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UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY atfltmau Volume ii. ATHENS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING AUG. 2, 1855. NUMBER 18 PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY JOHN H. CHRISTY, EDITOR AMD PROPRIETOR. Terms of Subscription. TWO DOLLARS pur annum, if paid rtfttily in ad anco; oihorwUo,THREE DOLLARS will M Cbdtged ay* In order that tho price of the papei not be in Its wxjr of» Ur*e circulation, Clubs will bo supplied atthe ow rales. %0-sSss.SIX COPIES for - - - foT • m • At Outfit* rata, tkt C-+ must aunTfang Oe enter. Rates of Advertising. •.Transient advertisements will be inserted at One Dollar persquarefbrthe II ret. and Fifiy Cenls per square tor each subsequent insertion. Legal and yearly advertisements at tbe usual rates Candidates will be elnrged $5 for announcements, I nd Obituary noticesexeeeolngsis lines in length will e charged as advertisements. .When the number of insertions isnotmarkrdon and Idvertisement. it will be published till forbid, and Charged accordingly. JUDGE ANDREWS’ ACCEPTANCE. 3&wine5S null -prnftssinnnl Carte. JOHN H. CHRISTY, PLUV AFi) FANCY Book and Job Printer, “ Franklin Job Office,” Athens, Ga, •*’, All work entnuted to Ms csrtUithtully, correctly and punctually executed, at prices eorrespond- JaalS ing with the hardness of llie times. tf C. B. LOMBARD, DENTIST, ATTIKXS, GEORGIA. Ruomsorer the Store of Wilson A Veal. Jan3 PtTNER & ENGLAND. Wholesale A Retail Dealersin Groceries, Dry Goods, HARDITARF., SHOES AND BOOTS, April C Athens, Ga. MOORE & CARLTON, DbAlkrs in SILK, FANCY AND STAPLE GOODS, HARD WAKE AND CROCKERY. April - No. 3, Granite Row, Athens, Ga. LUCAS & BILLUPS, wholesale and nEtAtt. Dealers in DRY GOODS, aaoCBRlES, HARDWARE, At. Ac. No. S, Broad Street, Athens. WILLIAM G. DELONY, attorney at law, Office over the store ol Wm M. Morton A Son Will attend promptly to all businessentrnst- cd to hi* care. Athens, April 6 P. C. LANGSTON, Attorney at Law, CARNESyiU.E, GA. '““iltiiV. I**"* (Jol. B.F.Hardeman, Lexington. Samuel Freeman, Esq. Newnan, Gabriel Nash, Es'q.D.\nielsville Ool. H. Hulsey, Amcricus. I\ A, SUMMEY & BROTHER, \V hotmta add Retail DeaWt* th staple Goods, Hardware, crockery, AND ALL KINDS OF GROCERIES, Corner of Wall and Broad streets, Athens. WILLIAM N. WHITE, WDOLES ALE AND RETAIL BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER, AtiNttetfUftr and Magazine Agent. DEALER IX XVSIC and MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS LAMPS, FINE CUTLERY. FANCY GOODS, AC. N<>. 3, College Avenue, Newton Honre. Athens, Ga sign of White’s Unlvere-'y Book Store.” Orders promptly filled at Augusta rates. T. BISHOP & SON. Wholesale and Retail Grocers, April 6 No. 1, Broad street, Athens. JANIES M. ROYAL, HARNESS MAKER, TT AS removed his shop to Mitchell's old If. Tavern, one door east of Grady A Nich- alson’s—where be keeps always on hand a general assortment of articles inhisliue, and taalwayaready to fill orders in the best style. Jan 26 tf .LOOK HERE! fVlIlE undersigned have on hand it general JL assortment of STAPLE DRY GOODS, GROCERIES AND HARDWARE. which they will sell low for cash or barter Call and examine. April 13 P. A. SUMMEY & BRO. Coach-Making and Repairing. §@t-JAMES ITbURPEE, A T the old stand recently occupied by R. S. iL Schevenell, offers for sale a lot of superi or articles of his own manufacture, at redu ced prices—consisting ol Carriages, Buggies, &c. Orders for any thing in hislinc thankfully received and promptly executed. pMr Repairing done at shortuoticeaml on reasonable terms. NOTICE. rnHE subscribers are prepared to fill orders A fur all kinds of Spokes for Carriages and Wagons, Also, at the same establishment we raanufac tnre all kinds of . BOBBINS, commonly used in our cotton factories. All done as good and cheap as can be had from the North. Address, 1‘. A. SUMMEY & BRO. Athens, Ga. who will attend to all orders,' n:td the ship ping of tho same. March, 1854. tSSD SL0AN & OATMAN, DKALEOS IN ^ Italian, Egyptian dr American AND EAST TENNESSEE MARBLE. Monument*, Tombs, Urns ami Vases; Marble Mantels and Furnishing Marbl-o rgj*All order* promptly tilled. * ATLANTA, GA. pgr Refer t» M' 1 - Ross Crane. jnncl4 30 Sacks Flour for sale by April 2Gth Grady &Niciv>lson correspondence. Macon, July 5th, 1855. Dear Sir:—As Chairman of the Committee it becomes my pleasing duty to notify ycra that, at the Convention of the American Party held at Macon on the 27th and 28th ultimo, you were un animously nominated as the candidate of said party for the office of Governor at the approaching election. Owing to the omission sooner to notify me of my appointment, this communica tion has been thus long delayed. Allow me, sir, respectfully, to urge upon, you the acceptance of the candidacy; and that your acceptance may be’ds%fj.*e<Jily as possible before the people of the Slate. You will oblige me with am early reply- Most respectfully, youi fellow-citizen, Washington Poe, Chairman of the Committee. W. Poe, J. R Davis, Wm. Gibson ^ Committee. John A. Jones, H. V. Miller, Hon. Garnett Andrews. REPLY OF JUDGE ANDREWS. Washington, July lGth, 1855. Hon. Washington Pub, Chairman, &c., Dear Sir:—The above letter was received at Montvale Springs,in Tennes see, where I had gone for the benefit of my health. I had ordered my corres pondence from home to be forward to me at that point, and received it by the same mail that brought yours, but as the reception was in the same hour of my departure for home, no sufficient oppor tunity was given for answering en route. After reading the correspondence, which had accumulated during my absence, I have taken the first moment to answer your communication. So much, sir, on account of what might, to you and other friends, appear an indifference to my position, if unexplained. I apprehend it is known to you, that before the nomination mentioned in your communication, I had very positively de clined the honor, which I had reason to believe miglit be tendered me by the Macon Convention, The main reason for refusal was a desire that an organi zation should be effected under what is known ns the Columbus movement, which I hoped would convene, flnj ns I advised my friends, nominate another. I trusted, by this time, there would have been such developments as would justify me in an effort to communicate my ori ginal wishes. But I discover from the news of the day, and other sources, that no organization, under the Columbus movement, will likely take place, or, if it sliould, be of such magnitude as to supercede the one, whose /committee man you are. As the Democratic party had previously, by refusal to join in the Columbus movement, deprived it of the power of assuming (lie attitude of any thing like State unanimity, and as the joining in such organization might have had the appearance of a disbanding of the American Party in Georgia, and as it might have failed to pass a resolution that 1 should have considered a sine qua non, it is perhaps wise that no affiliation has taken place other than what aj ps ars in one of the resolutions of your Con vention. Duly impressed with the re sponsibility of refusing so high at\ honor, tendered by so large and respectable a body of men, as the American Party, I could not excuse myself for declining the same without very weighty, not to say irresistible reasons : and the rather, as I think there arc some why I should not decline, of such magnitude as not to be disregarded or overruled. One of which is, that my declension might embarrass, possibly occasion, or have tbe appearance of, a disorganization of the American Party in Georgia. The state ment of a few facts will make manifest tbe importance of the continuance, and successful continuance of this party in Georgia. In the convention of 1850 tbe State declared in the paper known as the Georgia Platform, among other things, that she “ would, and ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which hound her to the Union, any refusal (by Congress) to ndinit as a State any territory thereafter applying, because of the existence of slavery there in.” The Kansas territory will soon apply for admission into the Union as a slave State. It is stated by Gov. John son, in his lateletter of acceptance, that •* the united cohorts of Freesoilers, and Abolitionists under”—what he chooses to style—“the black banner of Know Nothingism,” (but really under the un popular influence at the North of the Nebraska and Kansas bill,) “ have elect ed to the next Congress a controlling majority.” If the state of facts now existing shall cont'nue, when Kansas makes applica tion for admission into the Union, she must be rejected under this controlling majority; and then a disruption of every tie which binds Georgia to the confed eracy will inevitably take place. The decree has gone forth, as proclaimed by tbe Stale in her convention of 1850. Has Gov. Johnson or the Democratic party told us of any escape from the crisis, so certainly pending J Have they devised any ? or are they seeking any ? We cannot admit the unrelenting war waging through the Southern States to subject all to the iron rule of Democracy to be such. For if every voter in their borders were to bow the knee to its ban ner atid ttfrtf to 9t. Tammany, in devo tion, it would not add another vote to the yeas when the bill for the admission of Kansas shall be ptit opotl its passage ; for the Southern vote, under whatever name, not# is, and always will be a unit in its favor. The war raging against the national American party, lately organized at Philadelphia to bring tbe needed aid from the North whence only it can be had, is anything else than an effort to meet the crisis awaiting Kansas, which we are approaching with the sleepless tread of time. We have had. much figuring, showing how the Democratic party has voted, but none how it will be able and willing to vote. Others Were patriotic or vigilant, seeing the old Whig party defunct, the Democratic powerless and the Abolitionist and Freesoilers with a controlling majority in the next Con gress, have combined in organizing a new party—the American—with the hope that it possesses principles of nationality equal to the exigencies of the import 004 occasion. The unpopularity of the Nebraska and Kansas bill which, l'he an avalanche, swept over the North, overtopping horse and rider, “ Captai 0 and cattle,” diminishing and corrupting all parties has left the fate of the admis* Sion of Kansas at the mercy of the free* soil power. The American party, lately assembled at Philadelphia, after purging itself of its freesoil element, among other things, resolved, that Congiess possessed no power under the Constitution to exclude any State from admission into the Union because its constitution does or does not recognize the institution of slavery as a part of its social system. Here is an accession of strength against that con trolling majority deprecated by Gov. Johnson. If the Democratic party were desirous of the admission of Kansas ns a slave State, instead of endeavoring to crush, would they not cherish this new, and we hope, efficient ally against the common foe? Would they not feel a sympathy for it on account of this part of their platform ? Though the Ameri can and Democratic parties cannot, on account of their old principles and new principles, affiliate, yet the admission of Kansas as a slave State depends on their combined action against “ the united cohorts,” when the final contest shall arrive. For when the vote shall be takfen on that measure, and the Demo cracy shall be found too weak, (as they will according to the admission of Gov. Johnson,) the nays will have it, unless help come from some other quarter. Are they unwilling to have it, though it be not a Democratic vote ? Are they un willing the country should be saved un less saved Democratically and Demo cratically only? Is Democracy the primary and the country the secondary good ? When we shall be casting abont for the election of a President who will not veto the bill, if passed, and shall find material sufficient for the purpose, if combined, it will be the duty then, as now, of every patriot to throw no obsta cle in the way of so important a consum mation. Whatever irreconcilable hosti- lity there may be on other points, on this vital question beyond all others,every patriot should cherish that sympathy, on the exercise of which,in the hour of trial may depend the fate of untold millions. And what is the attitude of the Ameri can and Democratic parties, now, on this view of the matter ? The former gives its approbattion and sympathy to llie latter, when its fidelity to the South deserves it. The Democracy seeks to crush this new party in its infancy, not only on the ground of insurmountable issues, but on that embraced in the slavery portion of its platform, and which is all the South can ask. Also denounc ing its platform because it does not ap prove in express terms the Nebraska and Kansas bill, though agreeing, “ for common justice and future peace to abide by and maintain tbe existing laws upon the subject of slavery, as a final and con clusive settlement of that subject, in spirit and substance.” Are Kansas and the Union of so little consequence as to depend on the reasons on which the re solve was given, though immaterial for our purpose ? Must the fate of this country be perilled on the difference be tween tweedle dum and tweedle-dee? And that by a party which, in its last Baltimore Convention declared, without approving in express terms, that they would “ abide by and adhere to the faithful execution of the acts know as the compromise measures.” And this by a party professing to stand on the Georgia platform, which, in speaking of the action of Congress on the compromise mens- uress, declares, that whilst the State of Georgia does not wholly approve, “ will abide by it as a permanent adjustment of this sectional controversy.” And this by a party, when California was apply ing for admission did not approve the principles that a State should come into the Union with or without slavery, (as provided in tbe Nebraska and Kansas bill,) but were ready for a disruption to maintain such disapproval. Sometimes they criticise the platform of the Ameri can party, because it pretermits the ex pression of any opinion upon the power of Congress to establish or prohibit sla very, though it is the sense of the national council that it ought not to legislate upon the subject in the Territories. And this by a party which, a few short moons ago, was ready to set fire to the four corners of the confederacy, if Congress did not legislate on the subject of slavery in the Territories, by repealing the Mexican laws prohibiting the introduc tion of slaves into the territory acquired from that power And this by a party which voted for Mr. Van Buren for President, though from the lights before him he pretermitted the expression of any opinion as to the power of Congress to legislate upon the Subject of slavery in the District of Columbia. I know that principles are of the highest im portance but here the resolve is all we need, let it come from what motive it may. ~~ The inference from'aH.sUcii^ritftfems,- ”, that Kansas may be rejected and the Union dissolved, unless we can obtain votes on a principle we know is impossi ble and to us immaterial. A party which thus cavils on the ninth part of a hair may possibly desire the admission of Kansas, but that desire must be very weak that is weighed against a quib ble, It looks significant of the small value they place upon the Union. The philosophy of organizing new parties consists in the selection of a plat form of principles that will be accepta ble to a majority of tbe nation. If possi ble ; and though each may not be ac ceptable to all, yet for the sake of some favorite principle every member of the party will adopt the platform as a whole. Just as in deliberative assemblies, a con stitution or a bill may not be acceptable in every section, possibly to any one member, yet for the sake of the measure as a whole or for some favorite section, a majority may be content to adopt the whole measure. So the Northern por tion of the American party, suffering under the grievance of foreign influence, are willing to adopt the whole platform, tHe slavery sections included, perhaps not so much for its own sake as for the sec tion concerning ihe amendment of the Naturalization Laws. In these new issues, wc have none of those old pre judices nor hostilities to encounter, which would be in the way of making conrerts to an old party. Since the manifestations of such in discriminate hostility by the Democracy, to this, the only means of obtaining strength for the South, I have lost mv sympathy, on account of their votes on the slavery questions that have been before Congress. In charity I had sup posed they were given from pure moti ves of justice and fidelity to the South, but the present indications arei • that unless aid can be had through the De mocratic rather than Southern strength. The reluctance that one might well have fell, at being found in opposition to a party, right in so important a matter, though wrong in others, is more than neutralized at the humiliating dis covery. The American Party cut loose from, and sent howling to their dens, at the North, the abolition members of their body, the first time. I believe, that a party has, in convention, separated from and publicly repudiated a part of i:s body, for unsoundness on the slavery question. The Democratic|Partv still cherish in their ranks the Van Burens, Kings, and forty-three members of Congress who voted against the Nebraska Kansas bill, and through its Presideut—(who too often gives his platforms to the South and his acts to the North) put under the ban, Dickinson, Bronson and others of the hard-shell Democracy, the most uncompromising and reliable friends who served, as well as the foes who would have spared them.” It has been objected that the sound portion of the American Party North is to.» insignificant in numbers to be relied on for support If not already so, from present indications it may, by the time Kansas applies for admission, be more numerous than the sound Democracy North. But it matters not whether it may be ten or thirty. One vote may de cide the question upon which the fate of millions may depend. It being that if the Kansas bill passes, it must be by an accession of Northern votes, the question constantly recurs, how can they be had 1 The Demdcracy, as admitted by Gov. Johnson, and as shown by the ;vote on the Nebraska Kansas bill, when forty-three joined the Freesoilers, is a decaying fparty, and like the old Whigs, consumption under the intense heat of popular indignation generated by the odiousness of that mea sure at the North. If, notwithstand ing their old Democratic prjudices and discipline, they desert by scores, we can hardly expect recruits, even by units. If these old Democratic prin ciples are so exausted as not only to be unable to attract new members but to hold the old ones, it is worse than hope less to expect accession from such a drained source. Indeed I don’t under stand the party as expecting any new recruits from that quarter. Then we must try new issues, new attractions, and new powers of cohesion. The American party are tauntingly asked, if the Georgia platform issatifac- tory to them, why not join the Demo cracy, who have already taken their stand upon it. We object first, that they have only squatted on one corner of it (the four.h resolution ) as a posessory title to the whole, fearing at the same time to occupy other ground very im portant to the old Union men of Geor gia. Beiide3, those who fought a prin cipal as long as there was hope ot con quest, are not safe deposition of, its guardianship. Arid this is being matfo manifest by the indifference, not to say unwillingness, as I have shown, to ar rest a crisis which must bring about a disruption of the Confedracy. Those, who, a few years since thought the ad mission of a State with such institutions as she might choose to adopt concern ing Slavery, a good cause for disruption but now hold a restriction upon her discretion likewise a good cause for sim ilar action would seem to be looking only for an occasion or excuse for dis solution, regardless of the cause. Those who fought to maintain the principles of the Georgia Platform, can have but little of the' “gal of bitterness,” not to fell indignant, at seeing their en emies in that contest bestride it, and chiding its constructors as less holy than they, with a self-complacency equalled only by a certain notorious in dividual, of whom we read in the 18th. chapter and 11th verse St. Luke. It would be better suit their fallen state, to be confessing that they “had done the things they ought not to have done, and left undone the things they should have done,” and that there was no true worthiness in them. The present occu pants have not been upon it long enough to become naturalized. They are not only aliens, hut alien enemies, who seem endeavoring to expel its earlier friends from possesion, as the outlandish mill ions are crowding us and our children from our Western Territory. Let “Americans rule America,” and tried Georgia platform men rule Georgia. Having examined the questions on which the Democratic and American parties seem to agree, I may on some future occasion notice those on which they are avowedly hostile. I approve the platform of the Ameri can party, adopted at Macon, on the 27th of June, 1852, and with it the platform of principles adopted by the laie National Council of the American Party at Philadelphia, and the Georgia platform of 185,5 as indicating the poli cy in the event of the contingencies there in mentioned. And with a due appreciation of the honor involved, in the nomination men tioned in your letter, I accept it with a high not to say painful sense of the re sponsibilities incurred by my positon. According to a late and much to be re gretted innovation, one of those respon- sibillities might seem ^to be a general canvass of the State. As you know. Sir, the nomination was imposed upon me after my refusal to accept, I might well plead this as a reason why 1 ,-hould be excused from this disagreeable labor. I fear, however, I have one of a more imperative nature. For some time past I have been afflicted with an infir rn- ity of voice occasioned by a life of hard speaking, which I apprehend will fail to sustain me in canvassing the State. Very Respectfully, Yours, &c., GARNETT ANDREWS. From the Sumter Republican. ' LETTER FROM IION. IIOPKINS HOLSEY, The following letter from Hon. Hop kins IIoLSEr, was written in answer to an invitation to attend a Ratification meeting of the American Party, recent ly held at Oglethorpe. It is well known that Mr. IIolsey ha* always been a Democrat, and for many years the able editor of the Athens Danner, a Demo cratic paper. In 1850, lie was a strong advocate of the Union movement, and now in 1855, we find him advocating the American Platform. The letter is an able one, and coming from such a man as Hopkins Holset, it will, we have no doubt, be carefully read by all. We earnestly solicit for it, a careful perusal. Such sentiments as nrc embraced in this letter should be disseminated throughout the length and breadth of our Stat Butler, Ga, July 4th, 1855. Gentlemen :—I sincerely regret that it will be out of my power to attend the proposed Ratification Meeting of the American Party, to be held at Ogle thorpe on Friday next and to which you have so kindly invited me as an advocate of “the principles of that organization” on that occasion. Permit me, however, to assure you that I shall cheerfully and heartily co operate with you io the election of the Hen. Garnett Andrews, its nominee for Governor of Georgia, and in every fair and honorable effort to defeat in the next Presidential election, the corrupt and unprincipled co-alition of opposite and dangerous extremes which, through a gross abuse of the confidence of the American people, now administers tbe Federal Government. If such be my estimate of the rulers, you may readily imagine the unutterable scorn I feel foi the slaves who succumb to tbe party lash, in utter disregard of every noble sentiment previously proclaimed by them, and become the mere camp fol lowers of their conquerors, for the spoils of office. It is to supplant such a coalition and its adherents, that I ac knowledge myself willing to co-operate with all the sound elements of opposi tion, without reference to old party dis tinctions, which are now through the length and breadth of the Union, gath ering to a head, under the banners of the American party. As a national party entering the field of contest for the Ad ministration of the National Govern ment, I hail with joy, upon its banners, mottoes and inscriptions hallowed by re collections of the past, and by hopes of tho future—which have been baptized in tbe blood of the Revolution whieh ushered in our national existence—which have been transmitted to us as a priceless legacy by the Heaven inspired sages who formed our present Constitution— and which have walked with us, like guardian angels, through the fiery fur nace of sectional contention. All hail, then, to the motto on your national ban ner, which regards tbe Union as “ the paramount political good”—the pri mary object of the patriotic desire !’*— Rest assured, gentlemen, that the tongue which carps at this sentiment upon your National Platform, has already whisper ed or proclaimed treason, actual or mor al against th** Union, and that the heart whose sentiment it utters, is unfit to be the depository of the destinies of a loyal and reflecting people. Whatever may be said cf the good taste or good sense of fighting plat forms on the part of the component State*, in certain contingencies which may or may not happen, surely we have a right to distrust the loyalty to the Un ion of that man who, being one degree above absolute idiocy, should insist up on such a feature in the National Plat form of a party seeking the administra tion of the National Government, where the sound of “ disruption” would be about as sensible as. that rulers should sound the tocsin of rebellion against their own government—or that the buil ders of an edifice should provide for its destruction. Upon llnrgreat subject on which the sensibilities of the Southern people are alive at the present moment, the Phila delphia Platform may safely challenge a comparison with that of any National party heretofore promulgated. But as the slavery question has undergone ma ny changes, and presents, at this time, a new phase that was not and could not from the nature of things, be contempla ted in advance, by either of the great National parties which last met in Con vention, it has the merit of being, at this time, the only Nattonal Platform upon this subject actually before the country. What the next National Dem ocratic Convention may do, it would be impossible io predict, in advance of its assemblage, but taking a recent para graph of the Washington Union (its or gan) as our guide, it seems to have been determined by the leaders of the party, that it should act together as a unit, without reference to the,conflicting opin ions of its members, North ana South, on the slavery issues. Certain it is, that Gen. Pierce has not, as yet, made any of the recent issues on this subject, a test of democratic orthodoxy, since members of his party procure or continue in office, entertaining hostile views on the very subjects upon which we are exhorted to believe that the party will he, if it is not now, a unit. That the free soil element is apowerfulnnd leading element in the Democratic party, as at present organ ized under Gen. Pierce’s administration, is a fact too notorious to he denied by any candid or intelligent mind. A co alition between the Free-soil and ultra Southern Rights w ings against the great central column of the Democratic par ty was the natural result at Baltimore of their respective positions on the com promise measures of 1850. Through that co-alition Gen. Cass was slain, as the leader of the centre, and General Pierce nominated for the Presidency, as the chief of the combined wings. De prive the coalition of either of its ele- GF* The following letter from Ben* jamin H. Hill, Eeq., was written in re spond to the letter of the committee of the American party, notifying him of his selection as their candidate for Con gress in the 4th District. The lettefr breathes the right spirit, and we trust- he will he elected. This nomination of ail outsider—like that of our distinguished fellow-citizen,- Young L. G. Harris, Esq.—gives the lie direct to the oft-rcpcotcd charge that no one will b'6 supported by the Know' Nothin? Unless a member of the order. LaGrang, Ga., July 18,1855. Gentlemen;—1 have' received your letter notifying me that I have been no minated by the American party as a‘ candidate for Congress from the 4 ttf District. As I was not a member of your party, and had not thought of sub mitting my name to your conventioh,; and as your party has been charged with being selfish and proscriptive, I must confess that this nomination sur prised me. For several ye'afs i had no connection with politics—no claims of political preferment for par ty service, and my prominence now is' very unexpected, even to myself. 1 have long been of opinion that the South ought to be united and therefore, I have studiously avoided saying or do ing anything that could, by possibility/ increase the unfortunate party divisions and heart-burnings existing among our people. Therefore, when a large and in telligent portion of our fellow-citizens 1 assembled in Temperance Hall at' Col umbus and so generously and patrioti cally proposed that we abandon our dis sensions, and unite for ourselves and the good of the country, I at once went' to work and did all in my power to ad vance this timely movement. '1 he hearts of thousands in this portion of the State were nobly responding' to tnis* call ; and I speak front knowledge,’ when I say that the members of tlfo- American party in this region were, al most to a man , giving us their warm and cordial co-operation. I learned- that they were doing the same in oilier 1 portions of the State, and Judge An drews himself warmly endorsed tbe movement. The prospt'Ct op'eritul de lightfully. What defeated this movement t The answer is plain,- and-1 hopfe every Geor gia.i will remembter it. It was defeated 1 by the' anti-American Convention 1 which' assembled in Milledgeville on 1 the 5tli day of June and nominated II. V. Johnson for Governor. It is my opinion if that convention had endorsed this movement in the spirit urged upoiV them by Maj. Howard’s letter, the peo ple of Georgia Would b6 che people ana one party. This ddhVention li’ot only declined this movement, but passed rf bitter resolution against the A’liiCriCanf party, and followed up the fesdlrftion by the most abusive and denunciatory letters and speeches from the leaders in that convention. Now if these men re ally desired to see the South united,- why did they so abuse a party u'hicM they well kew embraced thousands of our purest and best inon ? If we re gard them as meii of intelligence (as' they are.) are we not driven ttf the con-' elusion 1 t 1 that their object was to preytiirt I mis union aud thus keep up’ party divis ions and animosities among the people? Can a man be regarded as desiring your association when, in every breath, he abuses you as a traitor I They did tfplt desire it, 1 and. in nrv o'piifiotf, they diu not intend to allow it. What could our American frieifJs J<>. They had shown a Willinf^iicss to unite with its. They had come and were wlricit ments, and it falls before the power of 1 ' the central column. Of this result both 1 the Secretary of War and the present Governor of Georgia, are fully ntvare, .ind hence we find them content with Maucy in the Cabinet as the real representative of the Van Buren fac tion in New York, and of the demo cratic Frees ailers generally throughout the Union. Hence it is that when Gov. Johnson in his addresses to the people , . , , of Georgia, abuses in the rank garb coming upon a platform w'th us «d those “slimy creatures” the Freesoilers ; not e Y en a J{ u( ^ e ° • ! . , and Abolitionists, he must either be un- j P :,rt Y", an ^ f tcTC *! m , ei 1 S . derstood to except his democrat it branch of peace (o ,ieir n _ allies of that stamp from abuse, or he was no j only refused, but ^nlemptuott*U must be liable to the imputation of dc- kpfased. ^ l, ey were a nisei , • ceit in crying “ stop thief” at the very pandered, and misrepresented. EveiJ moment that ho is in actual confederacy j J 1 )?. 4 ? 11 Stephens, as c with the perpetrators of the deed. The | and , Pda ! e > j* n . a memorab.e m caswiy inevitable consequence of this 1 state of t make friends m t ns, o icm. g things will be the final extinction of the war f a<, e ufc'dn t us dive H central column, or rather its absorption by the two extremes, so that the North ern wing of the party will be exclusively Freesoilers and the Southern wing ultra Secessionists, elements which must either then make war upon each other or consent to break up the integrity of the Union. As it has been my firm conviction, ever since the organization of Gen. Pierce’s Cabinet and the co-alition within it, as the ruling power of the government,of the two extremes alluded to, that the democratic party has ceased to be a National party with strong ten dencies towards the perpetuity of the Union. I have cut off all political con nection with it, in the hope of finding at a future day a sounder and better organization for the peace of the coun try. I have at least resolved to give the American Party a fair trial on this subject. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully yours, &c. HOPKINS HOLSEY, To Geo. W. Fish, ^ and OTHERS, \ The surest safeguard of liberty is the virtue and intelligence of the people warfare' Ufjcrn this American party ; and a thou and lesser lights, in eveiy part of the State, w« r«< burdening the air with their cries, of ertfeify them, crucify them. I ask what could our Aitferit’ans friends do bat defend thr.nt Selves ? Our object was union of all : this could not be done because Gov. Johnson's party refused to unite w.tIV us. Stephens refu ed to unite \yit)i u-,- and our object was defeated. Under this State of facts I cannot blame thfr American parly for organizing .and ac- ! cepting the challenge of their adversa ries especially when their N itionai Council in the mean' time had given? them such an acceptable platform, al though I regretted to see them lenvo ifs. The question now is wliaf shall we isolated Soirtltern Ui ion men do’ ? Shall! we join and aid to power the men; who' first refused our association and defeat ed our object ? They abused* the Knnid Nothings, and abusfc.f us for bein'g with them even on a Southern platform, un til the Know Nothings tiirn'ed upon them and gave them' signal for battled The corniest is’ getting Waimy and thoso' very men that so lately abused ns are now softly calling on us to help them 1 whip the Know Nothings. Shall wp'