 11-d to my attention. To them 1 alone am
responsible. The subjects themselves can, in no
sense, be matter for executive action in this State,
aud whether I am elected or defeated, my opinions
wifi have only such weight or Influence as their own
value will entitle them to. As they will not hinder
me from giving cordial support to the action of a
loyal l-’ederal Government, if other views shall finally
prevail, I have thought they ought not to be made a
ground of opposition in the State canvass, but such
as they are, ttiey are the product of my honest think
lng, aud in view of t!>e real importance of the sub
ject, I would not conceal them to receive an election
as unanimous as the nomination with which the con
vention honored me.
Very respectfully,
Four obedient servant,
J. D. Cox.
Messrs. E. H. Fairchild, Samuel Plumb,
committee, Ac., Oberlin, Ohio.
Erskine S. AUin, master armorer at the
armory in Springfield, has been commission
ed by the War Department to visit the Various
arsenals in England, France and Switzerland,
and to be present at trials of . breech-loading
fii e-arfhs soon to take place in England ana
Switzerland
It is calculated that witbin thirty years
there have been in Spain about fifty differ
ent premiers and four hundred ministers, so
frequent have been the changes in the Cabi
net.
Tin* Connecticut Tragedy.
Youugr Starkweather Confesses Himself
to be the Murderer of HLs
Mother and Sister.
HOXU&X3X.B REVELATIONS.
Money und Marriage the Object
of the Murder.
&c., Ac., <fce.
The Hartford Times furnishes the annexed
“’tailed account of ihe fearful tragedy enact
ed in the town of Manchester, Ct., Tuesday,
oi which the telegraph has given a brief
notice:
“ The quiet village of Oakland, Manches
ter, about nine miles east of this city, was
aroused this morning by the news of the
most fearful crime ever perpetrated in this
vicinity. At the early hour ol four o clock,
or a little sooner, Airs. Benjamin Stark
weather, sister-in-law of Nathan Starkwea
ther, of this city, aged 46, and her daughter,
Harriet Ella, aged 14 years, were both foully
murdered while sleeping together iu their
house. They were killed with an axe, but
they were also stabbed in various places with
a butcuer-knife.
We saw the bodies after they had been laid
out, aud hope never to see another such
eight. The mother’s face was cut in two
with a powerful blow from an axe, which
divided the nose crosswise, and cut opeu the
face entirely across, crashing through the
bones of the upper jaw aud cheeks. Over
the right eye was another gash from the axe,
sinking through the skull and into the braiu;
and there was another which cut open the
side and back of the head, aud also a great
gash near the right temple. Besides these
wounds there were others made by a butch
er-knife—one through the buyer part of the
chin, Jibe blade penetrating deep into the
throat; one deep into the right breast; and
another deep one in the left breast.
Ella, the daughter, presented a still more
shocking sight. Her right eye was entirely
gone. The axe had cut a terrible gash across
the brow, eye aud cheek, evidently at one
blow, letting out all of the eye, breaking in
the skull und cleaving down to the cheek
bone. Above the right eye, near the top of
the forehead, was another fearful gash from
the axe, sinking into the brain ; and she was
stabbed through the bosom with a butcher
knife.
The information of the murders was given
by the son, Albert Starkweather, at 4 o’clock,
lie came to Mr. Horace White’s, a neighbor,
rattling, or rather falling heavily against the
back door, and arousing the inmates with
this call:
“Got up! get up! Come over to our house.
I don t know but our folks are all killed, and
and the house is ou fire!'
Mr White ran over, followed by Albert,
and found bis (Albert’s) room full of smoke
and the bed on fire. He took the bed aud
put it out the window. Then he went up
stairs, though the smoke was so thick he
nearly suffocated. Albert did not follow
bim, but paced buniedly up and down the
lower rooms, sobbing and crying.
On getting into tue Mr. White
found the bed all in a blaze, and the bed
room covered with blood. He lifted up Ella
and found her still alive, though bathed in
blood and presenting a shocking sight. As
he lifted her a bloody axe slipped off upon
tbe floor. Mr. White took it, aud lilting the
window, placed tbe axe under it to leLout
the smoke, while he next got Mrs. Stark
weather off the burning bed, aud finding her
dead, placed her on the floor while he rolled
up the bed and threw it out of the window.
His hands were blistered and his clothing
rendered very bloody.
The dying Ella he carried in his arm 9 to a
back window iu the adjoiniug room, in order
to give her fresh air ; aud then sent his hired
man (who with others had arrived) at once
for a doctor. But the poor girl died in a few
minutes. Her blood covered the window
sill on which she rested and the floor near
by.
Mr. White at nnee instituted a search for
tracks about the house, but was unable to
discover any distinct marks of feet except in
tbe garden.
Albert Starkweather, 24 years of age,slept on
the lower floor in the northeast room. His
mother and Ella slept in the west room above.
He says a noise up stairs just before dawn,
awakened bim, and rushing out of his room
he was knocked down near tbe foot of the
stairs, by a man, or men, coming down; that
he recovered, and a scuffle in tbe dark and
was overpowered, thrown down, and the
man, or fnen, escaped. He shows a scar
over one eye which he says was caused by
the blow the murderer gara him. Tuis
mark, unfortunately; was obviously ol an
older date than this morning.
At a coroner’s inquest on the bodies Al
bert's butcher-knife was suddenly brought
out, and its appearance before bis eyes made
him start and tremble. Avery ugly fact is
that tbe knife was found in a drawer in bis
own bedroom. Albert’s reputation is not
good. He has been a rather ‘fast young
iaD,' and iiis associations are said to have
been none of the best. We hear that be was
soon to be married. In bis oureau was found
a sum of money in Natioual Bank bills,
amounting to about $362. There were three
SIOO bills, one SSO, and some smaller. He
is an ordinary looking young man, but with
an unpleasant expression, a look of weak
ness and incapacity. He says S2OO of the
money was his and the rest his mother's.
The family were iu moderate circumstances,
and had but little spare money.
One theory is that as Mrs. 8. was a wit
ness against the negress Jane Fuller of that
village in the poisoning case lately tried, she
was murdered out of revenge ; but this lacks
plausibility. Albert has shunned a sight of
the victims.”
[From the Hartford Times, August a.J
The shocking revelations of the Man
chester murders received on Wednesday
afternoon the addition of the climax ot horror
in the confession ot Albert L. Starkweather,
the son, who acknowledges that lie per
petrated the crimes—that he, and he aloue.
butchered his own mother and sister, as they
lay asleep in bed together.
The confession—which was not unex
pected by those best informed of tbe facts—
was made by tbe prisoner in the jail in this
city, Mr. James Campbell, of Manchester,
the father of the girl to whom tbe prisoner
was engaged to be married. The chief of
police, believing that he would acknowledge
more to Campbell than tb anybody else, in
duced the latter to go to the jail yes
terday afternoon, where the wrttched young
man, discarding all his previous lies and
contrivances to avoid detection, made a clear
breast of it, and confessed tbe awful crime.
He acknowledged, after some questioning,
that be had butchered his mother, and then
his sister, with the axe, and then, to make
certain of the fiendish job, be had repeatedly
plunged his butchcr-knife into their throats
•and bosoms : winding up the deed of horror
by setting the bed on fire, and then his own
bed, down stairs. I
“I did it,” be said, “I did it, Mr. Camp
bell, out of love for your daughter, and noth
ing else. I felt I must have that money, for
without it she wouldn’t marry me; and I got
the money.”
The letter alluded to yesterday was written
by the murderer to Mr. Campbell. It filled
nearly four pages, and the statement was
made that the writer was now in a condition
to marry Miss C., as he had succeeded
through forgery in getting money to the
amount of $4,000; ana It also said that he was
about to “commit an atrocious —leaving
tbe intended crime unnamed. The forgeries
alluded to are believed to have never been
committed, and his counsel will claim this let
ter as proof of the prisoner's insanity; though
it may have been written to deceive the girl’s
father into the belief that tbe prisoner had
money enough to get married with.
A Fine Old English Gentleman.— ln a
great hall in one of the rural districts ot Eng
land dwelt in old times a bluff baron named
Robert Filz Wame, who had attracted the
favorable regards of the bloated old Con
queror by a britalitv far surpassing what
a brutal century looked on as bad, and had
received a considerable estate, in order that
the terror of his name might aid in quelling,
the patriotic spirits who still haunted tie
lagoons ot Ely. And well might th- 8 xons
dread the band of this feudal chieftain and
shudder as they heard his name ! Fur, as
his hairs grew thin and white, his spirit seem
ed to take a deeper pleasure in barbarous
tortures and cruelties without a name. At
first his playfulness wreaked itself chiefly
upon his own household. He cut off the
thumbs- and great toes of his wife, be
cause she would not consent to give up all
her fortune to be lavished in mad drinking
bouts and licentious revelry; and one sum
mer day, when his son of eight ran laughingly
to meet him, and hid a merry little face in
the folds of bis cloak, he gouged out one of
the child’s eyes, and, as it hung upon the
chubby cheek, tore is bleeding from the
ghastly socket. Dreadful whispers floated
through the shire that sometimes of an
afternoon, in a merrier fit than usual, he
would caused a scullion to be impaired for
his amusement, and would sit drinking wine
and laughing at tbe dying struggles of the
spitted serf. Few men cared to ap
proach him too nearly—that is, few of the
lowest order, whose lives were held cheap
in feudal times—for he was known to have
a habit of engaging a man in cheerful talk,
as Juab held Abner ; and, while one hand
seized the girdle with a friendly grasp, of
plunging a sword, which he drew with the
other hand from below bis cloak, into the
body of tbe unfortunate listener.
The Peach Crop. —Tne peach crop of New
Jersey promises to be larger this year than
for many seasons before, but New York
speculators have bought the whole crop in
advance at large prices. The demand for
this delicious fruit from Northern cities is
greater than ever before.
PRY GOODS AMD CLOTHING.
H. A. TOPHAM,
158 Congress Street, Ssvsansli, Georgia.
MO. 7 MBBUHANTS* BOW, HILTON HIAD.
CALLS the attention of Wholesale and Retail pur
chasers to hit superior Stock of
MILITARY, NAVAL and CITIZENS’ CLOTHING,
BOOTS,
SHOES,
REGULATION HATS,
CAPS, and
GENTS’ FURNISHING GOODS,
For sale at the Lowest Market price.
Additions to the Stock received by every Steamer
from New York. ju2l-tt
Carliart, Whitford & Cos.,
Manufacturers and Wholesale Dealers In
READY MADE CLOTHINC,
SSI ahi> 333 Bboadwai. cos. Wobth Stsist,
NE.W YORK.
T F. Cash CRT, I Hxniy Shafer, >
W*. H. Wuitfoed, I A. T. Hamilton,
J. B. Van Waoknen.
Office of Fsyan A Carhart In liquidation.
Jy« 3ta
RIDDELL & MURDOCK,
Wholesale and Retail Dealers in
SUTLERS’ AND NAVAL STORES, DRY GOODS,
BOOTS AND SHOES, HATS AND CAPS,
Grntl emln's Fubhuhino Goons, <&o„
No. i Merchants’ Row, Hilton Head, S. C.,
W. O. BIDDELL. fjul3-tf] H. t. MCBDOOK.
STEELE & BURBANK,
11 Merchants Row, Hilton Head, So. Cs.
CALL the attention ot Wholesale and Retail pur
chasers to their snpeiior stock of
MILITARY AND NAVAL CLOTHING,
AMO
FURNISHING GOODS,
Watches, Clocks, Fancy Goods, Jewelry, and Plated
Ware,Swords, Sashes, Belts Embroideries, Boots, Cans
Field Glasses. Gauntlets Gloves, Ac., Ac., Ac.
THE NEW SKIRT FOR 1863.
A WONDERFUL Invention for ladies. Unquestlon
ably superior to all others.
Don’t fall to read the advertisement in the Savannah
Herald containing full particulars every Saturday
mofnin g- Jyc 6taw3m
COTTON.
COTTON GINS]
THE
EMERY PATENT GIN,
WHICH FOB
Compactness, Eoonomy of Time,
Space and Labor,
Far Surpasses any other Gin ever before
otiered to the Public.
TMIE undersigned are prepared to famish them at
A regular rates, being the sole Agents for Horace
L. Emery, Patentee and Manufacturer
Messrs. AM Ed, PEABODY A CO., No. 152 Congress
street, have the above Gin on exhibition. Samples
can also be seen at the warehouse of
CHAS. L. COLBY & CO.,
corner Bay and Aberoom streets.
TO COTTON SHIPPERS.
Alexander Hardee,
COTTON SHIPPER,
IS PREPARED to take Cotton on Storage, at the
lowest rates, ana *
—HAS OPENED,
OH THE CORNER OF JEFFERSON & BAV STS.
WEIGHING, For the purpose of " .
REPAIRING,
RE-PACKING,
SAMPLING,
CLASSING,
Am
• Shipping Cotton for the Public
AT THE *■—
IiOWEST rijaLTHS,
Furnishing Ink, &o.
* lm
PROFESSIONAL.
J. R. SOLOMONS, M. D ,
Dentist,
From Charfeaton, S. C., offers big aerrices to the
Citizen* of Savannah.
Kooms at Or. Clark’s office. Congress street
References.—Dr. Jag. B Read,
Dr. Juanu lianara,
Hon. Soi.ohon Cohen,
lyii ts
M. P. MULLER,
CIVIL ENGINEER AND ARCHITECT.
Agent for the Sale of Lands. WUI give strict dtten
tion to Surveying, furnishing Hans lor and superin
tending Buildings, allkindaMachinery, Ac. V
Office, Sorrel's building, next to Gas Office.
im
DENTAL NOTICE.
I would Inform the pnblic.that I have resnmed the
practice of
D ontlatr y
In this city, at my old stand, corner of 8L JnUen and
Barnard streets, (entrance Brown's Photograph Gal
lery,} where I am prepared to perform all operations
pertaining to my profession.
1/U-IBW W. JOHNSON, D. D. 9. |
PRICE, 5 CENTS
FINANCIAL.
~ EINSTEIN,
ROSENFELD
& Cos.,
Bankers,
No. 8 Broad Street,
Niw York.
We draw at sigkt, and at lixty days,
on London, Paris, Frankfort, and all
other principal cities of Europe.
Parties opening current accounts, may
deposit and draw at their convenience,
the same as with the City Banks, and
will be allowed interest on all balances
over Oni Thousand Dollars, at the rate
of pour per cent, per annum. Orders
for the purchase or sale of various issues
of Government and other Stocks, Bondi,
and Gold, executed on Commission.
Manning & Dc Forest,
BANKERS AND BROKERS,
No. 1» Wall Street, New York,
Dealers iu
Gold, Silver, Foreign Exchange
and Government Securities.
GIVS special attention to the parch ase and sale oi
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Qeoc
gia Alabama, New Orleans and Tennessee Bank
notes. Southern Mates Bonds and Coupons, Railroad
Bond# and Coupons.
Interest uHowcd on deposits. jyl64sm
COMMISSION MERCHANTS, dtc.
TO SHIPPERS OF COTTON AND OTHER
SOUTHERN PRODUCE.
FENNER, BENNETT A BOWMAN.
Successor, to Hotchkiss, Fenner A Bennett.
COMMISSION MERCHANTS.
No. 40 Visit Strict, itrav You.
And Memphis, Teun.
Tuomab F innib, Hinrv Bcnnitt, D. W. Bo whin.
ly« dm
CHAS. L. COLBY & CO.,
Shipping Commission and Forwarding
MERCHANT*..
JONBS BLOCK, CO IN IB BAT AND 4BBBOOBM KMST
SAVANNAH, GA.
LIBERAL GASH ADVANCES
Made on Consignment, to the firm of Chas. L. Colby,
of New York, or to our friends in Boston.
MAUDE A WRIGHT, Agents at Augusta, Qe.
iirisiNoii;
Messrs. Dabney, Morgan A Cos., New York. *
• Jarivs Slade, Esq., New York.
Hon. J Wiley Edmunds, Boston.
Gardner Colby, Esq., Boston. Jylj_ti
Lewis L. Jones,
SHIFTING AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, ’
No IT Broadway, Nas York.
Liberal advances on Shipments to above Oonricn
ment, made by
HUNTER A GAMMELL,
Agents Pioneer Line Steamships;
84 Bay Street, Savannah.
Reference In New York—
Messrs, Spofvord, Tilxston A Cos.
ma> ~° 3mo
Woodward, Baldwin & Cos.,
110 Duane Street, New York,
« aud 11 Hanover St., Baltimore.
DRY GOODS COMMISSION MERCHANTS.
Llberifi advances made on Consignments, Sbafitua
Osuaburga and Yams. jyi,
L. J. Guilmartin & Cos.,
GENERAL COMMISSION AND SHIPPING
MERCHANTS,
148 Bay Street.
(Opposite the City Hotel,)
SAVANNAH, OA.
"PARTICULAR a.tsntion given to procuring Freights,
A and filling .offers for HardPinsTimber and Lum
ber, Cotton, Wool, Hides, Ac.
L. J. SCI LB AS TIN, JOSH TLANHUT. I. W. DBOimOHV.
JytT lm
CEO. R. CRUMP & CO.,
AUCTION AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
208 Bboad Stmit, Ausdvta, Ga_
ju2o 3m
James B. Cahill,
GROCER and COMMISSION MERCHANT 1
AUGUSTA, GA,
CONSIGNMENTS SOLICITED.
COTTON Purchased and Shipped. Merchandise
bought and sold on Commluion.
Will also take Agencies for the aale of any Goods
anti Merchandise required la tbe Southern market.
Jy22 3m “
M. J. SOLOMONS,
Commission Merchant,
TXTILL attend to the Selling or Receiving sad Pot-
V T warding all kinds ol Merchandise. Produce, Ac
office for the present at the Drag Store of J. M
Abraham* A Cos. jyW-lm
J. SHAFFER,
OoxamlMlon S*aler
Ip all kinds of
FOREIGN DOMESTIC FRUITS and PRODUCE,
Opposite 143 West et., bulkhead between Barclay and
„ „ Vesey ate.,
NEW YORK.
_J,Pg le * “ and Onions constantly on hand, and
put up for tht Southern market
ABcpiwignments promptly attenkcd to.
A ' H,TWOOd ' T ’ J *
W eodly
DRUGS.
Drags,'Medicines, and Chemical*
' A choice selection of
DRUGS, '
MEDICINES,
CHEMICALS,
PATENT MEDICINES
and TRUSSES,
landed raoH ion,
Apothecar.n, Planters, and tradt is from the interi
or, oan be supplied at the shortest notice,
I can warrant every article as being pure.
A large quantity of European LEECHES, finest
quality.
All ths Patent Medicines extant on hand.
One hundred case* Jacobs' Dysenteric Cordial.
ALL WILL BE SOLD DOW FO GASH,
WBOLISALI AHD llTitl,.
ATAPOTHECABIES* DALI,
Comer Broughton and Barnard street*.
N, B.—Fresh Garden Seeds.
W. M. WALSH.
Inl6 -3 m Proprietor,
GOLD AND BANK NOTES.
angS-4 BELL, WILLY A CUaISTIAN, *
