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on tbr propriety of killing an enemy in such a fittiadon— and ultimately prevents the deed.— I know not whether the organization of my sensibilities are different from those of other men 1 but my heart has always disposed me to do complete juffice to every one who abls, or thinks he abls upon the principles of truth, honor, and candour. —I can excuse error when bottomed on the deluffons or the mind—or, when rrlulting from infatuation—mifguided frenzy, or the extravagancies of gratitude.— When the storm raised by these kinds of error is blovvn over—and all is hushed and tran quil ized —I can pity and forgive. Why should we, citizens, harass ourselves with apprehensions, when dangers have left us ?—The energies of our government —the spirit of the people wi l eternally protcbl us from the wickedness of individuals, or the more deteffable machinations of faction.—lf 1 may be permitted to speak for myfelf, I am willing that every one should be admitted in to our country, who polTcffes the smallest pre tensions to worth and honeffv : they will not be capable of doing an injury to ourselves or to our republic.—As for the tor.es or refugees of the revolution they have my approbation to return : if they can support n.e public scorn, and the local prejudices which may be dirt bled toward them, it will be a species of resolution (such is the supreme regard of man for public opinion) that I am confident few of us poffcfs—and if it amounts to a gratifica tion, it is a gratification 1 am Hire you do n ot envy them. Thus far I have been (peaking of Wylly : as to Douglass and Hume I hive heard no objections againlt them —The fabt as relates to them may be jull and true, to wr,that they were tories during the revolution—that they arein every fenfctories now : but it is never - thelefs admitted that they were inoffenfive men at that time —and that inoffenfive men they would remain on their return. But in dependent of all this, the refiebtion slashed upon my mind, that the moH hateful , the very high-prieffs of that horde which is marfhalled on the confiscation abl had been taken off, and are now exerciiing the rights of citizenship I adverted also to the clemency and indul gence which had been extended to the father of the late governor of this Hate. I confidcr ed, that the legislature had as great a con lillency cf char abler to preserve, as an indi vidual j and that it was therefoie absurd to grant priviledges to that ciafs of men, and to deny them ro th-s, though similarly predicated in foir.e refpebls, yet having far Hronger claims on lesdflative favour in the aggregate.- I hope that this explanation -will be latisfac tory with regard to my vote—ls any other motives are fuggeffed, contrary to those here Hated, they will be con fid ered bv me as ridi culous as they are ungenerous : that I should be the patron of tories—that I should be tlr moff actively indullrious in bringing them aain into the bosom of this Hate,, are florics which are approp.iate enough to the unre flebling declamation of mad-men, but to those who know me it muH afford infinite amusement. Campbell Wylly, Douglass and. Hume, were not taken off the coafijcatloa a H—the bill was negatived in ienate.— — 4. No appropriation has been made by the legiilature for a difeharge of the expence of the brigand alarm. —The faith and the honor of the Hate had been pledged through the medium of the executive department, and reiterated in the orders of the m .ior-general of the firH division to difeharge the expendi ture of che military preparations, which the brigands might occasion, out of the contingent fund—Confiding in this pledge the militia of ihis and the louthern counties performed -the duties reauired ot them—The militia o! Cam- A • den county was particularly energetic. The honor and faith of a Hate should be held in sacred ellimation —no circumHances (except in a few extreme cases) should be permitted to legalize an infringement of either—l muff D . \ therefore charitably iuppofc if only that honor and that faith had prelented themlelves, the appropriation would have been granted — But as the preparations were made to repel invasion it was thoug t, that the debt became a national one —and that congress was the proper council to apply to for payment. — Even should any part of the 10th fcblion of the iH article cf the federal confutation or fcblion 4 of the 4th article—(which is more nertinent) —warrant an application to con grels for an appropriation oi money—Hill it would have been magnanimous in the legiffa ture firil to have liquidated the expenditure, and then to have applied for reur.buriement.— As the matter now Hands, the militia of the southern counties have been deluded, and in dividuals who entered into contrabls and made advances upon the credit of the public faith have no poiltive afiurances of indemnification. —Yet as there has been no legislative pro vision,! do not hcfitate to give it as my opini on, that the contingent fund may be drawn upon to the amount of the expenditure : no aft has been done to Heltroy its liability.— The governor no doubt will condubl him- felf on this head as well as every other con formably to justice and his dutv. Tb. U. P. Charlton . Frvn the National Intelligencer . THOMAS’ PAINE, to tke CITIZENS of the UNITED STATES. LETTER 11. As the affairs of the country to which I am returned are of more importance to the world, and to me, than of that I have lately left (for it is through the new world the old muff: be generated, if regenerated at all) I (ball not take up the time of the reader with accounrs jof fcencs that have palled in France, many of which are painful to remember and horrid to relate, but come at once co the circumstances in which I find America on my arrival. Fourteen years and fomeching more have produced a change, at ieaft among a part of the people, and I ask myfelf what it is ? I meet or hear of thousands of my former connecti ons who are men cf the lame principles and friendfhips as when I left them. But a non d feript race, and of equivocal generation, as suming the name offederalft, a name that d> feribes no character of principle good or bad, and may be equally applied to either, has since started up with the rapidity of a mushroom, and like a mushroom is withering on its root iels stalk, Are thole men federalised to sup port the liberties of their country or to over turn them ? To add to its fair fame or riot on its fpoiis ? The name contains no defined idea It is like John Adam’s definition of a repub lic in his letter to Mr. Wythe of Virginia. It is y fays he, it is an empire of laws and not of men . But as laws may be bad as well as good, an empire of laws may be the bed of all go vernments, or the world of all tyrannies. But John Adams is a man of paradoxical heresies, and consequently of a bewildered mind t Fie wrote a book entitled “ A defence of the Ame rican Conftitutiousfi and the principles of it are an attack upon them. But the book is de fended to the tomb of forgetfulnefs, and the belt fortune that can attend its author, is qui etly to follow its fate. John was not born for immortality. But to return to federahfm. In the hiftury of parties and the nappes they a (fume, it often happens, that they finifh by the direct contrary principles with which they profets to begin, and thus it has happened with federalilm. Dui insj the time of the old congress. and prior (o the cftabliftmient of *ilic federal uo vernment, the continental belt was too loosely buckled, the several Hates were united in name, but not in fad, and nominal union had neither centre nor circle. The laws of one if ate frequently interfered with and Some times oppoffd those of another. —Commerce between Hate and Hate was without protecti on, and confidence without a point to rest on. Ihe condition the country was then in, was aptly delcrihed by Pelatiah WePHer when he laid, “ ‘Thirteen /eaves and ne'er a hoop will not make a barret/ Jf then by federalift is to be understood, one who was for cementing the union by a general government, operating equally ever all the Hates in all matters that embraced the common infereff, and to which the authority of the Hates severally was not adequate, lor one Hate can make laws to bind another, if f fay by a federaliH is meant a per son of this defeription, (and this is the origin of the name) I ought to jl and fir/ on the lift of federal/s, for the proposition for establishing. a general government over the union came originally from me in 1783, in written me morial to Chancellor L vington, then iecrera ry tor foreign affairs to Congress, Robert Morris, mini. Her of finance, and his a (foci ate Governeur Morris, all of whom are now liv ing, and we had a dinner and conference at I Robert Morris’s on the fubjedt. The cccafion was as follows : Congress has propoffd a duty of five per cent on imported articles, the money to be applied as a fund towards pay ing the interest of loans to be allowed in Holland. The re foive was tent to the several Hates to be enabl ed into a law. Rhode 3 Hand ablblutely r#- fufed. 1 was at the trouble of a journey to Rhode-!Hand to realon with them on the lub jebl. Some oilier of the Hares enabled with jit with alterations, each one as it plealed. Vir ginia adopted it, and afterwards repealed it, and the affair came to nothing. It was then vifihie, at least to me, that ei ther congress mud frame the laws necessary for the union, and fend them to the fevera! Hates to be inregilted without any alteration, which would in itfelf appear like usurpation on one part,& paflive obedience on the other, or iorrre method muH be devised to accomplish the fame end by constitutional principles, and the proposition I made in the memorial, was, to add a continental legislature to congress to be elefted by the severalfiates. The proposition met the full approbation of the gentlemen to whom it was addrefled, and the convention turned on the manner of bringing it forward^ G. Morris, m warning van me oinnci, wished me to throw out the idea in the news papers. I replied that I did not like to be always the proposer of new things, that it would have too assuming an appearance j and be fid es, that I did not think the country was quite wrong enough to be put right . I remember giving the fame reason to Dr. Rufhof Phi ladelphia, and to gen. Gates, at whole quar ters 1 lpent a day on my return from Rhode I (land, and I suppose they will remember it j because the observation seemed to strike them. But the embarrassments encreafing as they neceflhriiv must from the want of a betrer ce mented union, the state of Virginia propos ed holding a commercial convention, and that convention, which was not lufficiently numerous, proposed that another convention, with more extensive and better defined pow ers, lhould be held at Philadelphia, May 10, *787- When the plan of the federal government formed by this convention was proposed, and submitted to the consideration of the seve ral states, it it was strongly objected to in each of them. But the objections were not on fe deral grounds, but on constitutional points. Many were (hocked at the idea of placing, what is called executive power, in the hands of a Angle individual. To them it had too much the form and appearance of a military government, or a deipotic one.—Others ob jected that the powers given to a president were too grear, and that in the hands of an ambitious designing man, it might grow into tyranny as it did in England under Oliver Cromwell, and as it has since done in France. A republic must not only be so in its princi ples, but in its forms. The executive part part of the federal government was made (or a man, and those who con fen ted, against their judgement to place executive power in the hands of a (ingle individual, repoled more on the supposed moderation of the person they had in view than on the wisdom of the mea sure itfelf. Two considerations however overcame all objections. Ihe one was tiieabiolute neces sity cf a federal government. The other the rational reflection, .that as government in A merica is founded on the representative lyftem any error in the firft efi'ay could be reformed by the fame quiet and rational proceis by ■which the constitution was firft formed j and chat, either by the generation then living, or by those who were to succeed. if ever Ame rica lose fight of this principle, ibe will be no longer the land of liberty . The father will become the affafiin ot the lights of the ion, and his descendants be a race of (laves. As many thousands who were mi no;s are grown up to manhood since the name of federal ; ft began, it became necessary, for their information, to go back and shew the origin of the name which is now no longer what it origi nally was ; but it is more necefLi’ ry to do this, in oruer to bring forward in the open face of day, the apoftacy of those who firft called themselves fe deralift s. To them it served as a cloak for treason, a mask for tyranny. Scarcely were they priced in the feat of power and office, than federalifm was to bf destroyed, and the representative fyf cem of government, the pride and glo ry of America, and the Paiadium of her liberties, .was to be overthrown <se abolished. The next generation was not to be free. The son was t.o bend h s neck beneath the father s foot, and live deprived of his rights, under here ditary controul. Among the men of this this apostate defeription is to be ranked the ex-president, fi:hn aidants. It has been the political career of this man to begin with hypocrisy, proceed with arrogance and finifh in contempt. May such be the late of all such cha racters I have had doubts of John Adams e ver since the year 1776. In a conver sation with me, at that time concern ing the pamphlet Common Sense, he cen sured it becaufed it attacked the En glish form of government. —John was for independence, because he ex pected to be made great by it ; but it was not difficult to perceive, for the surliness of his temper makes him an aukward hypocrite, that his head was as full of kings, queens, and knaves, as a pack of cards. But John has loft deal. When a man has a concealed project in his brain that he wants to bring for ward, and fears will not succeed, he often begins with it asphyftcians do by fufpedted poison, try it firft on an ani. mal ; if it agree wit!) the flonr.ck ts the animal, he makes further experi ments, and this was the way folni took. His brain was teeming with projects to overturn the liberties of A*- merica, and the represen tative fyflem of government, and he began by hint ing it in little companies. The secreta ry of John Jay, an excellent painter and poor politician, told mein presence of another American, Daniel Parker, that in company where himfelf was prelent. John Adams talked of mak ing the government hereditary, and that as Mr. Wafliington had no chil dren,it should be made hereditary in the family of Lund Wafliington. John had not impudence enough to propose him felf in the firft inftance,as the old French Normandy Baron did, who offered to come over to to be king ofAmerica, &if congrefsdid not accept his offer,that they would give 30 thouiand pounds for the generosity of it ; but John, like a mole, was was grubbing his way under ground —He knew that Lund Wafliington was unknown, for nobody had heard ofhim, and that as the president had no children to liicceed him, the vice-president had, and if the treason had fucceedcd, and the hint with it, the goldftnith might, be sent for to rake measure of the head of John or his ion Q. for a golden wig. in this case the good people of Lofton might have had for a king the man they have neglected as a delegate. The representative system is fatal to ambi tion. ( To he concluded in our next.) S A VANN AH, WEDNESDAY, December 22, 1802. We are unavoidably compelled to omit several articles of foreign intelligence which have lately come to hand ; the principal fea tures of which are, that a large naval force is colleding in the French ports of the Mediter ranean ; that the British have not only sent dis patches to have possession kept at Malta, but have ordered the assemblage of their fleets cruising on different ft at An s before that gar rison. Piedmont is formaliv united to France, and the French papers boast that it is in the power of their government to accomplish any thing. In Switzerland, the French troops are fa id not to be so well received .is they expefted to be j on receipt of Buonaparte’s proclamation, the Helvetic army began to disband them selves ; declaring that they would not fight against their countrymen at the inlolent dic tation of a foreign power. Buonaparte, has likewile kindly undertaken w to maintain the order of things in Holland, The firft confu! keeps up all the parade of monarchy ; no person is admitted into his palace but full drefled arid powdered, and che consuls and ministers begin to dress in the former French stile, with swords by their sides. The late attacks which Mr. Paine has ftif tained from the federal presses, might very juitly occasion him to exclaim, in the language of the immortal Milton : “ I aid but teach the age to quit their clogs “ By the plain rules of ancient Liberty, “ When quick a barbarous noise surrounded me, “ Os O wls, Asses, Apes&Dogs.’ Am. Mercury. aa!C a.e&jeSs* MARINE LIST E N T E R E D. Sloop Little IVilliam , Avery , Char left on CLEARED. Ship Rufus , Holland , Liverpool Brig Dispatch, Adams , Boftort Schr. Albert, Haraing , * Lebbe , Star, New-Ttrk Shop Ranger, Keen , Qharleflcn E. Cf I. TICHENORy Have just Received, Per bng V/a(kington y from Nezv-7'ork , and for faie at their fiooe ft ore. Market Square : pair Boo: & Bootae legs, t(h do. Kid fuppsrs and fandles, 100 do. Leather Sl ppers, 100 do, fine mens Shoes, 25 do. Bootees. Sides rs new LEATHER, an<J Seal Skins and Shoe Thread. —ALSO 300 pair Negroes foes, large size. Thev have on hand, a handf>nr>£ i (Torment of fnoe* ofeverr defeription, (/Id law forcath 1 OiccmDer xt, xßa2. \ ; \