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PAGE FOURTEEN BRYAN AND WATSON. (Continued from PagV Two.) auviii me same time on a similar rock. Heaist thougnt Bryan snould nave supported him instead of urging benaior Cocarell in the bl. Louis con vcuLiuu, but Mr. Biyan was then bid tung xor bouinein support to deteal e»-Ujjc raiixei, and tue nearst boom wa-; nut available tor that purpose. However, me shiiting._pt lorn VVat svu s anegianee is signihcant. A inunj ropunsts thniK. as he does, uou mi', rsryan cannot count on the solid support of that faction in the ueAL campaign. —Nashville Banner. WHO OWNS THE RAILROADS? A short time ago the Macon Tele graph, one of the trinity of big dailies m the stale that seem run specially in tue interest of the railroads, at tempted to snow that the people of uevigia owned the railroads of the state, it grew exceedingly hot under me collar because somebody had sug gested mat the ownership of the state ramoaus were now owned pnncipal -01 our people, and that the Georgia andoads were now owned principal ly oy loreigners, and after denounc ing the stat ment in its usual vigor ous Style with an abundance of pyro technics, it stated the number of smmes of Mock owned in these rail roads by Georgians. Among these railloads which the esteemed Tele grapn so vehemently asserted to be owned by Georgians was the Central of Georgia, of which, according to the investigation of this railroad advo cate 1 , several hundred shares were stni owned oy Georgians. Hence the Telegraph denounced as vile, villain ous, wicked xabncauon the statement that the ownership and control of this railroad had passed out of the hands of Georgians, and that it was now the property of aliens. Now comes the Atlanta Constitu tion, another of the Georgia trinity of railroad organs, and says that: ‘ ’ Among the many questions depend ing for their answer upon the out come of the postponed meeting of the Illinois Central stockholders on De cember 18 will be the ultimate control of the Central of Georgia railway.’ ’ Don’t tell this to The Telegraph, which swears that the Central of Geor gia is still owned by Georgians. The Constitution explains further: “Having an outlet to New Orleans through the Illinois Central, and pros pective entrance to Birmingham, through the near completion of the Illinois Central’s extension to that city, it was but natural that Mr. Harriman should appreciate the strat egic value of the Central of Georgia and desire to protect it for the future purpose of the Illinois Central rail road in gaining access to Atlanta and Savannah. ‘‘ It was not politic at that time, of course, for the Illinois Central or the Union Pacific to make such a pur chase, and Mr. Harriman, therefore, Look it upon himself personally. He now assumes the full responsibility which the action bears. The announce ment that the sale had been con summated only recently was due pure ly to the fact that it was considered good policy to announce it at that time, in order that the nominal ownership of the stock on the part of Messrs. Thorne and Perry might not create a misunderstanding as to their actual status in the matter.” Keep, it hid from the Telegraph or it will hire somebody to kick it to death for asserting that the Central of Georgia was still owned by Geor gians. The Constitution tells still more: “Echoes of the war which is be ing waged in Europe over the con trol of the Illinois Central railroad between Stuyvesant Fish and the Harriman interests are beginning to reach America, and they show that the campaign is being waged with even more fierceness in England than it was here.” For goodness sake, don’t let The Telegraph get an inkling of this. Scarcely had it finished asserting, vo ciferating and swearing that the Cen tral of Georgia was still the property of Georgians, before here comes its railroad organ colleague and gives it away how not only are the Illinois directors fighting over the Central and which clique of them shall con trol it, but that even in England their ownership is claimed! Who owns the Central of Georgia? is a question which nobody can an swer. The only thing certain about its ownership is that it is not held by the people who built the railroad and their successors. —Augusta Herald. IN KENTUCKY. (Commercial Appeal.) The election results in Kentucky are really not very surprising when we recall the history of the state. The true and tried leaders of the party have been gradually eliminated, and the small fry have been on top. There was bound to be an end of this sort of a thing at some time, and the end is in sight. Kentucky is normally a Democaatie State. With men like Carlisle, Wm. Lindsey, Henry Watterson, the late Col. Breckenridge and others side tracked, it is no wonder that the Democratic ascendancy in Kentucky has been tottering recently. When Wm. Goebel was assassinated several years ago, the republican part was se riously damaged and the democratic assendancy was continued by that deed. Goebel became a martyr, and a certain set of small fry politicians have been thriving on that martyrdom ever since. Had Goebel not been murdered, he would long ago have been relegated to private life with the disapproval of the people of Ken tucky. Goebel was able, unamiable and entirely unscrupulous. He canvass ed the State of Kentucky for gover nor with the result that he had only a trifle over 100 votes in a convention of over 1,000 delegates. Hardin and Stone together had eight or nine votes to Goebel’s one. Yet by de ceiving and betraying Stone, getting control of the organization and nei’vi ly unseating several hundred dele gates, Goebel managed to secure the Democratic nomination. It was the most artistic piece of highway rob bery ever perpetrated against the Democracy of Kentucky. In the election that ensued Goebel was defeated, and the state election commissioners, who were Democrats, issued a certificate of election to the Republican candidate, Taylor. But Goebel, who was still a state senater, THE JEFFERSONIAN. held on to his purpose and got up a contest before the legislature in order to pluck the governorship as he had plucked the nomination. In short, he was planning a cold steal. It is hardly necessary to say that both parties lost their heads, and in the midst of the general excitement some fool Republican shot Goebel. It was only natural that this murder should react against the Re publican party and make people for get the political sins of William Goebel. But the small fry collected around Goebel and have lived on his murder ever since. They have let the real murderer —Henry Youtsey—go in a measure, and have concentrated their efforts to bring about the hanging of Caleb Powers, who wasn’t in Frank fort when Goebel was killed and who has been connected with the murder only by transparent perjurers. The Powers case has been a greater stain on Kentucky than the Dreyfus case was on France, but France had the courage to correct her mistake. Kentucky, however, has evidently grown tired of a steady diet of Goe bel. The Democrats have made so many tactical mistakes in prepetu ating the memory of that dastardly crime that the people have elected a Republican governor. It is likely that Governor Wil&on will pardon Powers and right what seems to be a great wrong. We trust he will do this, not only in the interest of jus tice, but in the interest of the people of Kentucky. It is time to put the Goebel case to sleep and resume nor mal ways. Kentucky can not afford to live upon a memory. FEAR. Surprise has been expressed by a number of our readers that nothing I 1 ad been seen by them in the daily press about the death of Sheriff Har vey K. Brown, ex-sheriff of Baker County, Oregon. Their bewilderment s equaled by our own. The event, momentous, overwhelming, as it was, was in most newspapers mentioned barely, if at all. To the request that we narrate the facts to which here tofore we have referred, we can say no more than this: On September 30 Sheriff Brown was lacerated by a bomb set near his gate. On October Ihe died. In the course of his offi cial duty he had taken Steve Adams to Boise City, had disappointed the miners in his testimony, and, most fatal of all, had made a secret report to McParland, which fell into the hands of the Federation. Dying, he is reported to have said he had ex pected death and had been shadowed for weeks. That is all. On this topic we quote the following from an Idaho letter: “Truer and more timely words were never written than those found in your editorial paragraph of this date entitled: ‘Wanted: Courage.’ The great need of the mining States of the Northwest today is indeed courageous men. It is a most regret able fact that in a section of the na tion popularly supposed to be the home of the most fearless and ven turesome men, there is a scarcity of that class ready to risk political or commercial advantages or even life for the name and welfare of the State. ‘ ‘ Outspoken declarations against the dynamite outrages are as rare in those parts of this State, for in stance, as contrary declarations are general. The dynamiter and his friends have a ‘valuable commercial patronage to offer, and it goes to the store, the office, or the shop wheresoever in his vicinity he finds most favor for his policies and opin ions. “The lawless element fully under stands the importance of fear, or, in other words, of making moral and physical cowards of men. It is the standard safeguard against adverse testimony. Until we have m re mon of courage—not only in the jury box. on the bench, and in executive offices, but in the homes, the shops, the churches and the schools —we shall have these appalling crimes.” We notice a dispatch from Wal- Idaho, that important witnesses wanted in the Adams case have left the State. It is much to ask that citizens should not run away from duty through the fear of bombs—- much, yes, but without courage enough to face outrage and speak truth, what is the Worth of man’s existence ? —Collier’s Weekly. THE HEART OF THE HOME. I know a home where plenty is— A stately palace grand; Rich draperies and furnishings From many a distant strand, And all that glittering gold can buy Selected with great care, And yet, ’tis not a paradise— No heart abideth there. No baby fingers press the cheek Or thurm the window pane; No childish laugh rings through the halls To break the silent reign. No guileless elf, with dimpled hands, Strews playthings everywhere. This palace is not quite a home—- There is no mother there. A queenly woman, proud and cold, With matchless form and face, Presides within thesecastle walls With dignity and grace. The lord and master of the home Provides the richest fare, And yet, it is a cheerless place— No love abideth there. No tenderness, no sacred ties, No mutual joys One strives for social 7 The other lives for No golden threads entw .. ”7 bp- x Os those this grandeur shafe; No mutual yearnings of the soul— No sympathy is there. Oh. give me but some humble cot Where pattering baby feet And childish laugh and mother’s smiles ,L Aty coming over greet, Where heart is home and love is life — Though coarse and scant the fare — N l ' loveless, childless palace can With such a cot compare. —Beecher W. Waitermire. LIFE’S TRUE RHYTHM. There were many coming and go ing, and they had no leisure so much as to seat. * * * And after he had taken leave of them He departed in to the mountain to pray.—Mark 6: 31, 46. , Plato, in one of his speculations,