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ope <t rrctsoitidit Vol. 14, No. 2G T he Supreme Court of the United States Should be Asfeed in the Regular Legal Way, to Decide the Constitutionality of the Re- CCIrt Acte of Congress, on Conscription and Espionage ~ Court, State or Federal, high or low, North or South, lias ever held that all of the provisions of the recent Acts of Con gress are constitutional. Various District Courts of the United States have hurriedly passed upon one or two phases of the recent Conscription Act: perhaps a Circuit Court may have done so. but I am not aware of the fact. V hat I do know is, that the Supreme tribunal for the arbitrament of just such questions, has never endorsed those provisions of the new laws, which The Jeffersonian has attacked—and will continue to attack, until silenced by the Prussian militarists of this country, who have usurped more than Caesa rian powers, since they were re-elected last November, to the slogan of “Peace and Pros perity.” There are some who believe that the Su preme Court of Georgia, sitting in Milledge ville during the winter of 1862-3, decided the principles involved. It did not do so. I have gone over that decision twice, with great care, and I call the attention of the legal profession, to the following vital facts: The court emphasized the conditions un der which the government of the Southern The Stone That Was Rejected by the. Builders 'THE missionary funds of the Roman Pagan Church are being devoted almost ex clusively to “Make America Catholic.” The crafty Jesuits who rule the inner mechanism of the Pagan system which grew up within the Christian church at Borne, do not scatter and dissipate their efforts upon immovable China, apathetic India, and skeptical Japan. The Jesuits recognize the United States of North America as the coming World-power, destined perhaps to an imperial and mili taristic domination to which Great Britain herself will play second. As clear to my mind as .anything veiled in the future can be, is the secret purpose of our Trusts, to aid England drive Germany out of Asia Minor ,Africa, and South America— and next to drive England out. For the present, millions of our best men, our picked men, the flower of the land, may fight and die with England, to put an end to German gains of territory ; to wrest Turkey from her control, and to seise Armenia, Ana tolia, Persia, and Mesopotamia; to capture Constantinople, and appropriate the Eastern part of the Berlin-to-Bagdad Bailroad, but you may rest assured that our Money Trust and Manufacturing Trusts will never allow England to reap all the*fruits of victory. Our Emperors of Finance and Trade will divide with England the spoil they have Thomson, Ga., Thursday, July 12, 1917 Confederacy adopted the policy of conscrip tion. At that time, armies of invasion oc cupied Southern territory, actually had de vasted large areas of that territory, and were strenuously endeavoring to subjugate all the rest. Not only did the Supreme Court of Geor gia, in the body of the decision, allude to these physical conditions as necessitating con scription ,when volunteering had ceased, but the very last paragraph again alludes to that physical fact, in the following words: “And it is a high gratification, that in the crisis of our fate as a Nation, when flagitious war is desolating our country, we are enabled, in perfect consistency with the ob ligations of official duty, to stay up the hands of our Confederate authorities in the use and timely exercise of a power expressly granted.” I am sure that it is no reflection upon the integrity of the Court, to suggest that it-was composed of patriotic rebels, who found it easy to believe what they wanted to believe. The case against the conscript law was argued by a lawyer of whom I never before heard; his name was McKinley; in favor of the Government appeared Mark Blanford, who was afterwards a member of the Su preme bench of this State. jointly won with the blood and treasure of our people; anj when the day of division comes, America and England may come to blows. Our Emperors of Finance and Trade had already squeezed nearly the last gold dollar out of England and France, when those Eng lish and French Commissions came over. It was a case of “Save me Cassius, or I sink.’’ And our Emperors decided to pull Eng land and France out of the water, because England, especially, had the bait-gourd in her pocket. Our Emperors couldn't afford to let Eng land and France go down, because of profits and investments already made .and because of profits and investments in prospect. This line of reasoning, and none other, ex plains the terrific pressure brought to bear upon Congress, in favor of those revolu tionary new Acts, appropriating for foreign service such quantities of our blood and treasure as dumbfound the human mind. If you have, for an instant, believed that the powers which give orders to Congress care one straw about German militarism, or about the making of the world safe for de mocracy, or for the vague, altruistic welfare of universal “mankind,” pray dismiss the idea. Second: No point was made or passed on, involving, the old Anglo-Saxon principle, that the free- citizen cannot be taken, or dis seized, or deprived of liberty, property or life, without due process of law—that point does not enter into the discussion at all. Third : That decision does not touch, much less decide, the question of the Government s right to take free citizens, deprive them of their liberty, and send them out of the realm, for military service beyond seas. This ancient principle of the Common Law was not even mentioned, because the Southern Confederacy was not attempting to do any thing more than defend its own soil against invading armies, who were actually in occu pation of it, after dreadful battles had been fought. Fourth: The Georgia decision dees not apply to the present situation, because the Confederate Constitution did not contain any provision similar to the Thirteenth Amend ment of the Constitution of the United States. The reasoning of Justice Jenkins, who de livered the opinion, is not strong; one of his main arguments is, that the new Constitution intended to give the government greater powers than the old Confederation possessed, (continued on page two.) It doesn’t de credit to your intelligence. Leave such illusions to silly preachers, like W. C. Daniel, of Atlanta, and to Aunt- Nancy lawyers, like Andrew Cobb, of Athens. In your heart of hearts, you are bound to know that Congress obeys the Great Banks, and the Great Trusts —including of course the Bail road Trust. Do you ask for evidence? If so .study the statutes which have made the Government itself the mere rubber-stamp of the Privileged Capitalists, and which have reduced to poverty the millions of toilers whose industry enriches the non-producing thousands. Do not believe, for a single minute, that such men as J. P. Morgan, John D. Rock efeller, Elbert Gary, Henry Frick, Frank Vanderlip, Jacob Schiff, Julius Kahn. James Stillman, William Baker, the Guggenheim Brothers, and John Hays Hammond would turn on their heels, to “save the world for democracy,” would give one dollar for the freedom of peoples throughout the earth, or would take the slightest interest in changing the inner government of 05,000,000 Germans. Such an idea is absurd. The President is put up to talk it, for effect; and it has a delicious effect upon boys who are too young to think; upon grown-ups (CONTINUED ON I’AGE THREE.) Price, Five Cents