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v. UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY VOLUME II. ATHENS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 9, 1855. NUMBER 19 PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY JOHN H. CHRISTY, EDITOR AJ»D mo>RIETOB. Terms of Subscription. TWO DOLLARS per annum, if paid strictly in ad ance-. otherwise,THREE DOLLARS will be charged order that the priced! the napei nny nntbcin the way of* large circnlaiion, Clubs will be supplied at the following low r*tc*. VJwSa^SIX COPIES for - - KSaST^TEN •* for - - - $15/^3&r At their lew ratr», the Cash must accompany the order. Rates of Advertising. Transient advertisement* wilibeinaerted at One DtUlar per .'■qnarefor the firet.and Fifty Cents per aquare for each subsequent inaction. Legal and yearly advertisements at the usual rates Candidates will bo charged |S for announcements, and obituary noticesoxootviingsix linos in length will be charged a* advertisement*. When the number of insertions isnotmatlcedon and advertisement, it will bo published till forbid, and tharged accordingly. ‘Iksintss null ^rnfissinnal ttlis. J oHN II. CHRI STY, PLAIN AND FANCY Book and Job Printer, “Franklin Job Office,” Athens. Ga. ♦% All work entrusted to bis care faithfully, correctly and punctually executed, at prices correspond- jsnlfl ing with the hardnexsof ihe time.-.. tf IPoliticaL C. B. LOMBARD, DENTIST, ATHENS, GEORGIA. ttuomanver the Store of Wilson & Veal. Jan3 PITNER & ENGLAND. Wholesale & Retail Dcalersin tlroccricsjDryOoods, HARD If ARE, SHOES AND BOOTS, April 6 Athens, Ga. MOORE & CARLTON, DEALERS IS SILK, FANCY AND STAPLE GOODS. HA Ml WAME AND CROCKER Y. April No. S, Granite Row. Athens, Ga. LUCAS & BILLUPS, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN DRY GOODS, GROCKlUES, HARDWARE. Ac. Ac. No. 2, Broad Street. Athens. WILLIAM G. DELONY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office over the store :>1 Wnt >1. Merton & Son Will attend promptly to nil business entrust- ed vo bis care. Atheus, April 6 P. A. SUMMEY & BROTHER, Wliatesalo and Retail Dealers in Staple Goods, Hardware, Crockery, AND ALL KINDS OF GROCERIES, Corner of Wall and Broad streets, Athens WILLIAM N. WHITE, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER, And Nne.cpaprr ami .Magailer Agent. . DEALER IS MUSIC and MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS LAMPS, FINE CUTLERY, FANCY GOODS. AC. No. 2, College Avenue, Newton Rouse. Athens, fia aigtt of •• White’s University Bobk Store.” Orders promptly.filled at Augusta rates T. BISHOP & SON, Wholesale and Retail Grocers Aprtl 6 Nu. 1, dmad street, Athens. JAMES M. ROYAL, H ARNESS M AKER; H AS removed his shop to Mitchell's old Tavern, one door east of Grady A Nich olson’s—where he keeps always on hand n general assortment of articles in hisline, and isalwavs ready to fillordersinthe best style Jan 26 * tf LOOK HERE! T (l B ttrideraigned have on hand a general assortment of STAPLE DRY GOODS, GROCERIES AND HARDWARE. which they will sell low for cash or barter Cull and examine. April 13 P. A. SUMMEY & BRO Coach-Making and Repairing. .JAMES B. BURPEE A T the old stand recently occupied by R. 8, Sclicvcnell, offers for sale a let ofguperi or articles ‘of his own manufacture, ut redu cod prices—Consisting ol Carriages, Buggies, &c. Orders for any thing in hisline thankfully received and promptly executed. •jr-W* Repairing done at short notice and on reasonable terms. NOTICE. mllE subscribers are prepared to fill orders X for all kinds of Spokes for Carriages and Wagons, Also, at the same establishment we mnnufnc ture all kinds of v BOBBINS, commonly used in our cotton faetoriet. All done as good and cheap as can bo had from the Prill. Address, P. A.SUMMEY & BRO. Athens,Ga who wil) attend to ull orders, and the ship ping of the'same. Mareh,1854. SLOAN & OATMAN, DEALERS IX Italian, Egyptian & Am*, lean AND EAST TENNESSEE MARBLE. Monuments,Tombs,Urns and Vases; Marble Mantels and Furnishing Murbl-o J5y~Al? orders promptly filled. ATLANTA. GA. CSrRbfer to^Mr. Ross Crane. junel-1 Q A Sacks Flour for sale by 0\/ April lidth dsAur ANicholsox WANTED, in AAA LI1S. GOOD COUNTRY 11/fUUU BACON, for which the higlt est price will lie paid, cash or,Iku-ter, at . July 3 I. M. KfiXNkY’S. GOOD IRON* A ^ LB \VAGONS„/or 4, sun? liy I*. A. sv MMSY -t BU(S. J«!y 19' 3m For the Southern-Watchman. The Old Backet Factory.* . Come let us away, to the Old Bucket Hall, And list to the speeches addressed to us all, Hint mouldering Hall is 1»6t good enough— This parly dc-eivrp one. of much finer stuff. I Hope they’ll soon build them a stately fine Hall, With Washington, Jefferson, Adams aud all Their true hearted sires adorning the wall, Whose smiles of approval sheds light over all. With a beautiful spire that points to the sky. And a huge spreading Eagle that floats upon high} ith the stats and the stripes to show to the world, Their banner of freedom and truth is un furled. This remnant of heroes who still nobly dare To keep brigiit those names so regardless of fear, Green be the laurels which encircle each brow, Who bright keeps those pledges a-.d statutes which now, Maybe spoil’d by the stranger to li erty’s laws, Tito’ the stranger they welcome to freedom, but pause, E'er tjie heltnn they entrust to some unskil ful hnnd, Which might wreck tlu fair structure—the pride of their land. Yet they welcome the strange' as brother tis true, They greet them with frendsltip, and justice that’s due,' But never ! 0 never! will they give up their right, They’ll rule their own Country, or die in the fight. They say, they will build, and that before long, Por this party is growing surpassingly strong. This Old Bucket Factory oft shakes with app’ause, As they talk of the thousands that’s join in the cause, They’ve built up a platform that high, broad and long On which this American party now throng; It is very substantial—it never can fall, The plan was matured in Old Bucket Hall. I wonder what the materials arc, Which makes this plntfoitn re ebso far? Ah ! now the knowledge through me darts, I guess it must be live Onk hearts, Ol native growth, Colombia s soil, Which foreign intrigue ean’fc despoil, With hearts of Oak our strongest wood, Raised high on principal that’s good. Long may it stand the tempest’s shock. Firm as our native granite rock, ‘ In lowering)freedom let it’nse, Astonishing all the Antics eves. A wondrous time they’ll have next, fall, That shroud, that winding sheet ai^d pall, Which all have heard so much about, Will then be seen to wind no douti, And then the secret will be out; But where will be that champion bright, Great leader of our Southern right, A cordinaTs Cap besta suits his brow, Tie all that he aspires to now ; W:th Tombs in Rome he’ll soon convene, With Pope and Priests of royal mein The Pope’s great Nuncio left alouo. Can scarce fitid room to stand upon, He looks around in sad surprise, And*in dismay bis spirit dies; Crest fallen he exclaims aloud, Alas! poor Howell here’s thy shroud., * The place where the K. N’s “ most do congre gate” in Augusta. Hon. Jerry Clemens—An other good Democratic Letter. This distinguished Southern Demo crat has written an able letter in de fence of the principles of the American Party. When we see the great and good and patriotic men of the old par ties thus uniting in the advocacy of our doctrine, what other ponyiction forces itself upou us, than that we are right— that we will triumph—that Americans will maintain the party, the dignity and security of this government, the only hope of freedom on earth. We present to our readers Mr. Clemen’s letter.— Read it. Huntsville, July I2th, 1855. Dear Sir: I have not before had time to answer your letter in relation to the new order of Know Nothings, nor have I now at hand all the statistics which are nece-sary to a full elucidation of the subject. Very possibly in the opin ions I am about to advance 1 shall find my elf in antagonism to yourself and ' some of those old friends to whom you 'allude. At all events there is no impro priety in asking you to read carefully, not for the purpose of contradicting or finding fault, nor yet for the purpose of implicitly believing, but to reason, to consider, to reflect. If there is truth in vyhat I write let no previous prejudice dint its brightness—if there is error let up personal partiality prevent its detec tion and expesufe. The violence which lias heretofore characterized the discussions on this subject is unbecoming at all times, and particularly so upon a question involving so much about which men may reasona bly differ. I know not why I should think less of any one for differing with me upon Know Nothingism, than upon Democracy. He has a right to the maintenance of his opinions, and if he is honest no just man will denounce him. It is proper for me to say that I never was in a Know Nothing Lodge but once —that Ido not know a single sign or pass-word, and could not to-day obtain admission to any Conncil in the State, unless it was through the intervention ofaftiend; but I endorse their plat form and propose to defend their princi ples. They are the principles of Wash ington, and Jefferson, and what is of even more importance they are the principles of the Constitution. When one of the seven wise men of Greece visited the Court of Perainder of Corinth, he was asked “ what is the most perfect popular government ?”— He answered “ that in which the law has no superior.” This answer, which contains a whole volume of truth and beauty in a single line, is the founda tion of the Know Notlrng creed.— They made it in the beginning »he basis of their platform—not designedly, for very probably the answer of the Sage was not remembered, but reason, reflec tion and an earnest patriotism led them to the same result. According we find that every member is imperatively re quired to acknowledge the law, as estab lished by theConstitution, to be supreme. Obedience to its mandates is inculcated as the highest duty, and disobedience is certain to be followed by expulsion. Thus far 1 am sure the most violent will agree with me that there is nothing t<> condemn—that there is something to applaud. The remaining portions of the plat form may be disposed of as satisfactorily, I think, if not as briefly as the first.— Americans shall rule A merica—In other words—fur I mean to deal in no equivo cation—no evasion—to cover up noth ing, dodge nothing, deny nothing. In other words then that native born Ameri cans shall fill all offices of political im portance un^er the government. I do not mean mere money offices such as President of a Bank—Rail Road, or other Corporation, but every office which gives to its holder an influence on the legislation of the country. These are the offices from which we are pledged to exclude Foreigners, and this is the posi tion I am prepared to maintain. It is not denied that we hare enough, and more than enough competent Ameri cans to fill every office we have to be stow, but it is urged that such a distinc tion is odipus and unjust to our For eign population. How is.it unjust? — He has been deprived of nothing by his emigration here. In bis • own land he did not even have the right of suffrage. His property wes never for an hour secure. His personal liberty wa$ con stantly in danger. He cou}d not write or speak his sentiments with impunity. He was- ground down with tuxes. A press gang might at any moment tear him from the bosun of his fumily, or an oppressive landlord turn that family houseless upon the world. All this is changed. We have given him the right to vote. Wo have given him peace — We have given him security. We have given him independence, and now be cause we will not give him the right to make the laws by which we are to bo governed he forgets in his arrogant in gratitude ihe hundred blessings we have showered upon him, and repays the safety of the Altar by malignant asper sions of the Ministers to whom he owes his protection. It is a delusion to talk about the rights of Foreigners. Privi leges is the proper word. We were not bound to extend lo them the right of suffrage. We were not bound to give them protection, liberty, peace, inde pendcnce. All these were voluntary gifts. It was philanthropy in its broad est sense. Nor is there one of the mil lions who flood the. country who would not have exchanged, his own land for ours even if the Constitution had denied them the privilege of voting. The other advantages he obtains would havo been sufficient, and more than sufficient to have made him anxious for a shelter beneath the wings of the Eagle. Where then is the injustice ? He has all be asked, more, much more than he would have been willing to take. But it is argued that exclusion from offices fixes an odious brand upon him. Without stopping to remark upon the absurdity of such a position it is sufficient to say that the brand is already fixed by the Constitution. It is upon him now, and will remain upon him until that instru ment is torn out from the archives of the nation. The second Section of the Article prescribes that no one shall be a Representative in Congress who has not “ been seven years a citizen of the United States.” He may have been twenty or more years a resident of the country before his Naturalization papers were taken out, and yet he must remain seven years longer before he can occupy the post of a Representative. Here is a distinction and a broad one. It is idle to talk about degrees of infamy. ' If ex elusion for life renders a man infamous oper ation, and both whether justly .or unjustly give a preference to Native' horn citizens. The third section of the same article prescribes that no person sha'l be Sena tor who has not “ been nine years a citizen of the United States.” Here the distinction is broader. As the office rises in importance—as the danger aris ing from ignorance, or preconceived opinions becomes greater, the more country. Nor was he alone a sufferer. Every officer who served in the Mexican war, not a member of Congress, or an existing State Legislature, was in like manner excluded, with perhaps the single exception erf Gen. Scott, who had received a special vote of thanks during the war of 1812, which of itself entitled him to admission. It will not do to tell me that respect tor the cause of temperance produced this astonishi ng re- careful the framers of the Constitution 1 suit. The Congress of the U S. are were to secure the services of native not remarkable as disciples of temper- born citizens, until at last in the highest ance, and that, very day there were per- of all offices Foreigners are excluded haps not six members of the Senate who entirely. In the first sent inn of the se- i did not drink wine rtt dinner, or brandy cond article the Constitution declares ! before it. that “no person but a Natural born ! The Irish vote was the controlling American citizen shall be eligible to cause—the desire to conciliate that large the office of President,” and the"twelfth amendment declares that no Foreigner shall be eligible to the office of Vice body of naturalized citizens who looked up to Father Matthew as a superior be ing. It was this which gave to the Pre-ident. It thus appears that foreign- Foreigner and the Catholic an impor- ile r-ime effect.; Both alike pre-sup pose a difference between the Nativp and Foreigner. Both have the same ers are absolutely prohibited by the Con stitution from filling the only two offices which emanates directly from the whole people, whose incumbents are elected by the whole people, and who are in an especial manner the guardians of the rights of the people. What stronger distinction is it possible lo make between the Native and Foreign born citizen ? In comparison with that how poor and how weak is the mere resolution of a political party that they will not vote for foreigners? If the declaration of such a purpose by those who are called Know Nothings is odivus, unjust, in famous and tyrannical, what will you do with the Constitution we all profess to revere? From that green and living root they extracted the essence of their creed. Whatever of wisdom—what ever of patriotism—whatever of sincere devotion to liberty and the country may encircle them is drawn down from the same healthful source. Strike tljem down, and you aim a blow at the su preme law of the land. Strike them down, and you prepare the way for amendments to the Constitution which will soon have you vassals in fact, if not vassals in name, to those who grew up on your hospitality, and fattened upon yonr charity. 1 am not aware that it is customary tc ridicule the idea of danger from foreign influence. We are exult- ingly pointed to the fact that there are but throe millions of foreigners, while there are twenty millions of natives.— These figures are not accurate, but we will take them as they are given ust— It must be remembered that of this three millions of foreigners a very large proportion of them are voters. It is the unvarying law of emigration that much the greater number of every body of emigrants are males. This was the case even in California, when the emi gration was only from one portion of our own territory to another. All of us can call to mind cases in which the head of the family alone is a foreigner, while the wife, and children are natives'. These go to swell the number of natives on the census books, while the voter— the efficient and controlling power, set down as one foreigner. Now let us look nt the other side : Of the twenty millions of Americans, about one-half are females. This disposes of ten millions. Of the remainder at least (wothirds are children, and boys too young to vote. That disposes of near seven millions more, and brings the num ber of voters down much nearer to an equality than is at all ngreeble, or than our opponents are willing to admit. These facts have not been unknown to, or un marked by politicians. There is not an aspiring demagogue in all the land who has not, time and again, made himself conspicuous as the advocate of foreigners. Wm. H. Seward, with his cold, calcu lating, heartless selfishness, is the leader in this race of adulation to whatever is of foreign extraction ; and many better men, who ought not to be named in the same breath, are hastening in his foot steps. Even the veteran soldier whose life had been passed among bullets— whose strong nerves had never been shaken in the deadliest conflict, when he was a candidate, quailed before the vast influence these strangers had acquired, and the ‘‘foreign accent” became as mu sic to his ear. Two public acts in the recent hisory of the country exhibit still more strongly the dangers of foreign in fluence, and admonish us to check it while we have yet the power. In the autumn of 1849, Father Mat thew, an Irish priest, who had acquired great celebrity as a Temperance lecturer, paid a visit to the U. S. He came to Washington, and a resolution was at once introduced to allow him the privilege of the floor of tho Senate. This was oppus- ed by Mr. Calhoun, on the ground that it was lowering the dignity of the Senate, and cheapening its honors—by myself, and others, upon the further ground that he had while in Ireland indulged in de nunciations of slavery, and taken part with the abolitionists against the South, which I considered an unwarrantable in- termed fling with matters that in no ways concerned him. Notwithstanding these objections, tho resolution passed by a de cided majority, and Father Matthew took his seat upon the floor of the- Senate, Not long afterwards, Gen. Pillow, who bore upon his person the marks of hon orable wounds recently received in the service of the Republic, visited Waslt- ngton, and found, to his mortification no exclusion for a term of years must have doubt, that tho place which had been oe- • 1.. ? i i n .» ....... L... cupied by a Catholic priest was maccessi- tance above and beyond that of the sol diery whose blood had been poured 6ut like water on the plains of Mexico. It was this which induced the Senate to forget what it had been—to throw as ide the severe dignity which had so ele vated them in tHe minds of men, and^o exchange the character of Roman sages for that of servile sycophants. There was a time when that high . body was composed of sterner stuff. There was time when such a proposition would have been treated with the scorn it de served. But that was before the Irish Exdous. Now, if we venture to ques tion foreign merit, it must be done with “bated breath.” If we venture to deny any foreign demand.hnwever imperious, wc are threatened with political anni hilation ; and yet I am told we are iu no danger from foreign influence. When the Senate of the United States has bent before the storm, where are we to look for that public virtue which is sturdy enough to resist it ? The other case to which I allude was still more outrageous. L. Kossuth had been actively engaged in exciting a revo lution in Hungary, but when the hour of trial came he shrunk from the danger he had evoked,and flying across the frontier, took refuge beneath tlie Crescent of the Turk. An immense amount of sympathy was at once manufactured for him, and our Government, not to he behind the public expectation, dispatched a vessel of war to bring him to our shores. Of course this was done under the specious name of sympathy for struggling freedom. But if there had been ho German votes in the United States, I am very much inclined to the opinion that syrapath would have expended itself in some less costly man ner. But rot satisfied with bringing him here, both btanches of Congress passed a resolution inviting him to Wash inglon. He came in all the pomp which surrounds the monarchs of the old world; armed guards paraded before liis door to keep off the vulgar populace. And we who would not have tolerated such con duct for one hour in the President of the Republic, not only submitted to it on the part of this foreign mendicant, hut actually invited him within the bar ol thc-Senate. He entered, with all his guards about hint. The clank of foreign sabres awaked the echoes in the vestibule of the Senate, and an eager crowd of Republicans looked on with wonderin admiration at the pageant. If tho dead are permitted to witness events upon earth, what must have been the feelings of the stern Fathers of tlie Republic when they saw the velvet uniforms of a foreign body-guard within the sacred precincts of the Senate! Let us suppose them gathered about the immortal Washing ton, as they were wont to gather in the days that tried men’s souls, gazing in sorrow and silence upon the disgraceful spectacle. There is Warren, Greene, Sumpter, Marion, Lee, Shelby Wil liams, Wayne, and a hundred ethers of the mighty dead. They remember that it was German cannon which thinned their ranks at Mud Fort a.id Red Bank. They remember that German shouts rang over the field of Brandywine. They remember that German bayonets were dimmed with patriot blood at Monmouth. They remember Chad’s Ford, and Chews’ house, and many another field where they met the hired mercenaries that England’s gold had brought across the Atlantic to fasten manacles upon a people who had never injured them ; and remembering this, they turn to each other, with the mournful inquiry, “Are these our Sons ? are the traditions of the Revolution already forgotten?” Ah! shades of departed patriots, there is an engine of power in our land of which in your day you did not dream. There are a few hundred thousand German voters among us, and every demagogue who aspires to the Presidency, and all the satellites that glimmer about him, are vicing with each other in base conces sions to German pride and German feeling. But the picture is a sickening one, and I turn from it. God knows it was bitter enough at the time, and I have no wish to dwell it upon it anew. Not satisfied with the honors heaped upon Ivossuth, Congress determined to extend to him more material aid.” Mr. Seward discovered that he was the Nation’s guest, and introduced a Bill assuming his expenses as a National debt. The account turned out to ho somewhat extravagant. This plain re publican martyr to liberty only lived at the rate of $500 per day. Consuming in the twenty-four hours Champagne in North Alabama, for a twelve month. At that very moment there were bills upon the Calendar of the House for the relief of destitute Widows and Orphans, whose Husbands had died in defence of the country, which Congress has not had time to attend to even to this. day. Not so with Kossuth—he drank his wise— eat his pates >Iefois gras and Congress instantly footed the Bill. Do you ask the reason ? I answer widows and children lmd no votes. The Foreigners who were to be conciliated by adulation of Kossuth had many. Others will say it was not Kossuth but his cause—that he had been battling for freedom and they wished to mark their appreciation of his efforts. As a tribute to the spirit of Liberty it might have been well enough if we Mftd not been sb lamentably deficient in paying that tribute to our own citizens. When Gen. Jackson had driven the British army from New Orleans and rescued the country from on%of the most terrible dangers with which it was ever threatened he was ar rested in the very hour of his triumph and heavily fined for Ihe rigorous dis charge of his duty ; and yet Congress permitted more than a quarter of a cen tury to roll away without acknowledging the wrong or attempting to repair it. He was a Native American—there was no Foreign sympathy in his behalf—no foreign voters to conciliate. When Gen. Houston returned to the U. S. with the laurels of San Jacinto fresh upon his brow, bringing an empire in l£s hands to lay fit our feet, no Con gressional invitations celebrated his ar rival. No bills were passed to pay his expenses. He was a Native American nnd-nothing was to he gained by lauda tions of his chivalry or his patriotism, When Gen Scott had concluded one of the most wonderful campaigns ever re corded in history he was recalled almost in disgrace, and his army winch he had found untrained militia and converted into veteran heroes was transferred to one of his subordinates. Yet Congress offered no word of sympathy, applied no balm to the woutuhtd feelings cf the matchless roldier. He was a Native American and the voice of condolence was mute. Had Gen Shields received similar treatment a How] would have been raised from one end of the con tinent to the other, and half the tongues in Congress would have grown weary lamenting his wrongs. With these ftic-ts before me, and all know them to be facts, I must be pardon ed for maintaining that there is danger from foreign influence, and the sooner it is boldly met the better. It is gravely urged as an objection to the order of Know-Nothings that it originated in the North, and ought therefore to be regarded with suspicion by the South, and this reason I have seen advanced by such men as Toombs and Stephens of Georgia, and Preston of Kentucky—Gentlemen whom 1 know personally, and for whose talents, attain ments, and moral worth I have very great respect. To my mind it is evi dence of the weakness o' - any cause when men of fair abilities resort to such flimsy means to support it. I do not know how the fact is, but I shall concede that it did originate in New York, and then I shall proceed to show that there is no spot upon the Continent where the peophs have suffered more from toreign emigration or where they have more imperious reasons for arraying them selves against it. By reference to the an nual report of Ihe Governors of the Alms House, I find- there were in the New York Alms House during the year 1853, 2198 inma’es—of these only 535 were Natives, and 1663 Foreigners supp< rted at the expense of city. And now propose to use on our side the argument of our opponents that there are only 3,000,000 Foreigners lo 20,000,030 Natives. According to that ratio there ought to be about 7 Native* to one For eigner in.the Alms House. Whereas we find more than 3 Foreigners to one Native. No wonder that a people who are taxed to support such a body of paupers should be the first to set about devising means to get rid of them. Let us pursue the record—the Bellevue Hospital, in the same city, there were 702 American—4134 Foreigners, now the proportion rises to nearly six to one. There were of ojt-door poor,—that is persons who had some place to sleep, but nothing to eat and nothing to make a fi r e—957 Native Adults, and 1044 children—3131 Foreign Adults, and 5229 Foreign Children or children born of Foreign Parents. This number were relieved during the year with money. Of those relieved with fuel there were 1243 Adult Americans and 1801 chil dren,—10,355 Adult Foreigners and 17,857 children. But the record is not yet complete—let us turn to the statis tics of crime. In the city prisons there were during the year 6,102 American— 22,229 Foreigners. I pass on to an abode even more gloomy than that of the prison cell, and call your attention to those whom God in his wisdom has seen fit to deprive of the light of reason. In the Lunatic Asylum there were admitted from the year 1847 to 1853, 779 Ameri cans—2381 Foreigners. For thfe year 1853 there were 94 Americans, 363 Foreigners. These tables might he made more complete by adding . Organ Grinders, Strolling Mendicants, aud Professional Beggers, but of these t have no reliable data, and therefore pass them hie* to him. a native horn American, and I and Burgundy vyjiich cost more than it "late a Major General in the wars of his would take to feed a respectable faintly to either class. These figures are far more conclusive thnn any langunge could he to prove the necessity of arresting the tide of emigration. Let every' American impress them deeply upon his memory. 42,369 Foreign paupers and • invalids'; 2381 Lunatics, and 22,220 criminals taxing thte industry, aftff Might-* ing the prosperity of a single city. Iti that list of crimes is embraced murder, rape, arson, robbery, perjury, every thing which is damning to the character of the individual, and every thing which is dangerous to society. In our section we see but little of the evils of emigra tion—comparatively few come among us, and those are generally of the best clashes of their countrymen It is not as a State that we suffer most but as afl integral part of the Republic. The crime, vice, disease, destitution and beggary which flows in with every tide of emigration afflicts us but little j it is thro’ their political action; in their capacity of voters the curse extends itself to us. When thousand upon thousand are carried to the polls and made to vote in favor of any man, or any party for a shilling, corrupting the ballot box, and rendering liberty insecure, then we suffer then the law of self-preservation gives us a right and makes it a duty to inter pose. With such dangers thickening around us the memorable order of Gen. Washington should he upon every mans lips : “ Put none but Americans on guard to-night.” In time of peace your public officers are your sentinels. Put none on guard whose bosoms do not swell with exulting pride at the mention of Bunker Hill, of Monmouth, of Sara toga, or of York Town. Put noneon guard whose national traditions arc not confined to our own commonwealth. Put none on guard who can dwell by tho hour upon the eloquence of Daniel O’Connel, but have never heard the name of Patrick Henry. Put nor.e on guard who turn with cold indifference from the story of Niagara, or New Or leans, to boast of Marengo, or Leipsic, or Waterloo. They do not love 3*our land as you do—they will not watch over it with the same absorbing interest. Oppression, not choice has brought him here, and though he may feel a certain amount of gratitude for the shelter he has found he still looks back to the green fields of his childhood—lie remembers every stone upon the luglnvays-he reads the history of his native land, and par takes in the pride of its great events— in his heart of hearts he feels that there is his home, and there his holiest affec tions are garnered up. Fear, necessity, common sense, myy keep him here; but he loves not the land of the stranger— cares nothing for its former glories— sheds no tear over its former disasters. With what reverence can the Ger man regard the name of Washington when he remembers that his pathway to freedom was strewn with the dead bo dies of German mercenaries? What exaltation can the Briton feel in the fame of Jackson when he remembers that it was won by trampling the lion banner in the dust ? It is not in human nature that they should feel as we do, and we are false to ourselves when we put them in, power, or give them the direction of the law. Perhaps no party in this country has 1 ever been the subject of so much invec tive as the American Party. All the depths of the language have been soun-' ded to fi-h up degrading epithets to be applied to men whose sin consists in loving their own blood something bet ter than that of the stronger. Prac tices which are in daily use by other parties suddenly become heinous nine' when resorted to by the American?, and Editots in the excess of their zeal not unfrequently fun into the most ri diculous inconsistencies. I have seqn o-e column of a newspaper giled with*, denunciations of the secret fi ature of the order, while the next not only pur ported to give the principles of the par ty, but even the very forms of initiations. One'thing. is certain, either these forms' were forgeries, or all the indignant de nunciations of sccresy with which wc' have been favored were hypocritical pretences in no ways creditable to those who employed them. All parties ob serve more or less secrecy in relatii nr to certain portions of th ir t xlicjo—^ The secrets of a Democratic C in tis arc as prof; und as those of a Know Nothing Council, and the will of ev< ry member is more complete’y suhjertem to the control of the majority. A Know- Nothing, alter his party have made rt nomination, may abandon the « rdcr^ and then rid himself of all obligation to’ support it, hut a Democrat u lie- has once taken part in a Caucus is held in h*»nor bound to abide"the decision of that Cau cus, no matter how distasteful it may be. If the term “Dark Lantern Party”, was applied to the midnight plottings of those who manufacture in Caucus ami Convention-, Candidates, without con sulting the will of the people, it would be much more appropriate. The State and the National • Councils having re moved the injunction of secrecy, tlr t reproach is disposed of; in point of fact it never existed. Their principles were known from the beginning, ami he must have been ignorant indeed who had any doubt of the aims and purposes of the order. But it is alleged that it »» a Whig trick gotteu up to injure the Do mncr/tcy. Such arguments are thte j usual resort of weak men, who when with the single remark that I have.uever [reason fails attempt to enlist prejudice seen a Native American who belonged in their behalf The head of the Or ff .