Newspaper Page Text
al banks shall make the people pay them
for the use of said money. Mr. Hearst
does not say how much of this currency
there shall be, nor whether this shall be
straight-out fiat money, or merely “a
promise to pay.” In fact, Mr. Hearst
enters into no details whatever. He in
dulgently leaves much to the reader’s
imagination.
Reaching the question of public owner
ship, Mr. Hearst declares himself in fa
vor of immediate public ownership of the
telegraphs, “and a gradual extension of
the idea of public ownership of public
utilities.”
“There is no use in declaring for pub
lic ownership of railroads.”
Why not —if we really favor it?
Obviously, Mr. Hearst, in writing the
above, had in mind the declaration of the
American Federation of Labor against
public ownership of the railroads. But
Mr. Hearst should be true enough to the
industrial masses to tell them when they
are being misled. We must not forsake
our principles and be false to the best
interests of the laboring men themselves.
We must tell them the truth, even when
they don’t like it, and we must, as a
matter of duty, warn them when we see
them taking the wrong road.
In regard to the Tariff System, Mr.
Hearst is weak. Practically, he says
nothing.
With a splendid opportunity to say
something about the monstrosities of the
system which now enables foreign con
sumers to buy American manufactures
cheaper than we ourselves can get them,
Mr. Hearst vaguely trails off into “an
immediate and radical revision” would
hurt business. “But the tariff can be
gradually modified.”
In what respect, and to what extent,
William Randolph carefully refrains from
saying.
Proceeding, Mr. Hearst says that he
is “heartily in favor of a conservative use
of the Referendum.”
What does he mean by a conservative
use of the Referendum ?
In a democracy, to speak of a Con
servative use of the Referendum is just
about as meaningless as to speak to the
individual citizen of being in favor of a
conservative use of his right to breathe.
He likewise favors the Recall. The
word Conservative does not qualify, in
this instance.
He favors direct nominations and is ve
hemently opposed to the use of money in
elections. Great News. Max Ihmsen’s
occupation’s gone. Poor Max I
Against overcapitalization Mr. Hearst
speaks so emphatically that we could al
most regret that the Hearst newspapers
have not had more to say against Harri
man and his doings. The panic, says Wil
liam Randolph, was due to overcapitali
zation. This statement shows that Mr.
Hearst has been too busy to study our
THE JEFFERSONIAN.
financial system, or that he loyes the na
tional banks and their unconstitutional
Gold Standard too well to lay the blame
where it belongs.
Yes, indeed, he does favor those popu
lar pets, Postal Savings Banks, Parcels
Post, improved waterways, good roads,
cheaper railroad rates, abolition of re
bates and discriminations; wants good
wages, reasonable hours, proper sanitary
conditions, abolition of child Jabor; fa
vors labor unions, farm unions, and trial
by jury in contempt cases.
He also favors the combine whenever
that combination is actuated by purity
of motive, innocence of method, and the
altruistic resolution to let the public in
on the ground floor to share in the bene
fits of this benign Trust.
From the general tone and tenor of
his letter to Mr. Walsh, we infer that
Mr. Hearst is in favor of Fresh Air
Funds, liberal contributions to Home and
Foreign Missions, closer relations be
tween Grower and Spinner, and Fifteen
Cents cotton.
While he does not say it, in so many
words, we infer that Mr. Hearst is op
posed to Vivisection, Race Suicide and
the Yellow Peril.
Then he writes a few paragraphs which
Harriman and Spreckles, and a few oth
er multi-millionaire Ship-owners will
heartily approve. He favors a Ship Sub
sidy, the most odious of all forms of Spe
cial Privilege,
The Tariff system has destroyed our
maritime carrying trade; therefore, we
will take money out of the treasury and
hire marine merchants to go to sea!
Inasmuch as our Tariff on the materials
out of which ships are built makes it cost
more to build a ship in the United States
than in Europe, and inasmuch as our
Navigation laws deny the protection of
the flag to an American if he buys his
ship abroad, the law has throttled our
merchant marine.
Why not repeal these laws, and allow
the American merchant to buy his vessel
in Scotland, England, France or Ger
many and thus get as cheap a ship as his
rivals can buy?
That Mr. Hearst should so strongly fa
vor the Ship Subsidy is the clearest evi
dence of his belief in the Protective sys
tem, or of his unwillingness to assail it.
* * *
But while we regret to note the stu
dious manner in which Mr. Hearst avoids
collision with some vastly important is
sues, and while we fear that he is un
sound on the questions of Money and the
Tariff, we hail with joy any movement
calculated to stimulate the independent
study of governmental conditions, and in
dependent action on the part of individual
voters. The curse of this country —the
Iliad of our woes —has been a blind, slav
ish allegiance to party organizations and
party names.
Credit To Whom Due.
Invariably, we mark upon copy borrow
ed from other periodicals the name of the
paper to whom credit is due. In re-pro
ducing cartoons, half-tones, etc., the let
tering is often misplaced, either by the
engravers or by the printers. In no case
can we know that the lettering has been
misplaced, until after the Jeffersonian
comes out.
The very striking double-page cartoon,
“The Wine line and the Bread line,”
should have been credited to the New
York Sunday American and Journal. The
cartoons made of the visit to the White
House should have been credited to the
Washington Post, and to the Washington
Star. Some time ago, .we used a cartoon
from the Jacksonville (Fla.) Times-
Union.
We regret that the losing of the letter
ing-slips caused the drawings to appear
without being properly credited.
n *
Finley of the Southern.
While wrecks on the Southern Railroad
continue to enlarge the graveyards and
to pack the hospitals, it is becoming evi
dent that the new president of the System
is doing his best, under inherited diffi
culties.
Mr. Finley has entirely discarded that
arrogant, defiant tone which made Sam
uel Spencer so generally hated, and
which is laying up a day of wrath for
Milton Smith of the L. & N.
Tn his addresses, and in his conferences
with officials representing the States
through which the Southern operates, Mr.
Finley has given proof of an earnest de
sire to co-operate in bringing about a
better service, reasonable rates and a
friendly relation between the corporation
and the people.
The Jeffersonian was particularly im
pressed by Mr. Finley’s address to the
employes of the Southern, in which he
urged upon them the duty of treating with
courtesy and consideration the patrons of
the road, and all others with whom they
have dealings. In very many cases, rail
roads have been made unpopular because
of the local agent’s lack of common civil
ity.
By this line of conduct, the people of
the community are kept in a state of hos
tility to the road, and the first chance a
jury gets a chance to hit back, it does so.
Another thing, Mr. Finley might con
sider:
Why not dismiss some of his lawyers
and adopt the policy of settling cases?
In my experience of nearly thirty years
at the bar, I have been impressed with
the folly of the railroads in paying out
so much money to their lawyers. They
could compromise the cases for less than
their attorneys cost them, and thus have
their peace, at a net profit, rather than
constant war at a fearful expense. Why
(Continued on Page Twelve.)
PAGE NINE