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UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY VOLUME II. ATHENS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING. MAY 31, 1855. NUMBER 9 PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY JOHN H. CHRISTY, EDITOR ISO rROraiSTOR. Terms of Subscription. TWO DOLLARS par annum, if paid ■‘irictly in aJ nice; otherwise,THREE DOLLARS will be charged {&• In order that the price of the papei may not be i n the wayofa large circulation, Clube will be supplied at the followioglow rates. x^¥Zs coplE *% : :: Jtl IkttcUx rater, lie Cash mtut aeeesqway the order. Rotes of Adrertiriag. Tranrient advertisements will be inserted at One Dallar per square for the IIiw. and Fifty Cents per square for each subsequent insertion. Legal and yearly advertisements at the usual rates Candidates will be charged RS for announcements, and obituary noticesexeeeoingsiz lines in length will be charged as advertisements. When the number of insertions is not markedon and advertisement, it will be published till forbid, and charged accordingly. SMITH’S SPEECH. SPEECH OF MR. SMITH, (Democratic Representative from Ala.) Deli cored in the U. S. Hou»« of Representa tives, on the 15/A of January, 1855. Mr. SMITH, of Alabama, said: Mr. Chairman: Propositions have been already made iu this Hall, and at the other end of the Capitol, to repeal or modify the na turalization laws. That question is assuming proportions of considerable magnitude. In fact, sir, it is Incoming the great question of the agj. The time has come when American legislators will be forced, by the voice of the people, to take a stand upon this subject; and before this question, which in itself em bodies the grand idea of American nationali ty, all mere party organisations will have to land upon onr shores in merchant ships, in the form of emigrants any number of sol diers, from one hundred to a million. How easy wonld it be for the Czar to send one hundred thousand Russians to this country as emigrants. One hundred thousand immigrants arriv ing in New York a month would create no excitement. Their promenading Broadway would not so swell the tide of that immense population as to be perceivable. They could S o and equip themselves with American ri- es, furnish themselves with American pow der, and American bullets, and go in Ameri can cars to any portion-of the country, and be ready at any time, to exhibit themselvep an armed force, in the heart of the country. This may never occur, but we know that the landing of an army in an enemy’s country, in case of war,is a most ioportant matter, and onr laws enable an enemy to flo >d the conn try with his soldiers in the form of emigrants. I ask now, of American statesmen, if this thing ought to exist I . Will any -man say that it is his duty to live alone for this pres ent dav. Will any statesman say bis duty stops this honr. Will any statesman say he lives alone for his own age and bis own gen eration ! There may be no danger now, but we should look ahead, far into the future, and for that future supply, at this day, the la mentable deficiencies of onr laws. My second proposition, connected with the first, is, that no immigrant shall be allowed to land until he produces a passport from the proper authority of the United States, rest dent in the country from which the en igrant comes; which passport shall contain upon its face the requirements which I have read. My third proposition is : our consuls, and such other officers as may be appointed for such purpose, shall be instructed to give pass ports to no persons except those who are of sound health, both in mind and body, of good character for sobriety and honesty : and up- seem to authorize fore in that State, been accustomed to vote. ing audiences with his eloquent speeches, and plausible plans; and raising fifteen and t wen- ty thousand dollars & uight from the pockets cits of the naturalization laws. property in the name of ecclesiastics." D f the sage inhabitants of the western States Let us now take another branch of this. Reform in the Social Condition. —all to be used either in aid ot the American subject. Mr. Wise, who has examined this “I. Abolition of land monopolv. 2. Ad Revolutionary League, or for some kindred subject with much ingenuity, says: valorem taxation of property. S.'Ameliora- nurnose. And these monev orators a ip nfiloH “ The statistics of immigration t The statistics of immigration show that tion of the condition of the working class—a. from 1820 to 1st January, 1853, inclusive, for By lessening the time of work to eight hours thirty-two years and more, 3,204,848 for- for grown persons, and to five hours for chU- eigners arrived in the United States,; at the dren; b. By incorporation of mechanics’ as- average rate of 100,151 per annum.” sociationa and protective societies; c. By Is it not fair to say that, from the founda- gianting a preference to mechanics before all tion of the government up to this time, there other creditors; d. By establishing an asylum has been an average of 100,151 emigrants for superannuated mechauics without means coming to this country every year. We are at the public expense. 4. Education of poor bound to look on the master in another light, children by the State. 6. Taking possession We must look on it in the increased ratio of of the railroads by the State. 6. The pro immigration. We know that, in the last year, motion of education—a. By the introduction very nearly half a million of foreigners ar- 1 offree schools, with the powejofenforcins the rived in this country. 1 have here a state- parents to send their children to school,**and meat, which I presume is correct, showing: j prohibition of all clerical influence ; h. By in- Immigbatiox von 1854.—There arrived at struction in the German language; c. By es- the port of New York, during the year just' tablishing a German University. 7. The snp- closcd, 307,639 emigrants, of whom 168,723 ! porting of the slave-emancipation exertions were Germans, and 80,200 Irish. The immi- of Cassius M. Clay by Congressional laws 8- gration at the same port last year was 284,- ’ Abolition of the Christian system of punish. 945. The following is a comparative table 1 ment and introduction of the human amelior- of immigration from the year 1847 to 1S54, i ation system. 9. Abolition >f capital punish- inclusive. In the year 1854 the German im- ment.” Let every American read tins carefully and candidly. It is but a fair sample of the for- 53,180 52,946 eigner’s ideas of liberty. Ought these men be 51,973 98,061 allowed to vote! No President, no Senate, 55,705 112,691 no Sabbath, no swearing upon the Bible,-no 45,536 117,138 permanent constitution, no Neutrality, no 60,883 163,256 Christian punishment. Is it 4veil probable 118,011 llb,l3l that the second generation of silch insane fa- 110.644 113,161 natics should so be improved asi to be capable 168J2S 80,200 of voting with discretion ? These are the migration has been double that of the Irish: German. Irish. 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 give way and retire. ^ Intimately connected with the ndvAnt o! i on satisfactory proot of the applicant that he this question is the rise and progress of a I ha« never been convicted for any crime; and new order of *vifen, whose name aud dcsig- 1 the consul shall refuse passports to all noto- hation, up to this period, are as yet unknown. I riously rebellious and seditious persons and but whose existence, however shadowy and I to all persons, who, in their opinion, shall be mysterious, is a fixed fact; and whose pow-1 liable to become a charge upon any of the er in this country, for good or evil, as made I United States as paupers. I will not pause itself felt from one end of the Union to the I to enforce this proposition with argument, other. The necessity of it must be palpable to every Against this party th • vituperations of the I American statesman, press have been levelled. Many of our hon- fourth proposition is as radical as all orablc friend* here have entered into the ^ i Jould provide that the natural!- discussion of the subjects an«mg upon 11 LiUon laws shall be^so repealed and modified with intense exc eiuent. 7 ‘ ey behold m prcVent a u foreigneVfrom voting who tlus new order nolhrag shall not have become naturalized, or -ho shadowy Rtant-some fabulous Hercules- ^ ^ ^ „ to natural . some rate head and bloody bones—some mys- ^ date of the £ „ of ^ t tenous destroyer—some lion, endowed with I ., . ,. , . J™ voracious appetite, going about seeking whom v,ded a11 boj* ^ho come to this country as it may devour For my part, I have not immigrants with the.r parents, and may fee at been "able to discover any of these dangers; the t,m ? u “ de . r fj* a S e « f *»• ° r , fifteen I feel none of these app/ehensions; and it. is my purpose, on this occasion, to inquire into 1 slt JJiJ eu a ? c,uzen9 ln . e T e, 7 res pect. theexistcnceot these d»*cr. ml epprehen- “h^Jnlt eril. Sir.»hoeempo,.thi,newp.rtyl Sofer.,Uhieh prevail “pen this .object, the public know, and so far as we all know. , 1 uow P" 8 on . t f °/ the c ^ 9 °f ^ese and so far as it is admitted, the party consists 1 |? W8 > they exist at this time. Our nature of native American', not aboriginal., not ex- ,uat,on la 7 s «? ^"oimded with such d.ffi- actlv cannibal., but free-born American cit- cult.es and such deficiencies that they have izens. And how can an American behold in beenmaladm.nist«red—administered in fraud, an orKaniiation of hi* countrymen such I neghgencc.nnd corruption, from the founda- travagaut terror. I Who will say that an tion of the government. This has been so association of native Americans is less worthy P al pable that the Congress of the United of confidence than an association of mixed States, in 1824,had to pass a law by which American, and foreigners ? a * one 8WO ®P- ? as cured the illegalities of I assume that the admitted elements of the naturalization papers of, perhaps, thou- this organization, being native American, ** n d* offoreigners whose papers had been absolutely exclude the idea that, as a parly, obtained in fraud and violation of the laws they can have anything at heart but the glo-1 The law of 1824 says: rv, honor, and welfare of the country. And “ certificate of n what do they propose to do f With all their ship,heretofore obtained from any court of dangerous appearance, their mysterious or-1 record within the United States, shall be gauization; with all their test oaths of ae- deemed invalid in consequence of an omis- crecy, as alleged, what do they proposo to | sion to comply with the first section of the do I They have but one simple proposition I net entitled an act relative to the evidence in to submit to the country, and that is, purif - cases of naturalization, passed 22d March cation of the ballot box. The idea embodies the whole doctrine of the organisation of the party. In order to bring alout that result, what do they propose to do! They pro- 1816.” [5/a/. at Large, vol. 4, j>. 69.] Here you will see that the Congress of the United States admitted that for eight years pose to exclude unnaturalized foreigners I (from 1816 to ’24) the naturalization laws had from the ballot-box, and to check immigra-1 been corruptly and negligently administered; lion, by wholesome laws for that purpose I that for eight years men had been 6ent to That is the utmost exteut to which they pro I Congress, men had been elected governors pose to go. and Presidents by illegal votes and spurious Intimately connected, however, with this I voters : and the Congress, in their blind libe- question, is one of a very delicate character I rality, passed a law curing the evil, healing —the question of Catholicism in this country. I the sores, and covering the frauds, by looking It is said that it is the policy of this new back and making these naturalization papers party to exclude Catholics from office. I perfect which had been improperly granted have no doubt that such a policy is a part of A distinguished judge in New York recent their policy not only because of the Catholic ly discovered that for years and years, and religion, but because the Roman Catholic perhaps from the very foundation of the go- Church in this country is so intimately con- vernment, the clerks of the courts of'hat nected with foreign influence in all its bran- State had been in the habit of taking upon ches, that it is impossible to separate the I themselves the duties of the judges in grant- two—and they have to take the whole or ex- ing naturalization papers. Judge Dean, of elude the whole. I the supreme court of the itatc of New York, 1 do not pretend that I have, upon this has published an elaborate opinion, and I will occasion, any well-arranged plan in reference I read a small portion of it: io the repeal or modification of the naturali-1 In the matter of the Application of John zation laws. I have, howerer, some distinct Clark to become a citizen of the U. S. propositions to make, which are radical ini “ The petitioner, a native of Scotland, ap their character. I propose to strike at the I plied to the clerk of this court for admission root of the evil. 1 do not briog forward my I as a citizen. A number of aliens made a proposition in the form of a bill, because no-1 Him application The clerk was proceeding body can suppose that this Congress will fa- to admmister the formal oath to the respec- vor this reformation. It cannot be expected I tive applicants, when the subject was brought that au administration which is so distinctly to my notice, and, on inquiry, I learned that committed in favor of foreigners and foreign the practice had, for many years, been for the influence as this, should take the back track r Jerk to receive and pass upon all applications I do not suppose that during the present \for naturalization and grant certificates with- session of Congress any bill of the kind will out consulting the court, and that the proof receive any serious attention I will lay be- ^ which ^iens were admitted to citizenship, fore the committee, however, the proposi- did not ordinarily meet any of the require• tions which must, in the main, meet the de- menU a f the statute. On this state of (acts,I wre of the Nativc American party ; but 11 deemed it my duty to forbid the clerk from do not wish to commit any person but myself entertaining any applications of this nature, » .?** P r °P°* ltl0U ®'. directing that all should be made to the court. In the first place, it is welllcuown that we <jq, e application was then made to the court, ,w have no law by which a foreigner can be ^ on examination, I found that neither Clark excluded. If there ts any law requiring aL^ any one of the other candidates for eiti- foreigner to bring a passport, it is so loosely ^ furnish f of ^ lnuoM administered as to amoun t to nothing. For - \ r ciae2x, within the United SUUes, to exceed CJMSSSt? £ STu whatovL i*'NonT “ y re?tr,Ct,0n I tence of this e*ror-to show that the clerks _* „ * rm , °f the courts have taken upon themselves, the ship in which he coi fjJciJn powers* 3 unril he sweats that it"ii I “ e “ ,,rt bavc “ d noth,n & bis bona fide intention to become an inhabi-1 tant of the Uuited States. The necessity of I have now shown that the Congress of the this requsition shall be made known to him United States had to intervene, by an act, to by the captain of the ship before he takes pas- perfect spurious naturalization papers. 1 sage, and his passport shall contain in ita have shown that a judge of the New York face this requisition. 1 supreme court discovered that the clerks of A word,sir, upon this proposition. I stated 'he court hod been in the habit, from time that we bad no law, and no clause of a law, immemorial, perhaps, ofgrantingnaturaliza- by which to exclude foreigners io any num- tion papers contrary to law. I conclude, of bers., England. France, aud Russia, and all course, and legitimately, that the persons govern meats in the East, require every man elected to office in that State have been elect- wbo puts his foot upon ilieir shores, to exhi- ed by spurious votes; for it is no consequence bit a passport. Thereby they con regulate how many votes of this port ore given, so far immigration, aud say who ts*to come, and I as principle is concerned, for a few are often who isto remain. Suppose, *ir, that Eog-1 sufficient to turn and control an election. And laodi France, or Russia, or any other govern-11 see, sir, f. am a recent act of the Senate of meat have a dcrirc and an intention to make North Cartlina—called the free suffrage law >...„ i .. s—. " - Ji J ''That sena- ould izo the conclusion that, hereto-1 tion of oath upon the Bible; d. Repeal of ite, unnaturalized citizens have laws exacting a religious test before taking an en accustomed to vote. {office. 2. Taxation of church property. 3. So much, sir, for the lamentable deficien-' A prohibition of incorporations of all church bsofthe naturalization laws. property in the name of ecclesiastics.” We see the accomplished Kinkle, delight-1 pouring out every morning, his boiling caul- s jiS_— _:,u _i 1 —i .i (j ron of lies and slanders upon this new party, is the special organ of Abolitionism—and in the same print that denounces the Know- Nothings—he parades hid slanders against the South, in the form of an array of adver tisements for runaway slaves. I have no 684,654 853,484 684,654 Total, 1,538,138 I have to call the attention of the commit tee tu the important fact that, during the last year, while three hundred and fifty thousand emigrants landed in the single city of New York, only about tive thousand, during the same period, made application for naturaliza tion. Here you see, then, vast portions of these foreigners spread throughout the coun try without making any application whatever to become naturalized, and without swearing allegiance to the country. This ought to be corrected. We may safely calculate, Mr. Chairman, according to the increase of im migration for the last two or three years, that in five years more, unless some check be made to it, there will be an advent of a mil lion I he year. This ought to present some serious apprehensions to an American legis lator. This tide of immigration has hereto fore been confined to our eastern coast; but we have now to look to our western coast The golden sands of California glitter in the face of Japan and China 1 See Hie stream of emigration from the Celestial Empire to Cali formal What are we to do with these dis ciples of Confucius ? Forget even if you choose, for a moment, the German and Irish, and look alone to the West, and seo if there is not an appalling picture already displaying itself. What patriot can fail to be inspired with the gloomiest apprehensions in behold ing the almost untold millions of Pagans, whose array of eyes, more terrible than an army of bay one: s, are sparkling with the re flection of the gleaming waters of California ? How loug, sir, will it be before a million of Pagans, with their disgusting idolatries, will claim the privilege of votiug for American Christiaus, or against American Christians? How loug before a Pagan shall present his credentials in this Hall, with power to mingle iu the councils of this government ? There is now no law to prevent it. The American party demands a law to prevent it In five years more, according to the ratio of increase of emigration, there will be a mil lion coming to the country annually; aud there is no law requiring them either to re nounce their allogiauce to their own country or to swear allegiance to this one. But will they come in such numbers I Who can doubt it ? The world is looking anxiously to this country. Our fair fields; our golden sands; our salubrious climes, from the animating theme of all the nations of the earth. They will come—come in increasing swarms—and, whatever may have been the liberal policy of the Government heretofore on this subject, the time has arrived when the interest of the American citizen, as paramount to all mere ideas of liberality, should be protected. Id behalf of Americans, I claim laws to pro tect them in the eujoyment of that heritage which was bought fey the blood of their sires. We have seen, sir, that the laws of the laud not only invite foreigners to come, but they also place it in the power of Princes and Kings to 6end their armies here, in the dis guise of emigrants, with money in their pock ets to pm chase American rifles of American merchants. FOREIGNERS INCAPABLE OF APPRECIATING LIBER TY. Mr. Chairman, I contend that the mass of foreigners who come to this country are in capable of appreciating the policiy of our go vernment; they do not sufficiently understand our institutions. Patriotism is natural with native—but it must be cultivated in a for eigner. Their minds are filled with a vague and indefinite idea of liberty. Liberty to them is a sort of chaotic idea. It is not the liberty of law, but of unrestrained license. Their oppressions at home have cultivated and nourished treasonable inclinations, and they come here too often to indulge them. The foreigner believes that America is the natural rendezvous lor all the exiled patriots, and disaffected and turbulent persons of .the earth, and that here they are to meet to form purpose. Aud these money orators are aided in tlicif schemes, and the people kept excited, by such appeals as this: “ To the Germans in America 1—The news brought to these shores by each successive steamer from Europe, proves that the hour of insurrection is near; therefore, the refugees must organize and ho'd themselves in readi ness “At a mass meeting, held November 9, 1853, a commission was elected for the pur- pose of organization, and that commission, linding unoccupied that difficult position which it was requested to take, now calls upon the German emigration in America to acknowl edge them as the centre in all matters regard ing that affair. “The commission Las adopted the following platform as the basis of its operations: “ We recognize the solidarity of all revolu tionary interests; our first object being, how ever, the deliverance of Germany from its po litical thraldom, without our presuming to decide by anticipation other secondary objects. We expect that the people of Germany will themselves decide upon their future political system, and we place ourselves at the dispo sition of the revolutionary Government.” * * * * » “ To our former revolutionary companions we say, Be prepared! The approaching struggle between despotism will be severe, but it will be the last; for it will only termi' fundamental principles of rclorm, of the So cial Democratic Society of Germans,” aud are not confined to Virginia; but are ramified throughout the whole Union, wherever the Germans go. In proof of which, and as kindred to their previous resolutions, I here present a part of the address and regulations of the American Revolutionary League, adopted at the Revo lutionary Congress held at Philadelphia from January 29 to February 1, 1852: " Fellow Citizens : The Congress of the American Revolutionary League for Europe* herewith submit the result of their delibera tious to the judgment of the people, all par ties of which wero represented in that body. “ Earnestly resolved to find the means of terminating the desperate condition of the libsrty-thirsting people of Europe, firmly conviuced that the first great step to the at tainment of this goal is the cordial co-opera tion of all who seek it, it was for us to ex plore the middle ground upon which all par ties could honorably and cbeorfully unite their iorces. “ The conscious determination to achieve a revolution thorough and complete was the warrant for our actions; and of you, sover eign people, we ask the i atification of this warrant in the readiness with which yon shall erect upon the foundation we have laid the superstructure of an extensive, yea, auniver sal, fusion of all revolutionary elements. Let us. then, be up aniTdomg? Our cause is noble, is sacred. The barriers that cramp the growth of active, intelligent, and high souled nations are to be stricken down; man kind to be restored to its humanity. Let the motto for the strife be, union in the American Revolutionary League.” Here are the objects of the league, avowed in a regular form: “ The object of the league shall be th^ rad ical liberalization of the European continent, for which are required: “ 1. The overthrew of monarchy and the establishment of the Republic, because iu the Republic alone cai> all the horrors of tyranny be prevented. “ 2. Direct and universal suffrage, and the recall of representatives by a majority oi their constituents; because this alone secures the supremacy of the popular will in the work ings of popular institutions. “ 3. The abolition of standing armies, and inviolability of the right of the people to bear arms; because the last resource of forcible resistance U tlie only protection against the last device of forcible usurpation. “4. The union for these ends, of all persons, associations, parties, and nations, for the anni hilation of oppression; because without such concerted efforts the organized power of the tyrants is invincible. Art. III.—Means. “Sec. 1. Agitation as well in Europe as in America. “ Sec. 2. Accumulation of a revolutionary fund. “Sec. 3. Formation of armed organisations desirous of entering personally into the strug gle, and of preparing for it by military exer cise. And this is not the mere idle resolves of a club at a town meeting. You will see that they so arranged this league as to extend it to every principal town in the esuntry. As thus appears: “1. In the principal towns »» every. State, there shall be established a Stale committee, to consist of the executive board of the revolu tionary association there located. If there are several revolutionary association! in such prin cipal town, they elect the State committee be tween them. “ 2. The duty of the State committee shall be to receive tfee communications of the board, and transmit the proposals of associations to the board, to establish new associations, and generally to make all possible exertions in furtherance of the cause in the State assigned to its care.” Here, sir, is a brief outline of a most exten sive association, formed and organized upon American soil, by foreign agitators, the avow- creation, “ and the rest of mankind.” Well, nato with the annihilation of one of the two op posing and irreconcilable principles.” Add to this the sage reflections of Mazzini. In writing to some friend, some member of this revolutionary league, perhaps, he says: “ Twenty-four millions of emancipated Ital ians will be twenty-four millions of Abolition ists to aid their brothers in America 1” Nor am I permitted to pause here 1 These disoiganizing sentiments hare suread with fearful srccees ! Read the following extract ot a speech of Mr. Roedel to the German por tion of the audience,made in New York a few days ago: “ Brethren : For the first time I speak in an assembly like this. We have not all the same language, but our feelings arc the same; they unite us h«re with the American people. For the advancement of these sentiments we must not only unite with them in speeches, but also in acts. In our country we have fought for liberty, and many of ns have lost, in battle, our fathers, brothers, or sons. Here we are free, but not free enough ; we want the liberty of liviug. [Applause.] We have fought in Germany for liberty of speech and the liberty of the press. The German press is against ns in this movement; but we need not care for what those papers say; we must act cn our owu hook. Here we have social liberty, liberty of speech, and liberty of the press; and when we want anything that is just, we are bound to obtain it. [Applause.] If you don’t know your rights yet, hunger will teach them to you. You don't get bread nor wood, and there is plenty of them. At our revolution iu June, wu obtained three months credit, because we were two hundred thou sand strong. I have nothing further to say than to advise you to put in practice the prin ciples of the social Republic. The Tribune said, to day, that the rich would give us a million, if they were forced to it; but now they will hold their money in their pockets and refuse to give it up. When the wolf is hungry he has no consideration, be takes his food fearlessly where he finds it; it must be the same witfe the masses. Help yourselves, and then God will help you. We roust act as the wolf, and we do not want any auxiliaries 1 Let us act Ly ourselves.” [Applause.] Mr. BARRY. If the gentleman from Ala baraa will allow me, I should like to kn. w whether the meeting in New York, of which he speaks, was a meeting of native Americans or foreigners I Mr. SMITH. I will not presume to say whether it was a Dative or foreign meeting. Mr. BARRY. The gentleman spoke of the meeting as composed of the same persons who were concerned in a European revolu tionary league, and I presumed therefore, that the gentlemen knew who were the men who composed it. I do not know, and, there fore, I asked for information. Mr. SMITH. I do not know. If the speak cr was an American, so much the more shame ful for him. Mr. BARRY. To to sure; to be.sure; so it is. Mr. SMITH. The speech is reported very plain English. If it was an American speaker, he must have been corrupted by for eign influence. [Laughter.] Ah, sir, there is a smile 1 Are we so far above the reach of foreign influence as to be secure against it! Sir, are wc so securely encased in the armour of self-wisdom as not to be begui ed by for eign influence ? Sir, the beginoing of wisdom is the conviction of our ignorauce; the begin ning of knowledge is the confession of our weakness; and the sooner we acknowledge the power of foreign influence over the man ners and habit9 of onr people the better. The sooner our children aro taught that the Jesu its and priests have been raised from their cradles to seduce us, the better for us. It has been but a short time, sir, since all America was turned upside down by an eloquent for eigner. But to return to the question of the honorable gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. Barry;] upon a further reading of the speech referred to, I find that the speaker speaks as German. Hunger is the excuse for these sentiments, plans and concoct schemes to revolutionize all *ed object of which is: “ Agitation as well in *lm VADt nf mnnl'inil !1 Wnll EurOpC CLS JlWfiCS.” Are tllCSC llOt blOOtiS war upon the United States. In the absence I—that thq singular proviso is added, of tbo law to which 1 refer, before any act I no unnaturalized foreigner shall vote for e of hostility should be committed, they could ] for or inciltber of the House.” This w let us see if there is any truth in these sug- \ capable of voting and mingling in the.govern- ■’— TT * u " — 1 ' mental affairs of this nation) No, sir. The liberty our fathers fought for, and winch we enjoy, is not the privilege to sit and hatch treasons; to disturb, with unhallowed plot tings, the princes of other realms; to break constitutions at pleasure, to raise arnues with out authority of law, nor to take from our neighbor his goods, because be has most; but it is the privilege to be protected by laws from the evils of anarchy and oppression. There gestions. Here are the solemn resolutions of the German Social Democratic Association, of Richmond, Virginia—an association exist ing in the centre of the Old Dominion, in the heart of “ the home of the Presidents:” Reform in the laws of the general government, at well as in those of the States. “ We demand: 1. Universal suffrage. 2. The election of all officers by the people. 8. The abolition of the Presidency. 4. The ab olition of Senates, so that the Legislatures is no tyrant so relentless as anarchy—none shall consist of only one branch. 6. The right so oppressive. of the people to reoill their Representatives In these proceedings aud regulations, you (cashier them) at their pleasure. 6. The have frequent mention of ” the accumulation right of the people to change the constitution of the Revolutionary Fund," and while these when they like. 7. All lawsuits to be con- patriots are forming constitutions and laying ducted without expense. 8. A department plans, we hear of the financial operations of of the government to beset up for the pur- their allies, Kossuth and Kinkle. Wo see pose of protecting immigration. 9. A reduc- Kossuth peddling his dollar, of which Jiere is ed term for acquiring citizenship.” a curious copy: Reform in the foreign relations of the govern- “ Hungarian Fuxd.—On demand one year ment. after the establishment in fact of the Ixde- “ 1. Abolition of all neutrality. 2. Inter- pendent Hungarian Government, the holder vention in favor of every people struggling hereof shall be entitled to One Dollar, pay for liberty.” able at tha National Treasury, or at either of Reform in what, relates to religions. its agencies at London or New York, or to ex- “ I. A more perfect development of the change the same in stuns of fifty dollars or principle of personal freedom and liberty of over, for certificates bearing four per cent, in conscience; consequently—a. Abolition of terest, payable in ten equal annual instalments laws for tho observance of the Sabbath; b. from one year after said event. Abolition of prayers in Congress; c. Aboli- 1 ' L. Kossuth.” sir. I never yet saw an honest, healthy man, that could not earn his daily bread; who could not, with the labor of his own right arm, get food enough for himself, his wife, and chil dren. It was the pretence of hunger that brought the Danes and Normans to England. It was the pretence of hunger that brought the Goths and Vandals to desolate the fair est portions of the eastern world. This plea of hunger may bring millions of immigrant in vaders to this fair land., to lake from those who have plenty, without law, without jus tice, but in the name of liberty, as interpreted by these plotting, exiled patriots Mr. BARRY. I desire to ask the gentle man another question. I desire to know whe ther Gavazzi, who is getting up these Know- Nothing organizations, is not a foreigner! I wish to know whether the editor of the Cru sader, the great Know-Nothing paper ot the country, is not a foreigner ? And further, I desire to know whether James Gordon Ben nett, the editor of the New York Herald, which is also an organ of the Know-Nothing party, is not a foreigner 1 Mr. SMITH. I cannot answer the gentle man. I know nothing of these men, except that, if they are foreigners, they are not na tives—if they are not natives they can have nothing whatever to do with the Know Noth ing organization. But one thing is very cer tain ; the editor of the New York Tribune, who spends his days and nights in concocting | slanders against the Native American party; time to talk about Gavazzi and the Crusader, Hike Gavazzi for his exposure of the Jesuits, llut I should hate to take him for a Governor. So far as James Gordon Bennett is concerned, I have no respect for him more than I have for any other Scotch divil. [Laughter.] Mr. Chairman, I would not exclude tnc for eigner from our shores; but I want the privi lege of picking the class that comes. I do not want the vermin-covered convicts of the European continent - I do not want the crime- hardened felons of the European prisons. I do not want those exiled traitors, who call themselves patriots, whose oath of Allegiance to their own kings have beeu broken—for who can expect faith from the faithless, or truth from the perjured ? I do not want tlie propagandist, who comes to interpret the Constitution of the United States for us and for onr children, and to prate in unmeaning jargon about the policy of Washington. I do not want those swarms of paupers, with pes tilence in their skins, and famine in their throats, to consume the bread of the native joor. Charity begins at home—charity for- >ids the coming of these groaning, limping vampires. AARON BURR in FRANCE. In reference to my proposition to absolute ly exclude from the country persons notorious ly seditious, I cannot forbear to refer to the French Government. How admirable was the conduct of the French government towards tlie United States on the occasion of the visit of Aaron Burr He was one of those purturbed spirits of this world, who, being foiled at home in his nefa- rous schemes, and prostrated under the weight of public odium, fled for succor and counte nance from his own to anothor country. Vis iting France, where he expected to find, amongst its combustible elements, ample ma terials for his genius to mould into any shape, he was met at once, and promptly, with the frowns of the court—marked as a public offender, and an exiled traitor—and we have reason to know that every step he took iu France was noted by the authorities. Even the French people, while willing to treat him with their characteristic civility, rather avoid ed thau com'ted his presence; and it was only in the dark corners of the most mysterious and gloomy parts of the metropolis of France that he could hold liis treasonable levees. How admirable was this conduct of the French gov ernment. True to her neutrality; true to her ancient friendship for us; true to her national dignity, and to international fidelity, 6he ob served, both in spirit and letter, not only the obligations of treaties, but followed those high incentives of reciprocal duty by which princes and nations command the applause of man kind. How striking a contrast, sir, does this case of the fidelity of Franco present to that which we exhibited of our duty to Austria, upon the visit of M. Kossuth to this country I I for bear, sir, to comment upon the turbulent scenes which distinguished that extraordinary adve-t I forgive all, to “ the spirit of liber ty” and to the too magnanimous generosity of my deluded countrymen. We will grow wiser as we grow older. Time and experi enceis to teach us. that without stability there can be no true liberty; without the observ ance of the strictest duty in international re ciprocities, there is no national respect. NECESSITY OF OUR ALIEN LAWS. We have no sufficient law and no power to banish aliens. We should have such a law. Recently the Emperor of France has decreed the banishment of the Russians from die Em pire. Will any man say that such a power ought not to exist? Will any man say that such a power should not be exerted whenev er the peace and quiet of a country should demand it! The liberties of the American people, the homes of tlie American people, the rights of the American people, are no less dear to them because they have adopted a republican government; and a republic is no less in need of all the attributes of sovereign power than any other government. FOREIGNERS WHO FOUGHT FOR US ALREADY RE WARDED. But I am told that we were aided in our revolutionary struggles by foreigners. There is a shadow of fallacy iu this. This hint is thrown out that we are ungrateful. Sir, grat itude is not, and ought not to be, a national virtue. No generation has a right to burden another with its gratitude. No government should be grateful at the expense of its citi zens. “ Sufficient for the day is the cv il tlieieof.” But have we beeu ungrateful? We rewarded the men who fought for us in giving them the best of homes and liberty. We have rewarded their relatives by the most liberal laws of naturalization. That is euough. Individual gratitude, consulting alone liis own interest and feelings, might go further. But a nation should not be required to do more than we have already done. Sir, we never promised, nobody expected, that we would make this country the common rccep taclc of the filth and rottenness of Europe, It was never in the minds of our fathers to fight for liberty, and then surrender it to the Pope! But the foreigners who fought for us were a part of us. They remained with us after the war. Our victory was theirs. Their swords made them patriots, and the constitu tion made them natives. The homes they won were made comfortable; their fields blossomed around them, and after the fullest enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, they died and were buried in the land which their valor redeemed. Their children were born Americans, and arc now e. part of us. Do they complain ? Mow absurd. Mr. Chairman, upon reflection, then appears this hackneyed idea, that gratitude for the foreign aid that was received during the revolution, should embrace the unborn generations of Europe 1 that our gratitude should make America a great alms-house for the pauper patriots of all creation 1 THE AMERICAN PARTY DEFENDED I now propose to say something in defence of the organization of the American party. A member. Do you know anything about it ? Mr. SMITH. I do not profess to know anything about it. But if there be any such organization of “ Native Americans,” I am not ashamed of my countrymen, and I am perfect ly willing to be considered as one. The first objection which has been urged— and by no one with more earnestness and ability than by my honorable friend from Mississippi, [Mr. Barry,]—is the 6ecrecy of the order. The first reason of defence is, that in all political movements, secrecy is the great ele ment of success. I take it for granted that the American party, called “Know Nothings,” is in earnest. They intend to finish what they have commenced. As a matter of party discipline, they have a right to bo secret in their meetings, as well as upon the broader ground of political sagacity. Solomon says “A fool’s mouth is his destruction- Whoso keepeth his mouth and liis tongue, keepeth his soul from trouble.” Old Polonius advised his son thus: * * “Give thy thoughts no tongue Nor any unpropoition'd thought his acV •»♦*** Give every man thine ear, but few thy voice .- Take each man's censure, bu: reserve thy judgment.” Burns suvs: “ Ay. free.aff lian’ your story tell, When wi’ a bosom crony ; But still keep something to yourseV Ye scarcely tell to ouy. Conceal your el' as well's ye can Free critical dissection; Bat keek thro’ every other naan Wi’ sharpen'd, sly inspection." Lord Bacon tells cs that “ secrecy is the helmet of Pluto which makelh the politic uian go invisible.” Now, upon these “wise saws," 1 say, that, as a matter of political sagacity, it is not only their right but tbeir duty, if they want to be successful, to preserve iu their halls the most inviolable secrecy. Again, sir, as a matter of party tactics, this new party has a right to keep its own secret*. It has the examples of the two old parties. True, political conventions are usually held with open doors; speeches are made, an.t resolutions adopted. But this is a mere pub lication of the acts of secret committees. The moving cause and reason fur the resolves being uukaown and unseen. When the great elections are pendiug, does not each party have its secret agents iu Washington—meet- iug in dark couclave—flooding the country with scaled packages ? Aud does not tlie party in power keep tho key of the post office m his pocket I Is not then the finger pressed on the lips I “ Say nothing t" “Keep dark!” These and other cabalistic words, with all the mysterious inuendos of conspiracy, are utter ed with low tones and smothered breath; and 11 justified, commended, pra.tised, and ap plauded. Why tLeu, sir, may not ihe Amer.- can party keep its own secrets! But, sir, the great justification of ,the secror- cy of ibis order is yet to be stated. Th > American party is not warring with Ameri cans. It is warring with an enemy sworn to secrecy, Jesuits and priests ? Are not tive Roman Catholic priests the keepers of the secrets of their congregations i Is not the Jesuit sworn to secrecy ? Does he not go growling about the country with his tablet aud pencil, culling all information, looking into everybody’s business, peeping over eve rybody’s shoulder; winding himself into eve ry man’s confidence; lifting the curtain of every man's window; and, with his meek, mysterious eyes, smiling like a saint—does he not hurry away to reveal this information, whenever it is of sufficient importance! This, sir, is the fearful and disguised enemy—an enemy whose name is legion—with which tho Amerioan party is at war. Here is the Je suit’s oath: I, A. B., now in the presence of Almighty God, the blessed Virgin Mary, the blessed Michael, the Archangel, the blessed St. John the Baptist, the holy Apostles St. Peter and St Paul, and the saints and sacred hosts of Heaven, and you my ghostly father, do de clare from my heart without mental reserva tion, that—(Pope Gregorj, or the present incumbent)—is Christ’s Vitar, and is the trtiu and only head of the Universal Church throughout the world; that by virtue of the keys and of binding and loosing given to his Holiness by Jesus Christ, he hath power to depose heretical Kings, Princes, States, Com monwealths, and Governments, all being ille gal without his sacred confirmation, ana that they may be safely destroyed; therefore, to the utmost of my power 1 will defend this doctrine, and his Holiness's rights and cus toms, against all usurpers, and all heretical or Protestant authority whatsoever, especially the new pretended authority and Church of Englaud, and all adherents, in regard that thoy be usurped aud heretical, opposing the f Sacred Mother Church of Rome. I do depounce aud disown King, Prince, or State, named Protestants, or obedience to any of their inferior magistrate* or officers; I do further declare the doctrines of tho Church of England, of the Calvanists, Hugue nots, and other Protestauts to be damnable, and those to be damned who will not forsake the same. I do furthet declare that I will help, assist, and advise all, or any of his Holi ness's agents, in any place wherever I shall be, end do n»y utmost to extirpate the hereti cal Protestants’ doctrine, and to destroy all their pretended power, legally, or otherwise; “ I do further promise and declare, tha t notwithstanding l am dispensed to assume any religion heretical, for ihe propagation of the mother church intercuts, to keep secret and private all her agents' counsel) as they intrust me, aud not to divulge, directly < r indirectly, by word, writing, or otherwise, auy matter or circumstance whatsoever, but to execute all that shall be propose.!, given iu charge, or discovered unto me l>y you, my hostly father, or by any of tins covcu&qt. '• All of which, 1, A. *B; do swear, by th 9 blessed Trinity, and blessed sacrament, which 1 am now about to receive, to perform, and on my part, to keep inviolable; and do call the- heavenly and glorious host to wiincss my real intentions to keep my oath. In witness whereof, I take this holy and blessed saeni- ment of the Eucharist, and witness the same further, with my hand and seal, in the face of this holy covenant.” Sir, the American party, with all its alleged secrecy, avows to the world th .t one <•: U> great objects is, as connected with the gvuwiU of foreign power in this country, to Fitoscanu; as a party rule, Roman Catholics from office. With this object in view, and looking upon this oath ot the Jesuits, I ask if tho American, party lus uot a right to hold its m ruling* ns secret, to make its .osolves in secret. Tuern is an old saying, and never more appropriate Iv used than now, “ When you fight iho devi., you bare a right to fight bun with fire.” HISTORY OF THE JESUITS. But who are these Jesuits! wherein ?.ro they dangerous! Let us inquire. This order was founded after the reformation by a thwar ted military aspirant. They were called th.* “Society of Jesus.” Its name indicates a purely '“religious” organization, but it* main end was “political.” Pope Paul 111, eon finned the order upon condition that, in addi tion to the three usual vows, of poverty, chastity, and monastic obedience, tlie order should take a fourth vow: to be ohedieut to the Pope, binding themselves to go whereso ever be should command, for the service of religion. They bound themselves to implicit and blind obedience to the Court of Rome, and also to an implicit »uul uulimitcil alle giance to the General of their society; this general, of course, being subordinate to tho Pope, and knowing no allegiance except to the Pope. x „ , The number of this order was first conuncd to sixty; but the restriction was removed year after vear, so that in lest than half a century after its foundation, the order had established itself in every country Miiieb au. hered to the Roman Catholic Churcn, auu ia the year 1700, the number of Jesuits was twenty thousand. By this time they had i: