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der is an old-fashioned Jacksan Demo crat. Wherever they have nominated candidates they have taken the larger number Irom the Democratic ranks. Judge Cone of Georgia, who reported the Platform adopted at Philadelphia, is an old line Democrat. He was a member of the Baltimore Convention in 1844 that nominated Mr. Polk, and re ported the resolutions adopted by that body as the principles of the Democrat ic party. How stands the case on the other side ? Mr. Wise confessedly owes his election to the Whigs. Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, Whig leaders in Georgia, are a» the head of the Anti- American Party, and so with Mr. Pres ton jn Kentucky. Every where you find Whig leaders among the the bit terest opponents of American princi ples, and if it is a Whig trick they have been a long time finding it out. There is another branch of the ques tion which . L approach with more re luctance, because I am afraid with more prejudice than will enable me to consider it dispassionately. Without belonging to any Church I grew up in the Methodist persuasion. It was the faith in which my mother lived and died, and 1 could not change it if I would. Among the earliest bonks which fell into my hands, l found accounts of Cathol ic persecutions of the early Pro testants. Of men, women, and chil dren thrown into dungeons—stretched upon the rack, tortured with thumb srews, and finally burned at the stake for the crime of worshipping 'God as reason and conscience dictated. Then came the “order of Jesus” with the In quisition in its train. For centuries every page of history is blackened by the iniquities of that Church whose Pontiff arrogantly claims to be the im mediate representative of the Almighty, and who has not hesitated at all times to exercise powers in accordance with that claim. Subjects released from obedience totheir legal rulers—murder, perjury—incest, every crime made venial if it tended to the advancement of the Church. 1 know it is sail that these powers are not now exercised or claimed. Where has it ever been abandoned when they had the power to enforce it! What is the use of the Confessional if the Priesthood do not still claim the power of forgivness for sins committed or to be committed ? I have searched in vain for any authentic document which shows that they have ■ever abated one jot or title of the pretens ions which characterized them in other years, and characterize them now in -other lauds. 1 have visited two coun tries in which the Catholic religion is established by law, and 1 found in both the same intolerance, the same bigotry, & — — —~ UaImaJ a ^ they are right, or how far they are wrong. We do not propose to disturb their public worship—we do not propose to declare an assemblage of Catholics unlawful, but we claim the privilege of voting to suit ourselves. I can see no difference in the evil tendency of the higher law of Mr. Seward,or the higher law of Archbishop Hughes. I do not choose to vote for either, and he who at tempts to force me to it is guilty of the very proscription he condemns. I wish I could have devoted more time to the preparation of this letter; but H is sufficient tc give a tolerably cor rect idea of the position 1 occupy upon the question to which you have called my attention. I am very truly and respectfully, yours, &c. Jerk : Clemens. J.E, Peebles, Guntersville, Ala. >8tttl)era ‘Mtjjtnnu. LAW, ORDER, AND THE CORETiTCTIOIt. ATHENS, GA. THURSDAY MORNING, AUG 9. 1855. For Governor, GARNETT ANDREWS, OF WILKES. F«r Congress—Sixth District, For State Senate, CINCINNATI^ PEEPLES, For Representatives, JOS. B. CARLTON and THOS. F. LOWE THE WATCHMAN WFOR THE CAMPAIGN!! To meet the wishes of our friends, and in the hope of aiding the great cause, we are induced to offer our paper for the campaign at FIFTY CENTS to sin gle subscribers, or TWELVE copies for FIVE DOLLARS—the cash to ac company the order, in all cases. ty Mr. K. M. Hitch is an authorized travelling ageut for this paper. Ur - M. A. Harrison is also an an thorizod travelling agent. 19" M. Landrum, Esq., is our authorized agent for Oglethorpe county. |g* Liberty Council, No. 16, of the American party, meets in their Hall, over John I. Hoggins' store, every Friday evening „ . » o —y » af o’clock tluf same hatred of the* Protestant as of — yore. Even the Dead bodies of Pro testants are denied the right ot burial id a Catholic grave-yard. The masses are taught to beleive that the rotting •corpses of the faithful would be pollut ed by die neighborhood of a brother whip in life held a different creed. In Spain an assemblage of more than fif teen Protestants for the purpose of re ligious worship is declared an unlaw ful assembly, and all the remonstrances of England have failed to ameliorate this detestable tyranny. Whai we sec •existing elsewhere, what we know has always existed wherever Catholics had the power, we may surely dread for ourselves without being liable to the •charge of excessive timidity, particular ly when we see the rapid strides they are making to power and influence -umoug us. From 1840 to 1850 the number of Catholics in the United States doubled, and now they exceed two mill ions of souls. At that rate it will not take them long to acquire all the power they want, and when acquir ed they will not fail to exercise it. In the very nature of things the Catholic must be a persecutor. When he be lieves that every Protestant is on the highway to hell-: When he believes that it is charity to torture and pier® to murder those whom he looks upon as enemies to his God, it would be absurd to expect mercy or look for toleration. And her great danger we have to dread it the prevalence of the mi chievous dog ma that the Pope is superior to the Con stitution, and can absolve his flock from oaths to support it. I know how bitterly this is denied; but if American Catholics do not acknowledge it they are widely dip. ferent form their brethren elsewhere. History is full of instances where King doms laid under Interdict, Monarclis ex communicated, and a whole people doom ed to Purgatory, for some real or imagi nary fault of their rulers. We all rc- member that a King of France was assassinated by a Priest at the bidding »Phis superiors. Weal! remember that a King of England was compelled to walk barefooted, in sackelotb and ashes,’ to the tomb of Thomas n-Becktt, nnd that the great Bruce wandered for years an outlaw, hunted by blood bounds and assassins, for daring to punish a traitor to his country within the pre- cints of a Catholic Chuich. The best way of judging a tree is by its fruits, ami these fruits are familiar lo us nil. It is objected however that the Consti tution secures to every man the right of worshipping God as he pleases, and that in proscribing Catholics we are guilty of a violation of ihat instrument. Not at all. riie same Constitution which gives to them the rights of conscience, secures to me aho the right of toting as I think bo»t. It does ni t compel me to vote for a Catholic, any more than it compels me to vote tor >m Altolitioni l. One may lie just as sincere in his belief as the oilier, and both be equally dangerous to the country. Of that each voter must judge for himself. There is no prop tsi- lion lo change the Constitution, none to pass a law inconsistent with it. The American party undertake to show, pre cisely as the Whig and Democratic par- lies undertake to show for themselves, that it is safer for liberty, safer foi the Utllbii, safer f. r religion to place none American Protestants in office, and ive it to their countrymen to de- ipoD reason and argument how far _:t£3f The American party will hold public meeting at the Town Hall in this place «n Saturday night next Sevcial addresses may be expected. The public respectfully invited to attend. ELECTIONS. We regret that we are. compelled to go to press without being able to an nounce definitely the result of the elec tions in Tennessee and North Carolina. We believe, however, that Gentry, the American candidate, has been elected Governor of Tennessee. If so, it is a great triumph, as his competili r, (John son) is ten thousand votes stronger than any man of his party. We have not re ceived sufficient returns from N. Caro* lina lo base an opinion upon. BT We regret to learn, that a personal difficulty occurred at the Madison Springs on Tuesday night, between Mr. Cox of Mis sissippi, and Wtu. J. Morton of this place, in which the latter was supposed to he fatal ly wounded. l^The excitement in the public mind on the subject of politics is bring ing to light some curious historical facts (!) not generally known. For example : A gentleman of the Foreign-Catholic party of Walton, lately informed one of his friends that “old Napoleon, with forty thousand men, came to this country during the American Revolution, and assisted in the achievement of our liberties.” Of course his K. N. friend scouted the idea. The Democrat became indig nant, and by way of a clincher, asked him if he did not know that the State ofLouisiana was named after him in commemoration of his services in that important crisis ! This was a “ eock- dologeri* Another case : At a discussion in Hall county the other day, the K. N. speaker haring referred to Gen. Jack- sou’s opinion on the subject of foreign immigration, a Democratic candidate for the Legislature in an adjoining coun ty said Gen. Jacksi n was not compe tent authority, for he himself was a for eigner !! ! and a Democratic lawyer present on the occasion referred to. in bis conversation among the crowd, ex pressed great astonishment that a “col- lege-larnt” young man should be so ig norant as not to know that Get*, Jack- son fled from Europe to this country on account of religious persecution !!! When these would- be leaders are so grossly ignorant of all history, is it any wonder that they sometimes ask, with an apparent air of honesty, “what harm have the Catholics ever done ? ” We have the authority of Scripture for saying that “when the blind lead the blind b->tb shall fall into the ditch!” and this will doubtless be the fate of those who follow such blind leaders. THAT SOCIAL ORGANIZATION, (TAMMANY SOCIETY,) AND MR.’ COBB’S SPEECH BEFORE IT. Our readers will remember that some weeks ago, when Mr. Cobb was 'rearing and pitching’ so furiously about the se- cresy of the Know Nothings, we charg ed that he himself was a member of a secret organization in New York, (the Tammany Society.) Feeling that this placed him in a ludicrous attitude, he resorted to his usual expedient (a letter) to relieve himself from the dilemma.— In this letter he did not deny the secbe- sy of the Tammany organization, but said it was not political but social in its character. We propounded several interrogatories to bis Excellency, which he has not answered, and which we did not expect him to answer—because he could not do so without criminating himself. We then distinctly charged, and now repeat the allegation, that while Governor of Georgia he made a political speech before the Tammany Society, at Tammany Hall, in the city of New York. This he has not pre tended to deny, because be knew we could substantiate our allegation. He need not think to hush the matter up in this manner. Having made the charge, and no c ne daring to contradict it, vre shall proceed to prove it, which we do by publishing the speech as reported in the newspapers at the time—in order ihat the reader may determine for himself whether it was such a speech (political) as we described. If it was a partizan speech—as all men will be forced to ad mit it unquestionably was—then the conclusion is irresistable that Tammany Society is a political, and’not a social secret organization. We leave Mr. Cobb in the hands of the jury, (the voters of the sixth district) and they can make up their verdict on the first Monday in October—remem bering that if membership in a secret political society be the damnable crime he represents it to be, the utmost rigor of the law should be visited upon him, he having admitted his membership in what has been proven to be the most cor rupt secret political organization ever known in the country. Here is the report of. the Govern ar’s reception at the old “ wigwam” and bis “ social” speech : GOV. COBB’S SPEECH IN NEW YORK. During his visit to New York, a spe cial meeting of the Tammany Society was held at the old wigwam, at Tam many Hall, for the purpose of giving a reception to Bro. Howell Cobb, of Geor gia. After the cloth was removed the Gtand Sachem, Col. Daniel E. Delavan, gave the following sentirtient: “ Our Distinguished Guest and Broth er—Gov. Cobb, of Georgia—his various services in the cause of his country, entitle him to the warm and cordial sup port of every true son of St, Tammany. Wc hail him within the walls of the Great Wigwam, surrounded by warm, ardent and enthusiastic friends.” The toast was received with the greatest enthusiasm and applause Governor Cobb then said—I feel deep gratification at the opportunity of meet ing you this evening, and I thank you heartily for the honor you have just now conferred upon ine by drinking my health. It is not proper to detain you with a speech, but, in a few plain obser vations, I shall be enabled to convey all that you want to know, in relation to the South. I will, therefore, in re ply to the flattering remarks of the Grand Sachem, offer a few re flections on the histcry and probable future of the Democratic party in the Southern States. I need not say, in the face of this assembly, that I am devoted to that cause which is known as the cause of the country and the con stitution. In connection with those great principles, I have long too well known to admit of any doubt; but you have called my attention to that more dangerous issue which has divided, and may continue to divide, the people of this country, nnd which recently hung over the republic, threatening the de struction of the noblest fabric ever erect ed by human wisdom. I profess no greater sagacity than my fellows around me; but, in the earlier stages of this movement, I thought that there was one line of policy’ which would save tbe con stitution from violation and the Union from ruin, and that policy was marked out by the charter of democratic prin ciples. (Applause.) Those were the. principles that we rallied for in tbe Presidential campaign of 1848—those on which the democracy of the whole Union, with individual exceptions, had stood immovably—-those principles which were found in the party, wherever a man turned, East, West, North, or South— the power, the capability, and the right of the people of every State, as well as of territories proposing to become States, to determine for themselves the nature of their institutions. (Applause.) For cause unnecessary to be mentioned here, the democracy were defeated in 1848, with those principles distinctly avowed, and streaming on the banners tben un furled throughout the land. The history of the political world does not afford a parallel to what I am now about to state. Here w;is a party defeated on eertuin avowed principles; and yet, in the cor- icctness and efficacy of those very prin ciples was found the only basis for a set tlement of the threatening issue. The agitation was carried iato Congress, and sectionalism ruled the hour. North was arrayed against South,and South against North. Every patriot felt that was im pending danger; but, thank God, there were patriotism and wisdom enough in the land to meet the danger. That wisdom and that patriotism found in the great principle Ihat every people has the undoubted right to decide for itself what institutions it will have, the platform on which the democracy could everywhere stand. The measures of adjustment of the last Congress were adopted in ac cordance with those principles—the principles of the Constitution—the prin ciples hallowed by the best blood of our revolutionary fathers. (Applause which made the wigraan ring.) Whether these principles are right or wrong, shall I stop to discuss with the advocates of democratic principles—with you who re cognize but one sovereignty, and that residing with the people ? Renewed applause. Fellow-citizen, I have referred to one portion of the*principles on which the controversy was settled. There is ano ther. Your brethren of the South came to you with tbe Constitution in their hand—the pledge that they receiv ed from their fathers, and which your fathers solemnly adopted and signed— and they asked you lo fulfil this pledge. You responded in the spirit of true re publicanism and Jrue Americanism ; and you did redeem the pledge of your an cestors. When we asked you to respond to tbe demand of the constitution to de liver up our property when it ran away from us and came to you, your response was worthy of those great men whose memory shall ever be venerated as long as the constitution is respected or the Union lasts. (Applause.) When you look at the compromise measures, who, I ask, are responsible for them ? The democratic party are responsible. (Ap plause.) [A voice-—Yes, and we will take the responsibility.3 (Much laugh ter.) For one, I am willing to be re sponsible for my own principles, being a democrat; and I think I know tbe feel ing that actuates the democracy. Their principles are to be found in the consti. tution and tbe records of tbe country, known to all tnen. If there be any re sponsibility, therefore, we shall assume it. For myself, it affords me great plea sure to do so, and it is my pride that I have been among the first to support the principles on which the compromise was adopted. (Applause.) Some one will ask me, were there none of the whig party who advocated those mea sures ? I answer that I have a heart for democracy as true as any other man in this land; but I thank God it is large enough to admit the patriotism and the magnanimity of those whigs who threw aside party prejudices when tho Union was in danger, and cooperated with us in preserving it intact. (Applause.) These measures passed through their assistance, and became the law of the land— part of the settlement of this vexed and hamissing question. When those bills were passed, another question then arose, both in the North and South, and wt|£ freely discussed— as, inded, it was, during the progress of these measures—What were their charac ter and bearing? One would have it that they were a triumph of tbe North; another, that they were a triumph of the South. Fellow citizens, they were neither a triumph of North nor South, but of theeonstitutioo. (Great applause.) It wtu no sectional triumph of any kind, unless a triumph of that great charter of our liberties can be considered one. It was in reference to this measure that I was placed in the attitude of conflict during the last twelve months, and that I was elected lo fill the executive chair of Georgia by a large majority. That majority was given me not only by the democrats, but a large portion-a majority of the whigs of the State. And why ? Because there was an effort made to de stroy this government—an effort to have practical secession carried out in the Southern States, on account of the com promise measures. When that was known, and that both democrats and whigs were engaged in the movement, I offered my services to those whigs and democrats who resolved to stand by the constitution at all hazards. The people assembled. You have heard of the Georgia platform—a platform erected by the wisdom and patriotism of the people of my State—a platform which, though the compromise was not, in all things, in accordance with their feelings, they yet declared they would support for the sake of peace, and the maintenance of the constitution. The Georgia plat form, then, is to support and maintain the compromise measures, and carry them out faithfully and honestly in all their .parts. (Great applause.) I tell you that Georgia will stand by them, nnd she looks lo you to stand by her. I know that a charge has gone forth,— [Here the banner ofGeorgia was brought forward by an officer of the society from among the banners of the thirteen origi nal States, amidst loud cheers.] Yes, I shall never be ashamed of that banner; its motto, “justice, wisdom and modera tion”—these are the principles which support the pillars of our State,and which have been illustrated in the platform I have referred to. It has been charged against me in the newspapeas that in the course of poli cy I pursued, I had abandoned the prin ciples of the democratic party and allied myself with the opposition. You have heard the whole truth on the subject, to night ; and if these principles which I have avowed are not democratic prin- ciples,then remove that banner a^for from you as the east is from the west. But if they are democratic princplcs, then let that banner stand side by side with tbe banner of New York. [Here the Grand Sachem placed the Georgia banner be side the banner of the Empire, amidst loud applause.] Perhaps I do not understand democracy. (Laughter.) I was, however, born a democrat, cradled a democrat, and, by the blessing of God, I will die one. But if it be democracy to war against the constitution,. I will never he a democrat. I am warm on this subject. (Cries of “Go on,” “Good boy.”) You must recjllect that I have been in a very warm contest, and those of you who believe in these great prin ciples to which I have referred, would feel more or less warmed up, if you were charged with deserting them when you were conscious that you cherish them in your hearts, and had inherited them from your fathers before you. In one section, I have been charged with abandoning democracy, because I sup ported the constitution, ami stood against the spirit of fanaticism, which was war ring. in the name of free soil, upon the c<>n.-.titutional rights of my section of the country. In another section, I was charged with departure from democratic principles, because I did not recognise the heretical doctrine of secession ; and abuse was poured on my head, because I did not admit that Andrew Jackson was a federalist and a consolidationist. (Laughter and applause.) The best pledge I can give you for the future is a reference to the history of the post. With neither of these fac tions—the fanatics of the North or the South—will I cooperate, to the abandon ment of my principles. I have not sup ported a doctrine that nine-tenths of the democracy of the Union have not es poused ; nor hare I advocated a meas ure that nine-tenths of the democracy are not prepared to acquiesce in. If the course that I have pursued assigns me a position outside the democratic, par*/, nine tenths of the democratic party must go outside with me. (Cries of “we will go.”) So much fur the past. We can only judge wisely of the future by looking at the past. From the history of the past we learn this lesson-that the democratic party were never so successful as when they were most to their principles.— These principles are not confined to this country alone. They are scattered broadcast over the earth. Therefore, I say, atfirra your principles, and your triumph is as certain as day. (Applause.) Rut, if you refuse to avow your principles, you are no longer the repre sentatives of democracy. The convention of the democrats of the country will soon assemble in Bal timore. Much has been said of the candidates, and we all have our person al preferences. I have mine. I. will not say, to-night, what they are, but will tell you what we look to in the South : We look more to principles than to the names of men. (Grand Sa chem—Give us the principles of 1854 and 1848.) Yes, and all other princi ples that you are not ashamed or afraid to avow. Therefore affirm the finality and faithful enforcement of the com promise, illustrative as it is of thosedem- ocratic principles so often proclaimed by the democracy When these princi ples are laid down,then put up your can didate, and the democracy will stand by him in New-York,and stand by him in Georgia,and there will be one triumphant chain of success from North to South Fear UQt that the nrowal-o^correct prin ciple swill drive from the democratic fold any who are worthy of its confi dence or able to minister to its success. These are my principles and views in reference to this matter; I have stood by them in the past—I think I will main tain them in the future. These remarks have come from me in consequence of a contest in our coun try which I hope will never be renewed Perhaps thoso so far removed from the scene cannot fully realize what*that con test was. It was carried on the fiercest spirit both in and out of the halls of Con gress, and it would seem, as if hell were ope ned to pour forth its moral poi son over the land. No other govern ment in the world'could have survived it. How long would France have last ed? Could Rustia or England have stood the shock ? No, nor any other Government on earth. The victory of the Union in this great trial exhibits the wisdom and patriotism of our fathers who built it upon so solid a foundation. It exhibits the strong ties which bind together these United States—it exhib its the Americanism and the nationality of the people. I have spoken before of the rights claimed by the advocates of secession. When I am before any section of the American people, 1 will not hesitate to say that, if Georgia ever secedes from the Union, it will not be in virtue of any constituional claim that she sets up; but when the government of the country wrongs her (if that day should ever ar rive,) she will look to the strong arms and stout hearts of her own people to protect her. ('Applause.) The strength of this Union is not in its military power, but in the hold it has on the hearts of the American people. (Vehement applause ) Teach them to know and feel that it is tbe Union which confers blessings up on them, and does not inflict any oppres sion, and you build up the strongest pil lars on which the Union rests. But the day that you destroy that feeling in any considerable portion of the American people, that day your sun goes down to rise no more. Whatever may be the complexion of our lot hereafter, let us ever remember that our strength in the future, as well as in the past, depends on the spirit of justice with which the ccnstitution is administered—that spirit which around the council board gave to the world the only temple of liberty on earth. Let that spirit be invoked to preserve the temple pure as it came from the hands of our revolutionary fathers, that so we may hand it down unspotted to our children, and when the place that knows us now shall know us no more, and we are gathered to our fathers, 1 trust that your children will assemble in these consecrated walls and invoke the same spirit to preserve the constitution pure and uncontaminated for their chil dren and for nil generations. The honorable gentlemen concluded amidst loud applause, and then proposed as a toast: “Tho republican principle of Tammany in 1798—esto perpelua." Shortly after, the meeting broke up, all delighted with the orator and his speech. MR. HARRIS DECLINES. It will be seen by the following letter from Y. L. G. Harris, Esq., ta the committee, that he declines the accept ance of the nomination tendered him by the Gainesville Convention. While as the friend and neighbor of Mr. H. we participate to the fullest ex tent in the general regret felt on account of his declination—feeling confident that his acceptance would have insured his election—we know that weighty con siderations, having no connection what ever with politics, have induced him to decline tbe honor intended by his per sonal and political friends. The Executiva Committee will, we trust, shortly be able to announce the name of some other gentleman to be run on the American ticket. Athens, August 4, 1855. Gentlemen: I am honored with the receipt of your letter of 3d inst., inform ing. me of my nomination, by the late Gainesville Convention, as a candidate for r _ Congress from this District, and asking my acceptance of the same. Previous to the meeting of the Con vention, I had repeatedly announced to those who had kindly mentioned the subject to me here, that I could not ac cept the nomination, even if it was ten dered to me. I wrote to the same effect in reply to a letter from some of my respected friends in Hall county. Unexpectedly to me, it was found, as I am informed, that a large proportion of the Convention preferred my nomi nation, and that portion of the members acquainted with my feelings on the sub ject, coadurred in the proposition finally adopted, doubtless under the im pression, that I would yield to the wish es of so large and respectable a body of my fellow-citizens, expressed under circumstances so flattering to myself. My earnest desire has been to do so, since it is a right of the people, almost lost sight of by its repeated violation to select for themselves, their own offi cial agents. But after giving to the subject the deliberation which it de manded of me, and with every disposi tion to sacrifice my own inclinations, in order that I might servo those who have placed me under such strong obliga tions—yet from considerations chiefly of a private and personal character, be yond iny control, and which would con flict materially with what would be due alike to myself and my friends in the approaching canvass, it becomes my duty at once to apprise you that F most respectfully decline the honoiabtepnsi tion thus tendered to me. With inexpressible thanks to the Con- vention for so distinguished a token of its favorable regard, it is to me a source of anxious concern, that my declina tion of the proffered distinction*may he the cause of disappointment and incon venience to numerous friends, the exhi bition cf whose unmerited confidence and ' partiality will ever be cherished among the most gratifying reminis cences of my life. To prevent any misapprehension of the motives which control me, aud to guard against the inisrepres ntation of the posiion ot one even as humble as myself, I^conceive it just and proper, that I should on this occasion declare my concurrence in the cardinal politi cal principles enunciated by the late Macon Convention of the American party. * Grateful to y»>u, Gentlemen, for the kind terms in which you have been pleased to communicate the action of the Convention, I am, very respectfully, your’s, &c YOUNG L.G. HARRIS. Messrs, R. D. Winn, L N. Montgomery, ... E. Buffington, ^ Jacob R. Davis, A. Erwin, John H. Lowe, D. G. Candler, , J. J. McCullcch, B. F. Selman, C. Peeples, Committee. Elections occurred in Kentucky and Alabama on Monday last. THAT MEETING WITH CLOSED gjj DOORS. The charge that the anti-American, alias “dry-rot” party of Walton county had held a meeting in Monroe for the nomination of candidates for the Legis lature, with closed doors—a charge which was distinctly made in this paper tvv or three weeks ago, and predicated on information derived from a private letter not intended by the writer for publication—having been denied by an annonymous writer for another paper,- it is due to our friend from-whom'we obtained the facts, and who by the'way, is os truthful and as responsible as any man in Walton county, to say, fhht so far from it being true that “'ntt <Jhe will avow the authorship of the ifettef,” he has not only openly avowed 1 it on all proper occasion*, but has offered, and is 1 now ready to prove the truth of his aP legation by Whigs, Democrats, Know Nothings or members of the “Dry-Rot’* organization—by any sort or any nutn-' ber of witnesses that may be demanded.- From the diligent Inquiries which we made in person while in Walton the oth er day, we are prepared to prove, and now distinctly charge— 1. That the people were requested to leave the court house in possession of the delegates; 2. That they retired, and the door was shut. .3. That one gentleman who was in vited back by a delegate, was again re quested to retire. 4. That the geutleman who opened and closed the door when the Sheriff carried in water for the privileged few —as well as a large number of other gentlemen who,remained dovrH stairs and saw the transaction 1 —does not pre tend to deny the closing of the door. It is no matter of surprise that the dry rot” leaders who profess to feel such a horror for any thing likesecresy, should be thrown into “a mess of fits'* when exposed to the public as they have been in this Walton county afjair. The truth is sometimes very offensive, and if any gentleman considers himself ag grieved, be can at any time find tbe writer. A friend in Walton informs us that, meeting a little fellow some seven or eight years old in the road the other day, and observing that he was carrying in his hands a bundle of trash, which he was diligently examining, he asked him what he had. The little fellow replied, “A handful of Democrats.” “ Demo crats ?” queried our friend; “ what do you mean by that?” Here the little fellow, opening his hands, showed him three or four young mice, remarking, “ they are Democrats now, but in a few days, when-they get their eyes open, they will be good Know Nothings.” That boy will do! VSevenl been laid over want of room. communications have till our next issue for 0t7~We depart from our usual custom by admitting the following article con taining personal allusions—first,because so far as we know, the gross personal al lusion to our correspondent was unpnv voked, and secondly, because be is, in every respect, responsible. Yow 1 bo Soul horn Watchman. • Mr. Editor : Some friends have called my attention to a letter, written from Monroe, (?) and published in the Banner of tbe 19th July, over the signa ture of “ One- of the Unterrified" which it is believed, contains a fling at roe.— 1 propose to notice it briefly and at tbe same time somewhat explicitly. Tbe following is tbe portion of tbe letter which has a reference to me ; “ Even the model letter writer of Forsyth County—a flower born to Hush unseen except in tbe suburbs of Cam ming—has left the field, and fallen back upon his post office reputation, perfect ly satisfied to Jeave the unpleasant task of defeating Howell Cobb to his pro mising friend at Lawrenceville.” The words in italics are the author’s. His assault on ine is perfectly gratuit ous and unprovoked; and whatever may be the feelings of the Editor of the Banner towards me, it does not comport with decency, nor satisfy the require ments of bravery, for him to allow the use of his columns, to a third person, to slab my reputation, when the editor has not the nerve or the courage to ask satisfaction of me himself. The writer of this letter says that 1 am “ a flower born to blush unseen, except in the suburbs of Cumming.” The writer’s style and rhetoric are worse than hi* manners. I did not before know that so small a village as poor little Cum ming had “ suburbs Whether I am seat beyond the limits of the little village* I cannot say ; but my opinion is, I have made myselffelt very far beyond Cum ming, else so much solicitude would not have been exhibited, in certain localt- ties, in Cobbham, to know who “ Samu el” was! But this smacks of self-com mendation, and I shall now turn to the subject immediately in hand. I knnw not uho the author of this Monroe (?) letter is; but I have no doubt he is the son, or grand sun, of some old Revolutionary lory, whom Gen. Marion and Sumter often made “ take water” in the swamps of South Carolina, in 1776. The shores of Pec- dee have often resounded with the hoofs-- of Marion’s horses, when they were after the nasty old Briton “ with a sharp stick,” running him from the “ suburbs'* of some patriot’s negro quarter, with stolen bacon or poultry on his bode, intended for the camps of the British .and Tory armies; and i:-: the pursuit.