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' H nl >< r ■ /< & <i z% <4t> SgkA W ftj fS NO> Hpj M rd O / ■ PI $ tI r * R■ Bm /7? r? fe7 X-Wh**. jJ* 'W ft & ~ - -W RF V| I vl S wwb b W b/. 14, Mo. 31 Is President Wilson Allowed to Know the Truth About Our Appalling Conditions? T* HOSE who are placed in supreme con trol of the policies of great nations, arc almost certain to be cut off from the main body of the people. A circle of courtiers confines the ruler, in much the safue way that the walls of ancient towns prevented communication with the outside w/drld. The personal attendants of the monarch formed,/ the nucleus of his court; and, next to theses came the favored officers of the army ands of the State. In this way, it naturally happened, that the doctor who kept the king uneasy about his health, or the barber who shaved him, or the chamberlain who saw to his being put to bed, wielded a greater influence over him than did his offcial councillors. Notoriously, the greatest of monarchs have been under the sway of their personal intimates, their mistresses, their confessors, their chums who came up the back-stairs, and who were unknown to the public. In comparatively recent times, we have §een the French kings ruled by Jesuit con fessors, and by shameless Montespans, Main itenons, Pompadours, Dußarrys, &c. In England, the Catholic Stuarts were governed by such Jesuits as Father Petre, and by such strumpets as Barbara Villiers, Is the Oath of Office No Longer Binding Upon the Conscience ? 'THE Constitution of the United States, Article 2, Section 1. paragraph 7, reads—■ “Before he” (the President) “enters on the execution of bis office, he shall take the follow ing oath or affirmation: T do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will ’faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of iny ability, preserve, protect, and defend the 'Constitution of the United States.’ ” Notice the significance of the word “before.” The President cannot enter on the execu tion of his office, before he lias solemnly bound himself to preserve, protect, and de fend the Supreme Law of the Union. He cannot move a peg, until after he Jias Ween that oath. Does it bind him, or is it “obsolete”? Never before in the history of this Govern ment, did any Senatorial spokesman of a (President refer contemptuously to the Con stitution, as an out-of-date scrap of paper, Until Senator James Hamilton Lewis did so, In open session of the Senate. Every member of Congress, every member ibf the Cabinet, every Governor, every mem ber of State legislatures, must take the same Ibath of fidelity to the Constitution. i. If they do not do so, their official acts would Thomson, Ga t , Thursday, August 9, 1917 Louise de Querrouaille, the niece of Cardi nal Mazarin, &c. Later, the kings of the present - German house were controlled by German harlots, and by such English favorites as Airs. Fitz herbert, Grace Dalrymple, Mrs. Keppel, &c. It is related of the famous Sultan, Ilaroun al Raschid, that he used to disguise himself, slip out of the roar door of the palace, and roam about the streets of Bagdad, listening to the talk of the common people. The private secretary of Napoleon tells us in his Memoirs, that the greatest of men loved to put on a plain overcoat and hat, and mingle with the crowds on the boule vards, in the markets, and in the shops, so that he might know, for himself, what the French were feeling and saying. Historians agree, that so long as the Duke de Morny lived, his half-brother, Napoleon 111., was safe, because De Morny mixed with the French, on the race-track, on the Bourse, at the opera, in the legislative as sembly, and at social functions, uW thus kept his imperial brother posted, as to the true state of affairs. But De Morny’s brilliant career suddenly ended while he was in the prime of life, and be voidable, and they could be ousted from office by legal proceedings. But the oath seems to have become a mere form* It is a matter of the lips, only. Yet I think of old George lll.—the tyrant King of England whom our forefathers fought—refusing to sign the bills which the Roman Catholics had duped Parliament into passing, because his coronation oath bound him to the Protestant system. I think of Gen. Grant, also, threatening to resign and disrupt the Government, when President Johnson proposed the arrest or Gen. Lee and other paroled Confederate offi cers. When March 4th 1917 rolled around, and President Wilson publicly and solemnly re newed his oath to preserve, protect, and de fend the Constitution, did he regard the pledge as a mere form? When Senators and Representatives pledged their honor to the Supreme Law by a similar oath, did they regard their promise as perfunctory? Would the President and the candidates for Congress have ventured, during the cam- his Emperor-brother was left without ore true friend. Nobody would afterwards tell him the truth. Those who were getting rich .off the rot ten Empire, made it to the interest of those who immediately enc/ircled 'Napoleon 111., to prevent the truth from reaching him. The personal attendants of the Emperor, together with the higher nobles who were always about him, fenced him off. No outsider could reach him. Thus lie remained in a fool's paradise, while Bismarck, Von Moltke, and Von Roon were preparing his overthrow. Dallying with his Jesuit priests, and the loose women with whom the priests kept him surrounded and weakened, Napoleon 111. drifted into the German trap, although his dying brother, De Morny, had said to him, as a last word, of Prussia!” Is President Wilson allowed to learn the truth about the fearful crisis War-Vultures have precipitated? Can unpleasant news pass Tumulty? Can unpalatable facts run the gauntlet which the Jesuits and the Knights of Co- t CONTINUED ON PAGE TWO.’ paign of last year, to hint any purpose of ignoring the Constitution? Certainly not. Let us see what the President and Con gress have done, since the renewed oath to the Supreme Law was taken. (1.) They have made military appropria tions—the purpose being to raise and support armies—for a term of 30 years, when the Constitution expressly forbids it. The Constitution says positively, that no appropriation for that purpose shall be for a term of more than two years; and this in hibition was put into the organic, vnehangea bed law, for the very purpose of preventing the maintenance of a large standing army, in time of peace. When I say that the Supreme Law is un changeable, I mean that Congress cannot change it: it can be changed by the people of the States, acting as States, and concurring by a vote of three-fourths of the States. If Congressmen could change the Constitu tion, their oath would be unmeaning, unless it read— “We solemnly swear to support the Consti tution, until we see fit to change it.” (CONTINUED ON I’AGE THREE.) Price, Five Gents