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the JEFFERSONIAN Vol. 111. No. 20. GUBERNATORIAL CAMPAIGN NOTPS. In the last of the many statements made by the Honorable Hoke in refer ence to that famous telegram, we under stood him to say that his true position,— sifted down and with all the chaff out, — is that he favors “light wines and beer” for other states. Well now, if it is a good thing to have light wines and beer, why shouldn’t dear old Georgia have some? But if it is a bad thing to have light wines and beer, why give it to the “other states”? We don’t like this new variety of temperance sauce which is not as good for the gander as it is for the goose. •8 The somewhat excited Atlanta Journal exclaims that “Little Joe” has made five different platforms on the prohibition question. Yet none of the five seem to favor the use of light wines and beer. Not even “for other states.” The big cities having refused to close such establishments as the Piedmont bar, the small counties, acting through the legislature, did it for them. Apparently, the big counties are get ting ready to hit back. When the new rule of the new goes into ef fect, it will be possible to elect a gov ernor who will exert all of his power to restore former conditions, thus leaving the small counties “dry” and the big cities “wet.” •8 Our handsome, eloquent and beloved friend, Seaborn Wright, fancied that he had something to say upon the guberna torial race, and he began a double col umn performance in the Atlanta Journal. By the time he reached the bottom of the page he suddenly discovered that he hadn’t said anything; so he got disheart ened and quit. What was it that you started out to say, Seab? As to that violation of the law in the making of such a big deposit in the Neal Bank, the question remains, Did Governor Smith act in wilful dis regard of the law, or was he ignorant of the statute which limits a deposit of state funds, in any one bank, to $ 100,000? At the time he renewed the fifty-thous and-dollar note which the state owed the bank, the bank owed the state more than twice that sum. The state deposit was already illegal. By renewing the note and A Weekly Paper Edited by THOS. E. WATSON and J. D. WATSON. Atlanta, Ga., Thursday, May 14, 1908. thus adding to the deposit, Governor Smith became a party to this violation of the law. Why did he do this? Was it done wilfully, or through ig norance? *8 The Chairman of the Railroad Commis sion being laid up with the rheumatism, and the other four members being suf ferers, apparently from locomotor-ataxia, why shouldn’t Judge Hines go abroad making speeches? The enlarged and high priced commis sion doesn’t at present need lawyers; what it wants is a medical staff. *8 The announcement is made that our Governor will continue to rampage around on the stump, from now until June 4th; and that Judge Hines is go ing to rush out and say it again; and that Congressman Hardwick is going to tear himself away from his post of duty in Washington and come all the way to Georgia to tell us poor, ignorant creatures how we must vote for governor. What an awful agony we’re in, to be sure! Why so much stump-speaking on the Hoke Smith side? Nobody is making any speeches for Joe Brown. He goes along quietly, conduct ing his campaign by mail and by com munications addressed to the newspapers. In this way, he reaches the people, and he is satisfied to leave the case in their hands, without further discussion. Why can’t Governor Smith conduct his Campaign in the same manner? The mails and the newspapers are as open to him as they are to “Little Joe”; is he afraid to trust the people to pass on the case after a calm comparison of what each candidate says in writing? So it seems. •8 We think that Governor Smith would gain votes by staying at his office and attending to the duties thereof. If we don’t need him in his office, then the sooner we abolish the office and stop the expense, the better. As to Judge Hines, we have already said that our new Commission seems to need pills, plasters, Wizard Oil and train ed nurses more than it needs legal ad vice; therefore, the State won’t lose any thing by Judge Hines’ absence from his office. As to Congressman Hardwick, we be lieve that our able young friend will re- main on duty in Washington, where ex tremely important legislation requires his presence, and where, as our representa tive, he should give us the full benefit of his talent, energy and influence. If one of our Congressmen should set the example of coming home to tell us how to vote on June 4th, the whole dele gation might come tumbling down on us, and that wouldn’t do, at all. Let our members of Congress attend to their duties in Washington; that’s what they are paid to do. •8 Suppose every liquor-dealer and every anti-prohibitionist in Georgia should vote for Hoke Smith—how would that affect the Prohibition law that is already on the statute book? Don’t you know that the Governor cannot amend, repeal or make a law? The legislature does that, of course. Conse quently the Prohibition law is perfectly safe, if your legislature is, no matter whom you elect governor. If Brown should be nominated at the primary of June 4, the Prohibition law would be absolutely unaffected by that result. Why? BECAUSE YOU WILL HAVE ALREADY SELECTED THE MEN FOR THE LEGISLATURE. •8 If you have chosen safe men for the legislature, your Prohibition act is safe. No thanks to Smith or Brown. If you have chosen unsafe men for the legisla ture, your Prohibition law is unsafe. No blame to Smith or Brown. If the temperance sentiment was so strong as to wring the Prohibition law from the legislature, when Governor Hoke Smith was opposed to it, how can the law be repealed or injuriously amend ed, now that both Smith and Brown de clare that they will veto any adverse legislation? Suppose we had suspected, in 1906, that the first thing Hoke Smith would do after he became Governor would be to make an addition of two members to our Railroad Commission and to bounce up salaries all around, —does anybody be lieve that we would have worked as hard for him as we did? Suppose the people had been frankly told he had it up his sleeve to lie down on the governorship, during his first term, and make the race for the Senate this year, does anyone believe that he could have been elected? Suppose he (Continued on Page Thirteen.) Price Five Cents.