The Jeffersonian. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1907-1917, July 26, 1917, Image 1

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JJej jwsoiuan. Vol. 14, No. 29 TN the United States Court, in Baltimore, Judge John C. Rose instructed the jury to return a verdict of acquittal in the case brought against Romanns Baker and Jacob Wilhide, charged with “conspiracy to cause young men to evade or violate the military draft law.” The Judge said— “ Every man has a perfect right to any opinion he may see fit to form about any law that is proposed, or about any law that is on the statute books. Any man may do anything that is lawful in itself to secure the repeal of any law that is on the statute books. To that end he may make any argument that commends itself to his reason and judg ment, against the policy of any law, whether it be a law for the selective draft, or any other. And he is not answerable for the wisdom of his arguments. And he could not very well be put on trial even for the good*faith of solpe of them. But there is one limit: so long as the law is the law, it is the duty, of every man to obey it, and he may not, under color or pre tense of arguing against the wisdom of the law, or advocating its repeal, do anything with INTENT TO PROCURE ITS VIOLATION.” Does not this decision meet the approval o.f your common sense ? AT Gettysburg, 1863, President Lincoln re ** dedicated himself and his administration and the “loyal” States to the proposition, that popular self-government should not perish from the earth. The Roman Catholic church had him murdered, a couple of years later, because ho asserted the Monroe Doctrine, and defeated the Pope’s effort to re-establish in Mexico the diabolical tyranny of the Roman priest and Spanish grandee. What has become of our government of the people, by the people, for the people? It doesn’t exist any more. Senator James Hamilton Lewis of Illinois —the Senatorial spokesman for this Hamilto pian-John Adams administration —says that the U. S. Constitution is “obsolete.” Even his oath to support it, cannot breathe life into it. His oath is not yet five months old —Presi- dent Wilson’s is six. But the Constitution is dead—says Sena tor Lewis, spokesman in the world’s greatest legislative body, for the Chief Executive of the world’s greatest government. The Constitution is our shrine: it holds the sacred principles of that democracy for which the President is going to make the world “safe.” The first step we take in our crusade “to AN APPEAL TO COMMON SENSE There Should Be An Appeal to the Country Thomson, Ga., Thursday, July 26, 1917 Isn't that the exact line The Jeffersonian has taken? From the very beginning, I made it plain that the only two legal methods by which the people could fight the new laws, were an ap peal to the U. S. Courts, and peaceable as semblies petitioning the Government to re peal the Acts. These methods are strictly constitutional, and they were a portion of the liberties of every Englishman, centuries before the Con stitution was adopted. In support of the legal fight on these new Prussian Acts of Congress, and against the maniacal policy of sending to Europe an army larger than those of Darius and Xerxes, I have used every argument that com mended itself to my “wisdom.” In the language of Judge Force, I was do ing exactly what it was my perfect right to do. There isn't a reader of The Jeffersonian who does not remember that, before Con fress passed the Press-gag law on June 15th, had already outlined the legal contest be fore Judge Emory Speer, anti had tendered my services to make the constitutional argu ment before him, and before the Supreme Court of the United States. Os course, everything said in the paper afterwards, must be construed as a com mentary upon the pending proposition to make the world safe for democracy,” is to announce to the world that our shrine is no longer worshipped, no longer respected, no longer preserved, as the Israelite guarded his Ark of the Covenant. This time last year, The Jeffersonian, with many other papers that are intensely hostile to German militarism and U-Boat atrocities, strenuously advocated the severance of rela tions with Germany, the sending of Bern storff out of the country, the seizure of hos tile aliens as hostages, and the energetic as sertion by e our naval forces of our neutral rights upon the high seas. This time last year, the Wilson partisans were denouncing The Jeffersonian for that attitude, affd were making the daily papers ring with hymns of praise of the President who refused to go that far. It wouldn’t do to send Bernstorff home: it wouldn’t do to sever friendly relations with the Kaiser: it would not do to use our fleet to convoy our vessels across the ocean and to sink any German boat that dared to molest them. No, indeed! That wouldn't do: that would be going too far. The thing to do was, to write another note to the Kaiser, and then another, and then another, and .then a few more—each of which would be hailed by proceed against the Prussian laws in the Federal Courts. Not one word in our paper can be twisted into an “intention to procure a violation of the law.” On the contrary, my public and private advice was, to await the actual conscription, and tfAcn apply for writs of Habeas Corpus. Suppose it should be held that any criticism you may honestly make of governmental policies is unlawful: suppose you are denied the right to argue against Acts of Congress, or policies of the executive: suppose you are punished for expressing your opinion, ver bally or in print: suppose your right to pea ceably assemble and discuss your public affairs is destroyed: suppose you are thus reduced to silent submission while your re publican form of government is changed into a government of persons and armed soldiers—- would the world thereby be made “safe for democracy?” The wise men who made your Federal Gov ernment put it in writing—-and in the plainest possible words —that Congress should never do certain things. Don’t you think it is time to protest, when Congress is doing those very things? If the citizen can be made a criminal for reminding the President and the Congress that they swore to not do those forbidden (CONTINUED ON PAGE TWO.) Wilson’s partisans as the very sweetest thing that ever came out of a type-machine. Don’t you remember i It was only a year ago: and the Wilson cuckoos continued their perfect peace prattle down to the November election. The only real issue between Hughes and Wilson was this issue. Hughes and Roosevelt 4 * were boisterously clamoring for the policy which The Jefferso nian had advocated ever since May 1915, when Bernstorff advertised the German in tention to murder the American passengers on the British steamboat Lusitania. When those 119 Americans had been murdered in cold blood, as per the Bernstorff advertisement in the New York papers, what did President Wilson do? He typed out a note to the Kaiser—a note full of sweetness, light, verbosity, and bunk; and this note was trailed by others of the same sort, for two long, nerve-racking years. In morals, the hands of Bernstorff were crimson with the blood of those Lusitania victims when he ate dinner in the home of Vice President Marshall: in morals, Bern storff was accessory to murder, when he was the guest of President Wilson at Shadow Lawn. That was before the election, and the (continued on page four.) Price, Five Penis