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L- -,r» •’L.i.atmm Address of the State Council OF THE AMERICAN PARTY, A 3 £ I : M B L T. L I! T. V F.NU S AT XACO.V, TO THE PEOPLE OF *iE0R«IA v The American Party presents to the. People their candidate for the Execu tive Chair, in the person of the Hon. CAR NETT ANDREWS, of Wilkes; and a programme of their Principles. Of the farmer, ifhiay be proper to say. that he is an able, honest man—a true and an agreeable gentleman. His character is known to the country, and it i< neither necessary nor in accordance with our principles to deal in extrava gant eulogy. Of our principles we might say much, hut must content ourselves with little. They constitute the basis of a recent organize ion which it has been fashiona b!e to denounce as violative of the con stitution of the Union, and treasonable to the Slave institution of the South— as loving darkness because its deeds are evil—a< ashamed of its principles, and afraid to avow ‘ its purposes. Its working machinery has been secret, that its beginning might be inaugurated. It was a condition of its being, that it should for a season hide its life. Yet its principles have been known, nod if not heretofore known, are now pro claimed. It meets the light and con fronts its foes. It casts its principles broadly over the land—invites the scru- tinv of the wise and good, and defies alike, the criticisms of honest dissent, Suite nod nation, has reduced the ac- 'ionof both to a l.uniiiating struggle for the loaves and the fishes. Each charges the other with fraternization with the °* ,he North'; each claim* for itself allies and sympathisers upon- the slave question among its Northern associates; both are unwilling to forego the advantages ofa national connection; whilst Freesoilism grows daily more arrogant and aggressive—the Union has been hurried to jhe verge of dissolution, and the future of our country wears unmistakable portents of disaster if not ruin. No sensible man now be lieves that the South can rely upon Northern Whigs or Democrats for the maintenance of her constitutional rights. Whilst all this is true of these parties as such, the great body of the people are true to the Constitution—true to the civi lization and Christianity of the age—true to right, honor and justice. Amid the wild uproar of parly conflict'—quieted by party triumphs or stupefied by party defeats—their voice has not been raised, or if raised, not heard. The patriotism and sound sense of the people have been in abeyance. They now assert their control. The people ask to be heard. They unfurl their banner—it is the ban ner of the Constitution, and the rallying cry is Americans shall rule America, The proportions lately promulgated by the State Council express their opin ions concisely, but clearly and forcibly stated, upon every question of general and the adroit perversions of dema gogues and office seekers. To begin at all was heroism—to prevail will he all _ .... importance. In submitting them to the consideration of tbe voters of Georgia, the hope is entertained that they will command the approval of every lover of but miraculous. Standing in opposi-' pure morality and sound statesmanship, tier, to all other Parties, Party leaders j Of them it may be said, generally, that have sus tended their conflicts, and put i whilst not one jot or tittle of the peculiar aside their prejudices and hushed the rights of our section is comproraitted,they clamors of long embittered Party pas- \ nre strongly national and conservative, sion, to cruah it. Old resentments «ro j What is dear to patriotism in the plat- smothcrcd—old doctrines are postpon-. form of any party, at the South, they ed or ianored—the most violent anta- contain—whilst they embody principles gonisms have been harmonized, and ( which no party has heretofore ventured strange alliances formed; that a power , to avow » in the State arising the independence of | “ We are hut of yesterday, and know officeholders and aspirants for office, | ‘tlligence, the knowledge of statesmen by di -solving the charm of Party do- ,» verily nothing, and what they do know mination. And therefore arrayed against should teach humility. Well, therefore, it, are the stereotyped usages of a great! doKS their programme of principles open and prevailing Party, and of a self teli- W . 5 M> the recognition of the Divine sover- .-.:it, vanquished, yet struggling minority , e *g n, y- and an acknowledgment of that —Democracy stimulated by the pres-; distinguishing goodness which from the tige of success, and Whiggery nerved beginning has marked our career as a by the mortification of defeat Arrayed . « at *<)n. Disclaiming all pretension that against it, are all the casts of politics— lbe American 1 arty t * religiously better the intolerance of official station—the than others, yet it is a fact worthy of rankIu3tof official aspiration, as «r<*ll note, 'hat * 1 avows its dependence upon ns the associations and Party habitudes y™- They concede, in terms, what it of the people. Aware of the inequali-, believed no po.itical party Slnce tbe tv of the contest upon which it enters, Revolution has expressly declared the it is nevertheless undismayed. It relies sublime truth, that Christianity isi * an upon the power of virtue and the" in- i clement of our political systena, and vincibifi y of truth. It must prevail if yiat the Bible is its source. As ours patriotism is might but a p**me—if rero-. ,s eminently a government of opinion, lutionary memories are not extinct—if and as opinion is only re-iable as a poli- tlie Constitution is any thing hut an |>cal element when enlightened, they antique scrip—if religion retains Us , »™ sl ^ the education of youth is an purity and American history be not a obligation of the State. .Ar.d as f ee- fiibitr 1 dom °P in,on ,s indispensable to civil ' The necessity of such a Parly was 1 auJ religious liberty, they equally insist found in the departure of the Govern- ‘ «** P»Wic scl ‘« o1 ? sl,al1 be , comm ? n to m^nt from its primary constitutional " WIl hout distinction- of crped or course—in the increase of Executive pyrty*-and free from, any influence or pawer and patronage—in the deter iora-. direction of a dcnommational or partisan lion ofthe representative character—in character.’ Thalrne conscience may tha absence from the councils of the N a- be free to .interpret the Bible for itself, ticn and Stales of wise and good men, they protest against its exclusion from and the presence there of noisy braw- . schools established by the State. 1 hus lers and mediocre statesmen—in the would they combine secular and sacred prevalence at the North and West of, instruction without intolerance, and Fattions originating in the wildest vi- diffuse religion throughout the body sions of radicalism, or in tbe mo-t re- P°htic, without a union of ecclesiastical volting tl.ories in morals—in irrever-! a,,d political power. What a contrast cnee for venerable names and establish- do tl,ese catholic sentiments exhibit to ed princibles -in insubordination to' tl,e action ai,d P oli< -7 of tlie Romish the Laws—in disregard of the obliga-! church, which, by the evidence of every lion of treaties—in the want of ability page of its history, has wielded an iron ami prudence in the national represen- despotism over the mind and conscience, tution at Foreign Courts, a d in the '7 fostering ignorance, and withholding combined assault upon the Slave institu- ( lbe Bible from the people! tions of tbe South, of Fani isism and ( As we recede from the Revolutionary political selfishness. The e evils in day, the example of the Revolution be- great part originated in and arc sustain- 1 comes less and less influential. We ed by, a prodigious influence operating arc prone to undervalue the principles directly through the ballot box, and in- in which that great event originated, directly through its demoralizing action t'ie valor that achieved, and the saefi- upon the Whig and Demo ratio Parties. ficcs that consecrated it. The stern We ine.’O ll e voting power of the va-t virtues of that glorious era are I eld to> body (wi'oreignrs who have come among slow for this progressive age. The us since the revolution, and whose an-1 simplicity and purity of our Fathers are nually increasing accessions threatened ridiculed as weakness or denounced as to overwhelm the infix e population, f maticism, and the republic which they . From no existing Party could the arrest constructed in lihod and baptised in of these evils be hoped. On the con- tears, is considered by many as illy ir try, the actual condition of Parlies 'adapted to the wants, and a reproach to was calculated to inflame them. After the illumination of this generation. The years of I eroie contest, the Whigs are maxims of Washington have lost much beaten upon all the o’d issues between of their authority as rules of political them and the Democratic Party. The conduct : and only a few months since Democratic Prrtv, victor upon a thou- an impudent foreign r, a pauper by con- sand fields, reigns supreme. They "Cession and n guest by charity, dared to possess the Government, State and Na- arraign <oe/t him, the revered of all na tional—they wield the power of office tions, at the bar of American opinion, —they shape the policy of the nntio ». * for ignorance and,folly. And the na- foreign nod domestic, and flushed with tions of the earth saw with amazement succcs ', anil responsible to nobody, that some were found base enough and they are uu-ihleatid unwilling to restore weak enough to countenance the charge, the Government to its original purity The mission of the American Party, and simplicity. Success inspires arm- among other.things, is to restore, the gance and irresponsibility engenders government to the strength and purity pride. No wonder then that iu por- 1 of its early days—to reinstate the au- tions of the Union they haie become ( thority of its framers—to inspire rever- deploraMy corrupt, end every where ,ence for historic names, and respect regardful lua’n'y of the means and ap- | for revolutionary virtue; and thus to plinuccs of retaining power ! Alibis establish anew’the Constitution of the moment we beh 11 a great people ruled , Union in the hearts of the people, * by cliques, caucuses, and conventions j reverts to first principles, and it remem- - by an associated Few—tint in t* «.* j bers first men. It looks at our system name of tbe people supp e sing the very i of government not so much in the light beginnings of resistance to their domi- of its present relations to the wjrld, as mtio:i, and busied ever and anon with . in the light of the principles aud sacri- the c mvenient child's play of adjusting j-.fices upon which it started, The sour- Platforras to suit the varying state of ces ofour civil aud religious liberty it the times. 3 j finds in the Reformation, h > great Where in the hi.-tory of Free Govern- English Revolution, and.in tint majestic tneul has a triumphant anduver-s.vjtlling j truth which Christianity—Protestant inaj >j-ity been found capable uf reform ? i Christianity^ -alone reveals, that all On the other hand, the Whigs, disdain * men are equ d. ing responsibility because out of pow Naiinns »» wrong or cupidity sanctify rapacity. The man or the naliorith&t stoop* to a violation of these precepts, stands con ed by the moral sense of the civi- vforbt, and by-the rules of private | i W e therefore hold that the ent shall abide the faith of trea- respeetthe rights *of other State^, with unswerving .determination t respect for her own rights. Charged with the trust of our own institutions—holding in our hands the destiny of tw’enty-five millions of people, and responsible for the happiness of the teeming additional millions destined soon to inhabit this broad land; with ample scope and verge for an empire wider and grander than Imperial Rome in her palmiest day; it is our duty to develop our own vast resources—»to guard and perpetuate our own liberty— and to stand aloof from the conflicts and complications of Europe. Surely we have work enough to do at home. Our obligations are sufficiently strog to task the energies of the greatest minds—the ends to be accomplished sufficiently great to satisfy the cravings of the most lofty ambition—and the motives to ac tion pure enough and strong enough to prompt the most energetic exertions. Our vocation is to watch the fires that burn on the altar of A mericati free dom, content to know that its light is a beacon to the nations. Whilst moving apart in the high sphere to which Provi dence has assigned us, we are not in different to the struggles of opinion against prerogative, and of popular right against despot ism elsewhere. We are propagandists of republicanism, not by direct intervention, but by the prompt recognition of free governments wher ever they exist de facto, by fearless pro mulgation of our own opinions and policy, and above all by the example of a great and united people, secure and happy under the operation of demo cratic institutions. In regard to the relative power of the States and National Governments, it is sufficient to say, that we recognise “ the rights of the several States as ex pressed and reserved in the constitu tion:” and insist upon {I a careful avoid ance by the General Government of all' iaterfirence with their rights by legisla tive or executive action.” The Con stitution limits tlie power of the Gener al Government—its powers are such and no more, as are expressly granted, and as are necessary to give effect to express grants. AIL the balance of power and right belongs to the States, or is reserv ed to the people of the Stales. In the legitimate exercise of their respective powers is found the admirable virtue of our Federative system. Encroach ment by either is equally to be depreca ted, and to prevent it, tlie exercise of doubtful powers should be carefully avoided. As the constitution is tie rule and measure of the rights and ob ligations of the Federal and State Go vernments, obedience to that—sacred— prompt and profound—from all depart ments and officers of both, is the only guarantee of order and permanency. If in die expansion .of territory—die com plications of interest, or because of our varying relations witli foreign States, that instrument is fou/id by experience to be insufficient; then wc say, let :io man, or officer, or Party, or department, v'o’ate its provisions, or stretch its limitations to caver the wants of the hour, but let the amending power be in voked. The immigration oT paupers an felon i should cease. Our due first to the poor of our try, and if in our abounding prosperity our resources of benevolence exceed the home demands, then tve are entitled to select other objects of our bounty.— Enforced charity can lay no claim iq merit, and the old world has no more right to burden us with her paupers, than to constrain us to pay the cost of her wars. Neither natural generosity nor de obligations of Christianity, re quire the American Union to become the alms house of the Nations. As poverty is too often attended with dis ease and deprivation, the advent of pau pers is not unfrequeudy marked by the diffusion of pestilence physical and raor- Much less are we willing that our country should become the Botany Bay- of all humanity. The criminals of Europe are sent to to us by a systematic' policy. Desperate from guilt and ripe for illegal adventure, they prey like ob scene «birds upon our communities. The influence of thrir presence readies the sources of our wealth—the peace of families, and the purity of our politics. The American Union sprung not from the Revolution, like Minerva privileges are withdrawn—when the nion becomes the instrument of wrong ud oppression, why then, if that melan choly day should indeed qoii** 1 haying exhausted theargn our arms.” The institutions > endangered by the eigners, and one of I our country are Dting" power of for- lie ends of the New is subordinate to tbe paramount allegi ance which be^Qwes^tQ the head of the Catholic Churfcli. The Romish priertliood know no alle- ce but that which they owe to the —•all else is subsidiary!. And are' oaths of allegiance to the party, is to procure such modification of the Naturalization Laws as will restrain that power, and place the power of rul ing America in the hands of Americans. We do not propose to interfere with any existing right of citizenship. Obedience to' the laws lies at the foundation of our creed. So long as they are unrepealed we shall obey their behests. That the existing Naturalization Laws are evaded by frauds and made nugatory by con struction, is not a matter of question. Such as they are, they are but the pre tence of a limitation upon the elective franchise. In the race after votes, the politicians have striven who shall first relax them. Foreigners are the favor- U.nion, with men who believe that they con be any time discharged from its obligation, or Absolved for its violation, With unconditional consecration and invincible zeal, they are, the world over, the servants of Rome. The claim of the Pope is that he is the vicegerent of God—the successor of St. Beten, and infallible—that there is but one church, and all who do not edhere to it are heretics—that all temporal power is subordinate to that of the church—that kings, emperors, constitutions, legisla tures, and all peoples, are rightfully subject to His authorito. These pre tensions have cast down thrones, reared the Inquisition, lit up the earth with the flames ofmartprdom, and have come hither also, to subside and rule thi» ties of National and Slate Legislation.' nat>o»- The master curse of all bumani- Privileges have been conceded to them *y is the Romish hierarchy. They deny which native citizens might ask for in ,he right of private judgment—they vain. Knowing the weight of the foreign patronize ignorence, lest intellect and vote, Parties—Legislatures, Executives i conscience should question their supre- and a largo portion of the party press, macy they withhold the Bible from the : have stooped to conciliate it, until prac- ' people, lest the people should learn their ticaiUy. the moment an emigrant 6ets miserable impostures at the hands of foot .upon our soil, lie is invested with God—thay enforce obedience through citizenship. An emigrant lands at New the terrors of excommunicatian ; and York, and in ten days he is in Knnzas. when that fails, they have been wont, The day he arrives he declares liis pur-, through long centuries, to turn the re pose to becomes a citizen, and that done cusant over to the secular arm to be he goes to the polls, and by’ the elective burned ; and if the secular power de' franchise takes part in making a consti- dines to act, weal then? Why, then it mlion for Kansas. Is he a safe deposi- i s °f the pale of the church, and fire tory of the power ? What does he know an *l sword, and bulls, and anathemas, of our institutions ? What interest has and revolution, are let l.»ose to accotn- he in the Government. His associations plish its overthrow. A convenient means are with the fatherland—accustomed to [ of enforcing States is to absolve sub- a government of the sword and the bayo- jects from their oath of allegiance. It net, what can be know or feel of subordi- is the ally of despotism, as iu Italy and nation to law ? of the authority of con- Austria—it paralises free government as stiiutions—of an enlightened public sen- in Mexico and South America—it ar- timent—of the responsibility of citizen- rests civilization, as in Spain and Portu* ship? Relieved from despotism with gal. It commands the will of its mem- lawless rebound, his only idea of liberty . bership, by the magnificence of its out- is to do what he fists. No wonder that ward array, by the splendor of its ritual, thenainesof foreigners occupy such large and by the fear of its curse acting upon space on our criminal calendars. The ( s-upersition. danger to our institutions becomes alarm- j He who denies these propositions is ing when we reflect upon the numerical ignorant of liiitorv^qr willingly falsifies strength of the foreign vote—yet more i t . t h e .se things be so then we ask, is alarming when we note its power of can- ; t an unreasonable demand that foreign- ct-ntralion. and even terrific when we ad- er3 be deprived of the right t«» vote until vert to the fact that the larger part of it 1 t b ey shall have been in tliecouutry twen- is not voluntary but is wielded by cun. , yK)ne yea , s ? We think not. We are ning Priests and political ecclesiastics- pledged to resist the aggressions of the What this power wiH be, may be learned | Catholic church, and we reist the promo- from the fact that the immigration may j t ; on to office- of all persons who are not of Pennsylvania has ratified it. Now, if it be the- objedt, as it unquestionably is, of the Southern States to maintain |he Union, whilst tjiey maintain intact their 8fiiviMBKi«htsl when, in all coming time is it to be expected that any organi zation will command such elements of power to effect these great ends ?■ Sound on tlie question which, with us is paramount to all others, and upon on all others liberal and conservative, it is dif ficult to imagine that it will not be accepta ble to the people of Georgia. Upon it, all parties can, if they will, unite, and upon it, we believe the suffrages of the people will concentrate. It is rich in the promise of future good, and offers the means of solving the problem of the age, to-wit: how shall the Union be pre served, and at the same time, the rights ofthe South be maintained. It preter mits any expression of opinion «s to the power-of Congress to establish or pro hibit slavery in the territories, free upon that subjeet. So ought it to be left, be cause, opinions on that suhject, even at the South, are different. But it express ly declares that Congress ought not to legislate upon the subject'of Slavery within the territory ofthe Uuited States, and that every interference by Congress with Slavery, as it exists in the District of Columbia, would be violative, of the spirit arid' 'intention ofthe compact by which .the State of Maryland ceded the District to the United States, and a breach of the National Faith. It “abides by and maintains the existing Laws up on the subject of Slavery, as a final and conclusive settlement of that subject, in spii it and in substance.” Thus affirm ing the Compromise measures—the legi slation in relation to the territory of Kansas—the Fugitive Slave law and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. And it asserts in unequivocal terms the doc trine which all parties at the South hold to, to-wit: the doctriue declaring that Congress possesses no power under the constitution to legislate upon the subject of Slavery in the States where it does or may exist, or to exclude any State from admission into the Union, because its constitution does, or does not recognize the institution of Slavery as a part of its social system. Consistently with and in addition to these things, we stand upon the Georgia Platform. What more cau be asked of any Party ? We respectfully submit our candidate and onr principles, to the patriotism and intelligence ofthe people of Georgia foreigners we mean all foreigners. Catho-! power', civil or ecclesiastical. If, there- lics from Ireland and Italy—Infidels ' f ore> a member'of the Catholic church, from Germany—Protest »nts from Pi us- ; native born, dees not in fact hold civil sia and Sweden-—Jow6 from the er.ds ^ allegiance to a foreign power, civil or of the earth and Idolaters from China. ! eoclesiasiic<'l, lie may be supported for The right of all States to prescribe the | 0 ffi C c as any other native. If such an terms of citizenship is not questionable, Q ne desires our suffrage, the burden of aiid the prescription of terms is, so far I'proof lies upon him to show that he holds as -we know, universal. It was so j n o such allegiance. This has been call among the Jews—at Rome; in England et ] unconstitutional. We deny that it is. the power of Parliament is invoked to naturalize a foreigner; with us Con gress is expressly clothed with the power to establish a uniform rule of naturali zation. We are not content with any effort to correct abuses under existing laws; we desire that the laws may be so framed as that no foreigner shall be al lowed o vote until he has resided in the country 21 year?, wc would subject him charities arc j to the civil probation to which our cliil- r own coJtKi dt en are subjected. It is absurd that an educated native is incompetent to vote at the age of 20 years and 3G3 days whilst an ignorant foreigner, an imbe cile, in political capacity, may vote as soon as he arrives in the country. Such a law is no hardship to the fo: e’gner—it will operate prospectively. We owe J.| u nothing ; if he Ikes not our terms of «i izenship . in God’s name let him stay away. It hits been said that the result of such a law would create in cur midst a degraded caste—a mongrel condition of freedom and slavery combined—without the dignity of the latter and the security necessary to the former.. The history of civilized States negatives thowssump- fion—reason negatives it—our consti tution which requires & naturalization law at all denies it. Our Franklins, Washingtons and Jeffersons did not so think. Our experience denies it; for the unnaturalized foreigners in our midst are not, whilst serving their probation, more degraded than after naturalization Such castes are found in every civilized State of the Union. How c.in men oc cupy a degraded position who are pro tected in their persons—in character— Mntjjeru Mrlpan. DISTRICT CONVENTION. The American Party of this District ha* been satisfied for sometime past of the necessity of a convention for the nomi' nation of a suitable gentleman torepre-* sent us in the next Congress. Mr. Cobb has been left in the field “ solitary and alone” long enough to show his hand,” and having clearly demonstrated, by his recent pilgrimage through the District, that he is zealously co-operating with Foreign Jesuits iri their warfare against American Nation ality and Protestant Civilization, and denounced the American Party, without having been attacked by it, in the most approved style of blackguardism recent-' ly introduced by his foreign backers—> it is high time that the American party —abused ar.d insulted by him aa it has been, although composed in a large de-> gree of his former supporters—should place a candidate in the field worthy of their confidence and support. In taking his step, Mr. Cobh and bis new-made friends can find no just ground of com-* plaint against his former admirers, whom he has denounced in the choicest hillings- gatefcrom one end of the District to the other. He cannot now expect them to stultify themselves by voting for liim af ter he has wantonly, maliciously and without provocation, outraged their feel ings and misrepresented their motives.’ There being no question in regard to the necessity of a Convention, all that remains to be settled is the time and place of meeting. After consultation with friends, and in accordance with their advice, we suggest ggy" Gaines- vii.i,Ejg?j as the place, and ^’Tuesday the 24th inat. jJ gPj as the time for holding tne convention. It is deemed desirable that every council in the District should send dele gates, and not only so, but that there should be county delegations to repre sent the outsiders— the friends and sym pathisers of Hie movement who are not members of the order, but who adopt its principles. UW, OfiDII, A-rtD fHV C’dNSTtTUTION. luve maintained a sturdy resistance to their oonquuors. Their yffurts as a p irty have been limited of late to dar- Nations are no more exempt from th? obligations of honor, honestyiiiid mora lity, than individuals. Fidelity to con tracts can never yield to the demands of l.ut spasmodic efforts to unseat the policy, without ignominy. Justice is - »co , Thus it is that the absent e the first attribute of nationality. Neccs- eat, issues upon old principles sity, the plea of tyrants, lias no place in the two great parties of tie Free States; and interest cannot justify cord is found in the history of the Re formation, and the history of England from Magna Charta, to the sailing of the Mayfliwer, as well as in our own Cob ninl history. Its principles ir.- spired the genius of John Milton, and were written with the blood of Hampden and Vaue. Our fathers carae to the New world to escape from King-craft and Priest-craft—Years pf training prepared a people for Freemen—British tyranny brought on tbe revolution-'hen came the conflict—the. confederation— the Constitution, and Io! the American Union fair as the Moon—clear as the Sun, and terrible as an/army|with Ban ners. We read its value in the price that was paid for it. We love it and shall maintain it, for it is the source of our prosperity, our protection against Foreign Power, aud the guarantee of our future greatness. We shall main tain it against intrigues front abroad and factions at home—against conflicts of interest and of policy—and against sectionalism and fanaticism. We shall forbear aud compromise, so long as the exercise of these virtues involves tlie abandonment of no vital principles; r jther than hazard its disruption. We right of voting, luntarily assumed. or do we propose to shut our doors n the world, but that we continue to the asylum of the oppressed of all nations. Let the victims of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny come. What we mean to say is, that with our consent they >hail not rule the land. Sujierad- ded to all other disqualifications, so far as the Cath'olie foreigners are concerned, is the subjection ofthe Catholic people to their Priests. The number of Catho lies in our Union has been variously esti mated, from three to four millions, and three fourths of the immigration is Catho lic. This large body is governed by their Priests and Bishops. When it suits their purpose, they direct the whole voting power of that communion upon a Single* point, and in the close division of parties, they determine elections. And who are they that grasp thus the ruling power ofthe nation ? They are the ap pointees and servants of Rome. Arch bishop Hughes of New York, derives his commission from the Pope, lie is amenable to him ; he is required to re pair to His Holiness once in three years, to report and to receive instructions. lie questions, when agitation serves only to deprecate the agitation of sectional owes no allegiance to auy other prince Slate or potentate. He may have taken exasperate. But when constitutional it is true, the oath a N‘jgiance here, right > withheld, and constitutional but that, by the faith and usage of Rome. The Constitution of the United States declares “that no religious test shall ever be ' r quired ns a qualification to any office or public trust under the United Statesand further, “ that Corigress shall make no law respecting an estab lishment of religion, or prohibtifng the free exercise thereof.” These clauses deny the right ofthe government to in terfere, by legislation or otherwise, with, the right of pri vate judgment. The prohibition is upon tbe State. We de precate any such interference.; we abhor test oaths; and we detest the very idea of a State religun. We invoke no leg's lation—wt ask no governmental iiiteor- ference.We simply as citizens claim the right ofchoice amongst men for office. That right is secured to us by the Con stitution. As citizens in the exercise of the elective franchise we say, that in our judgment the fact that a man is n6t a native, and if a native, the fact that be holds allegiance to a foreign power, is good ground to’decline to vote for him. Wepiefer native?. We have a right to discriminate amongst men. To carry out our preference, we liave^he legal right to combine and to use any means not forbidden by law. And in relation to offices tilled by appointment, we hold that the appointing power should be governed by the same principles. Who shall rise up and deny to us the right of making pur choice of men to rule over us, to depend upon their religion or their allegiance to a foreign power? It is curious to note that this objection comes from those who by all the machinery of party,in secret and in pnblic.m6ved heav en and earth to excludefrom office those who differ with them in opinion. We leave the Ct.tho’ic to think as he pleases and to worship God how, and where, and when, lie pleases. His religion we leave to himself and his Maker. If be wants our suffrage For office, for reasons satisfactory to outlives we simply say to him, we prefer a native and aProtes- tai.t. The very thing that is charged upon us we are laboring to prevent that is, a union of ecclesiastical with poli tical power. We behold iq the United States a great voting power in combina tion with a great ecclesiastical power, and both wielded by a priesthood respon sibl'e to a|foreign power. That combina tion we shall resist, us dangerous to our institutions, byall means that are eonsti tutional and legal. The Platform which we present to the country on the subject of slavery, is high er and broader than any that hits ever been reared by any National Party, It commends itself tu the patriotism of the South, and will be vindicated by the enlightened friends of the Union in every section of the nation. Neither the Whig nor the Democratic Party has at any time heretofore, iii any National Con vention, taken as high grounds—^ground which concede to the South all which she ciin rightfully claim. The Pliila delpl.it Platform received the sanction of the representation of < ightce i States in that body, including the great StatoJ o'" N^w York, and the American Party 1 ATHENS, OA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 12. IS55 l?©r Governor, GARNETT ANDREWS OF WILKES. OT.Mr. R. M. Hitch is ail authorized travelling agent for this paper. cr Mr. M. A: Harrison is also an au thorized travelling agent. M. L.VXD3CM, Esq., is our authorized agent for Oglethorpe county. THE WATCHMAN FOR THE CAMPAIGN!! To meet the wishes of oar friends, and iff the hope of aiding the great cause, e are induced to offer our paper for the campaign at FIFTY CENTS to sin gle subscribers, or TWELVE copies for FIVE DOLLARS—the cash to ac company the order, in all cases. COUNTY MEETING. We are authorized to give notice that the American Party of Clarke county will meet in the court house at Wulkins- ville, on Saturday, the 21st instant, for the purpose of making nominations for the Legislature. AH persons frieudly to the Great Ame- rican Movement, are earnestly and cor dially invited to attend. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We trust we shall be pardoned by our correspondents for* any apparent neg lect they may have suffered at our hands during our recent absence or con finement from sickness after our return. We trust to get affairs “straightened out”~a little shortly. We hate opologies, but it is due to ourself to inform the reader that wc have keen prevented by indisposition from giving our usual attention to the Watchman this week. We publish this week, to the exclusion of much editorial matter, the Address of the committee of Abe late Macon Convention to the People of the State of Georgia. We hope every mat; and woman in the State will give this document a careful perusal. Lei them weigh well its facts and argu ments, and then, free from partizat prejudice, and determined (God helping them) that they wJH.do their whole duty as clifistiam and patriots, let them press steadily forward in defence of Ameri can Nationality and Protestant Civil ization. SdF*The Fourth was celebrated by* tht students in college, and by an oration ai the Town Hall, to tbe Athens Guard.- and citizens generally, by W. G- Delony i * v *'*'*i*\ J -' FOREIGN NEWS. The latest arrival is ihat of the Ame rica, which reached Halifax on the 4tli. Cotton had declined slightly. This arrival brings important, though meagre, intelligence from the seat of war, The French and English had made a combined attack on the Russian works, and been repulsed with great slaughter—jhe English loss being 40'J0. Mr. Cobb in Jackson.—We under stand, from reliable authority, that an actual count disclosed, the fact that but 142 persons could be drummed up to listen to the vile abuse and gross slander of the American party, by tl e “Pope’s Nuncio” at Jefferson last Satur day—and 75 of the number believed to be Know Nothings!! The people of Jackson will not soon forget his last two preceding political missions to- that county—first as o Union-saver, and then as Governor, to beg the people to vote for H. V. Johnson, charged by Mr. G\ and hi*, friends, at <Jne time, as being one of the most dangerous disunionists in the State—in order that he, the said Cobb, might be elected U. S. Senator. In Franklin, we understand^he num ber was estimated at only 200! JUST AS WE EXPECTED ! Our readers ’no doubt haye seen the story of the Know Nothing Council en tirely broken up at Tuskcgee,Ala., which several of the Foreign Catholic organs of this State,have copied from the At lanta Examiner. Of course, nobody ac quainted with the true character of the-e reckless sheets would attach any importance to what they might publish on any subject, but as some persons, not so well informed, might be disposed to give credence to their “ cock and bull stories,*’ we make the following ex tract from a letter to the editor of this paper, written by a gentleman of Tus- kegec. Alter admitting that some office-huut- crs (who ought never to have been ad mitted) have withdrawn aud their places been filled with helper men,! our infor mant says, ** For the information ofthe Atlanta Examiner, the West Point Beacon, the — —and other small-calibre journals which are so fond of publishing “grabbled extracts,” permit me to state that we have some fifteen hundred vo ters in Macon county, of which number eleven hundred are Know Nothings; and if Watts don’t beat. Dowdlc in this district, they may have my hat. 1 ’ We have cautioned our readers time and again to beware: of the stnteinciHs of these foreign sheets. When native AmeriqnrtColor# and give aid and comfort to the foreign enemy, we have no confidence in any thing they may say. All these stories about : withdrawals arc lmiifbogs. “ Sam” is I this^ minute gathering strength moije lSdieY!l*|A Ut-