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UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY -*Ss mm. VOLUME II. ATHENS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MOVING, AUGUST 23, 1855. NUMBER 21 PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY JOHN H. CHRISTY, CDITOm AND PBOraiBTOB. Terms of Subscription. TWO DOLLARS per annam, if paid strictly in ad ance; otherwise, THREE DOLLARS will be charged ftJTlo order that the price of the papei may not be in the way ofa large circulation, Clubs will be supplied at the following low rates. l^SlXOOPlESfor . - - At (Assets* rotes, the Cash Must accompany the order. From the Georgia Citizen. HON. A. II. STEPHENS—A KNOW NOTHING ! Dou’t laugh, reader, at this announce ment, for strange as it may appear, Mr. Stephens, on the 23d day of Febuary, 1852, did actually plant himself square* toed upon the American Platform ! In Dollarperaquareforthedret,andFiftyCentspersquare ; p roo f read the following extracts from Tor each subsequent immrtion. I* ' > ,, , u . Legal and yearly ad Trrtisemnnts at the usual rates ' an “ address delivered by the tlon. A. Candidates will be charged $5 for announcements, i tj q .r hefnrethe Mnrvlnnrl «nd obituary noticesexeeeSing.ix lines in length will ®-> ot Georgia, DeiOie me tUarylanO Tie charged aa advertisements. i lnstitue in Baltimore, on the evening When the number of insertionsisnotmarkedon and . . n njri„i. lorn •edverlHement, it will be published till forbid, and , of tbe,23u Feb. 1852, in commemoration 'chargedaccordingly, jnfj ho, Birthday of Washington.” We ’takethese extracts from a -pamphlet Rates of Advertising' Transient advertisements willbeinserted at One i Political. 36nsincea Jrnfrssianal Cnriis. ^ToHNTfTciiRrsTYr^ PLAIN AND FANCV Book and Job Printer, “Franklin Job Office,” Athens. Ga. '+*• All work entrusted to his care faithfully, correctly and punctually executed, at prices correspond- Jsnls ing with the hardnessof the times. tf C. B. LOMBARD, DENTIST, ATHENS, GEORGIA, Rtximsover the Store of Wilson Sc. Veal. Jan3 PITNER & ENGLAND. Wholesale A Retail Dealersin Orocericin, Bry Goods, HARDWARE, SHOES AND BOOTS, April 6 Athens, Ga. MOORE & CARLTON, DEALERS IN SILK, FANCY AND STAPLE GOODS, HARDWARE AND CROCKERY. April No. Jl, Granite Row. Athens, Ga. LUCAS & BILLUPS, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN DRY GOODS, GROCERIES, HARDWARE, Ac. Ac. No. 2, Broad Street, Athens. WILLIAM G. DELONY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office over the store alWro M. Morton St Son Will attend promptly to all busiu ess entrust ed to his care. Athens, April 6 P. A. SUMMEY & BROTHER, Wholesale and Retail Dealers in Staple Goods, Hardware, Crockery, AND ALL KINDS OF GROCERIES, Corner of Wall and Broad streets, Athens. "WILLIAM N. AVHITE, WHOLESALE ASP RETAIL BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER, And Newspaper and Magazin t Agent. DEALER IN MUSIC and MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS LAMPS, FINE CUTLERY, FANCY GOODS. AC. No. 2, College Avonue, Newton House. Athens, Ga 8ignof •• While’s University Bookstore.” Orders promptly filled at Augusta rates. T. BISHOP & SON, Wholesale and Retail Grocers, April 6 No. 1, Broad street, Athens. JAMES M. ROYAL, HARNESS MAKER, AS removed his shop to Mitchell’s old Tavern, one door east of Grady & Nicb- vlaon's—where he keeps always on hand a general assortmentof articles in hislinc, nud is always ready to fill orders in the best style. Jan 26 tf copy of said address, published by John T. Towers, Washington City, with which we have been favored by a gen tleman of this city “The other point I promised to allude to is the subject of our foreign relations. This is becoming a matter of grave and momentous importance for the consid eration of the American people. It was a matter that the far-seeing eye of Washington did not overlook. Hence his emphatic and solem warning which you have just heard—‘‘against the insid ious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake.” This was the lan guage of the patriot anJ sage in his last words to his countrymen. The hand that penned it has long siuce returned to its mother dust; but the same voice still comes from his tomb at Mount Ver non, and here this night, I invoke you, for his sake, if not for your own, to hearken to that voice. Again he says The great rule of conduct for us in re gard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little polilici! connection as pos sible.” From that day to this—for more than half a century—we have fol lowed that advice. Our motto from that time to this, in the language of Mr Jefferson, has been “Friendship with all nations—entangling alliances with none.'’ And I am proud to say that no American—no son of Washington, not even the most degenerate—was the first to advocate a change in this policy. It was reserved for the son of another and a distant clime—a man, too, who had abandoned his own country in the hour of her peril to come here to leach us how to make ours great, prosperous and powerful. For the honor of Ameri cans, 1 say, be it spoken, that this first attempt to arraign the wisdom of Wash ington on this question of our foreign policy was made by a foreigner.— Would that I could say that no Ameri can had yielded to “the insidious wiles of his influence.” But the virus has taken effect; it is spreading through the land; and we now hear it openly pro claimed in many places, that it is time for us to assume our position amongs the nations ol the earth; that : t is time LOOK HERE! T HE undersigned have on hand a general assortment of STAPLE DRY GOODS, GROCERIES AND HARDWARE. which they will sell low for cash or barter Gall and examine. April 13 P. A. SUMMEY & BRO. that all nations had as good a Govern ment as we have. We should not peril our own life in hopeless efforts to rescue that of others. Let us not, in a fit of misguided zeal for the liberties of man kind, lose our own All men are not suited for constitutional free Govern- ernment. One of the most common of the popular errors of the people having the wish to be free also have the abili ty to be free. This is a great mistake. Constitutional liberty, or liberty regu lated by law—the only liberty that is worth the name—is not so easily ac quired. If it were, we would not to-day be the only people, on earth in its en joyment. It is true, the people of al most any ulfcioiJ 1 , WHto-afii'm-resolutioni can overthrow the strongest of despotism but they cannot build up a republic m its stead. This requires more than physical force. It requires virtue, in telligence, morality, patriotism and statesmanship. Brutus and a few as sociates found no difficulty in remov ing Caesar from an imperial throne. But they did not thereby restore lost freedom to Rome. France found but little difficulty in bringing Louis the XVI., to the block ; but France did not thereby establish a republic. She found even less difficulty in driving Charles the Xth from the kingdom he had so badly governed ; but she did not thereby succeed in establishing a good Government for the people. Louis Phillippe had in like manner in a short time to be carried to her Tarpeian Rock. It is now just four years since she made her last effort at republicanism. And what do we now behold? Louis Na poleon—a President King ! And so it will be. I fear, with all the nations of Europe, until th<’re be a change in the minus, habits, education and modes of thinking on the part of their people. Liberty, in their estima tion, is licentiousness, lawlessness.— They do not understand or appreciate its first principles. Men, to be capable of maintaining law and order in a free Government, must be schooled in '.he elementary principles.” There, reader, what better American principles would you have than what is here found? Wbat more patriots warnings against‘‘Foreign Influe ice i What sounder views of the necessity of change in the minds, habits, educa tion and mod s of thinking,’, of For eigners, before they can be converted from a lawless, licentious people into good American citizens ? Let the pa triotic Stephens of 1852 be pitted against the unpatriotic Mr. Stephens of 1855, and we all can see that the ver dict will be in favor of the former. Coach-Making and Repairing. JAMES bTbURPEE, T the old stand recently occupied by R. 8. l Schcvenell, offers for sale a lot of superi or articles of his own manufacture, at redu ced prices—consisting oi Carriages, Buggies, &c. Orders for any thing in hisline thankfully received and promptly executed. _£*9*Repairing done at shortnotice aud on reasonable terms. H AS removed his shop to Mitchell's old we had a foreign policy. What does Tavern, one door east of Grady A Nich- this language mean ? Is it intended by those who use it to convey the idea that we have gone on for upwards of sixty years in a career of prosperity never be fore equalled, without any foreign poli cy? Was not the rule laid down by Washington, and acted on by every President from his day to this, a policy? It was a policy. It was and is the policy of attending to our own business, and letting other nations alone. It was and is the policy, the time-honored poli cy, of non-intervention. It may not be a foreign policy, but it is a Washington policy ; by an osbervance of which we have come to be what we are—one of the first nations of the earth. ******** A T the old stand recently occupied by k. s. And, above all, lend no listening ear Schcveuell, offers for sale a lot ofsuperi- to those who come from other countries to teach you the principles of republi canism. Yield not to the tempter The fether of your country forbids. It was in an evil hour that our great first parents touched the forbidden fruit, They were happy in their parad their wily enemy came from other re gions. Imagine for a moment the scene when the guardian angel of that innno- cent and noble pair took his last de parture trom them; when he was called Spokes for Carriages and Wagons, 1 *“ NOTICE. T HE subscribers are prepared to fill orders for all kinds of Also, at tho same establishment we manufac ture all kinds of BOBBINS, commonly used in our cotton factories. All done ana cheap as can be had from tne North. Address, P. A.SUMMEY & BRO. Athens.Ga. who will attend to all orders, and the ship ping of the same. March, 1864. f SLOAN & OATH AN, DEALERS IN Italian, Egyptian <k American AND EAST TENNESSEE MARBLE. Monuments, Tombs, Urns and Vases; Marble Mantels and Furnishing Mnrbl-o ty All orders promptly filled. ATLANTA, GA. fy Refer to Mr. Ross Crane. juueld O A Sacks Flour for sale by April 26th Grady ANicuolson WANTED, W onn „ Lns - g °od country tLMJv/ BACON, for which the high est price will be paid, Gush or barter. »t Jul yS I- M. KENNEYS. GOOD sale by July IV IRON AXLE WAGONS, for 1*. A. SUMMEY A BRO. 3tn and protecting them Hear the last whis pers of his voice, beware of foreign in fluence. It was thus that Washington our deliverer, defender, and guardian spirit, spoke to us on taking his last parting leave. Had they heeded the warning giten to them, they had not fallen. May we as a nation never fall as they did ! The right fellow-citizens, to interfere in circumstances that might happen, I do not mean to discu.ss. I grant that we have all the attributes and powers of a full-grown nation, so far as our foreign relations are concerned. But to do a thing and the policy or propriety of doing it, are quite different questions. Any man can get into a fight when he pleases. And so can we. Intervention to prevent intervention is very much like getting into a fight to prevent fiigh*. Imermeddlers with other peo ple’s business generally come off worst- ed. Be not misled by appeals to your sympathy. It is not for want of pro- fnundest sympathy for the misgoverned tribes of the race of uiau in all parts of the world that I speak as Ido. It was for uo want of sympathy for them that Washington spoke as lie did. I wish HON. DANLEL S DICKINSON ON KNOW N0THINGI3M. The following letter from the Hoa. Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, to the editor of the Floridian, a rabid Democratic paper, published at Talla hassee, will be read with interest by all classes. Never was any intriguing poli tician, we venture the opinion, more sadly disappointed, than the Editor of the Floridian. Hence, in publishing the letter he confesses his‘‘disappointment,” and pronounces Mr. Dickinson’s letter “a tame and watery production.” Had Mr. Dickinson endorsed the Freesoi! affiliation of the Administration, in place of thrusting it and Congress under the fifth rib for basely pandering to the “Foreign vote,” the Editor would doubt less have regarded the letter of Mr. D. very differently, and have commend ed its “manly and patriotic sentiments” to the consideration of the Southern peo ple. The difficulty was that Mr. Dickin son was altogether too pure a patriot and honest a man, to suit the purposes and views of the Editor. Hence, he eschewed him as promptly as a thief would shun a vigilant and efficient police officer. Mr. Dickinson thought the platform of the K* N.’s sound on the slavery question, and* like an honest raaa and true patriot, he bad the manliness and independence to say so. Such a man did not suit the views and purposes of the Democratic Editor. He wanted altogether a different kind of man upon the stand; a witness who would testify for the party, not for the country;— Chron. S? Sent. Albany, N. Y. June 26, 1855 My Dear Sir:—On my return to my residence, a few days since, from a professional engagement abroad, 1 found your favor of a late date enquiring for my views touching the principles of the American or “ Know Nothing” organ! zation. Before I found time to answer I was hurried to tiiis place to attend the Court of Appeals now in session, where the business in which I am engaged af fords little time or opportunity for corres pondence. I will, however, as I have no concealments upon public questions borrow a moment from my pressing duties-to say quite hastly, that I have no knowledge concerning the Order to which you allude, except such as is ac quired from publications purporting to give information upon the subject, and must therefore confine myself to such points as are embraced witbin this range. It is generally understood and conceeded to be a secret society or organization, designed to act politically in the contests of the day. Of this secret feature I entirely disapprove, and am unable to understand by whftt neoessiiy, real or opposed, it was dictated, or upon what principOTt can be justified. Free pub lic discussion and open action on all pub lic affairs,are essential to the health—nay, to the very existence of popular liberty; and the day which finds the public mind reconciled to the secret movements of political parlies, will find us far on our way to the slavery of despotism. If good men may meet in secret for good purposes, we can have no assurance that bad men, under the same plausible ex terior, will not secretly sap the founda tions of public virtue. Whether I am in favor of their plat form upon tlx* question of domestic slave ry, must depend upon what it is; or rath er, whether they are in favor of mine. If their platform is to bo regarded as including, Upholding or justifying such pefeUical jnonstrMlies.asaAfef- “personal liberty bill,” recently passed'!nto law by the Massachusetts Legislature over the veto of Governer Gardner, then I pro nounce it treason of the deepest dye— treason, rank, ui.blushing and brazen de-erving of public reprehension and condign punishment. If upon this sub ject their platform conforms to resolu tions recently publiseed, purporting to be the voice of a majority of the convention assembled at Philadelphia, it is in sub stance the same upon which I have stood for years—upon which I did not enter without counting the consequences, and which I intend to relinquish only with life. I have not now these resolutions, be.ore me, but as I recollect them I ap prove them in substance as sound nation al doctrine. I ignore no part of the federal constitution, either in theory or in practice, to court the poular caprices of the moment, to gain public station or to minister to the necessities or infirm! ties of those in power. Nor, can I dis trust the soundness of priuciples approv ed upon full consideration under a high sens.- of duty, because others may choose to adopt and embrace them. I cannot believe that any good can be accomplished by making the birth place a lest of fidelity or merit. It does not accord with but is at war, with the genius of our institutions. Th it abuses have been practiced by the appointment of foreigners to places of trust, before suffi ciently familiar witlt our constitution laws, and social system, or to which from circumstances, they were unsuited is probable. This however is in some respects common to native as well as naturalized citizens, and arises not from a defective system but from its erroneous administration. It L in both respects the natural result of placing in thu hand of the incompetent, the distribution of public patronage Upon the subject of natm^dized citi zens I have been governed by con rid era tions of justice and duly, and have de sinned to observe.the spirit of my coun ty’s Constitution. When members of Congress engaged in a steeple chase, to see who should propose earliest, git- most, and vote loudest, to feed sufferin Ireland from the federal treasury A few years since, not finding any warrant For such proceedings, I voted against tt, and let puplic clamor exhaust itself upon my head in denunciations. When I learned that the foreigner who had in good faith declared his intentions of citi zenship, by setting his foot upon a foreign shore, in case of shipwreck, without any intention of remaining .abroad, lost the benfit of his proceedings, I introduced and procured the passage of a bill to re dress the grievance. These principles have governed my public conduct and guide my opinons. The Constitution administered in its true spirit, is, in my judgment, sufficient for the protection of all, whether native or naturalized, and f or the redress of all political evils which can be reached by human government. X have the honor to be, your friend anfi servant. D. S. Dickinson. Charles E. Dyke, Esy, Editor Floridian Journal. can be released only by a declaration of my Church, as the divinely appointed director, of conscience, that the prince by her tyranny and oppression, has for feited his rights, fallen from dignity, and ceased to reign. What I claim for the Pope as visible head of the Church is the power to release ray conscience from this religious bond, and to place me at liberty to resist the prince become a tyrant. This is all I understand by the deposing power. The Power, itself, everybody, not a tyrant or a slave, asserts. The Ameri can Congress of 1776 asserted it, and deposed George the THIRD. THE ONLY DIFERENCE IS, SOME GIVE TO THE PEOPLE ; SOME TO THE INDIVIDUAL; AND CLAIM IT FOR THE CHURCH. AND THE POPE AS THE HEAD OF THE CHURCH. The Pope does not in this exercise a civil power, or jurisdiction, and it GOV. JOHNSON BEGGING VOTES. A correspondent of the Albany (Ga.) Courier, writing from Warwick, Worth county, under date July 26, furnishes the following evidence of the digqjfied self-respect of Gov. Johnson on the stump, on the day previous at that place. The Courier says its correspondent is of high character for truth. He said ‘‘Fellow-citizens, Lwant you to vote for me—I want your rotes—I have come over to you on the Georgia Platform, and now you must vote for me—havn’t I made a good Governor!—hav’t I made a deserving Governor—havn’t I made a faithful Governor ? I’ve come all the way down here to see you, and I wish I could shafce hands with yon all—yes, every one of you. Won’t you vote for me! And here is my friend Shines— vote for him, too, he is a good, big, fat, laughing, jolly, good, easy fellow—he wants your votes, and so do I. J udge Andrews don't want your votes—he don't belong to the right party that asks you for your votes—I do. He has never been tried—I have. I repeat, he don’t want your votes, and I do—so vote for me. And then he went on for two hours, disgusting even his friends. An Eficure.—A lady, who must be a relative of Mrs. Partington we think, “by marriage” at least, was entertain ing some friends with a fine leg of mut ton at dinner the other day, when one of her guests remarked that the mutton was exceedingly fine in quality. “Oh yes,” said she, “my husband always buys till best. He is a great epicac.” TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPE. LETTER FROM O. A. BROWNSON. • The Warrenton (North Carolina) News says: “We have received and publish below, a letter from Mr. O. A. Brownson of Brownson's Review, (a Roman Catholic) to a citizen of this place, who had written to Mr. B. re questing the members of his Review wherein he maintained the civil authori ty of the Pope in this country. The consent of Mr. B. has been obtained t*» make what use of it may be deemed proper, although it was not written for the public eye. But as Mr. Branch has used the lett&rin this canvass we think it best to publish it entire. Boston, June 12, 1855. My Dear Sir :—I have received this moment yours of the 7th inst., with its enclosure. I am a little at a loss to de termine what course to take There are no numbers of my Review wherein I have maintained the civil authority of the Pope in this country, but as there are several numbers in which I have discussed the relations ofthe two orders- temporal and spiritual 1—I think I shall upon the whole, best answer your wishes by sending them. I will therefore order my publisher to send you all the numbers for 1853 and 1354. You will find in the articles entitled Two Others” January 1852, “ The Spirituae not the TemporalApril, and “ The Spiritual Supreme,” July, of the same year, the statement of my doctrine on the subject: and in “ You Go two far,” January, 1854, “ The Temporal Power ofthe Popes.” April, 1854, and Uncle Jack and his Nephew,” for Oc tober, ofthe same year, my explanations and defence of my doctrine. May I ask you to read these articles in the order in which I have named them ? If you will, although you will doubtles find much which, if non-Catho lie, you will object to, I am sure you will find no such doctrine as I am accused of holding. The subject I treat has been much obscured by controversy, and am liable to misapprehension by those who have not studied it somewhat profoundly from the Catholic point in view. 1 treat the subject only under certain aspects and for Catholics, and many of the terms I use to have in Catho lie theology a technical sense, which those not familiar with that theclo L may misapprehend. I say this in excuse of those who have misrepresented me I claim, (and never have claimed for the Pope, out of the Ecclesiastical States of which he is the temporal sove reign) no temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, or authority, properly so called. The only power the Pope has in this country is his power over Catholics as the spiritual head of the Church. It is purely spiritual power, and can be ex ercised only for aspiritual end, and even then only over Catholics, for the church does not judge those who are without. In matters purely temporal, I, as a Catholic, owe no obedience to the Pope, because he has received from Jesus Christ no authority as a temporal sover eign over me. He cannot make or un dertake trie rights of the sovereign or the duties ofthe subject-abrogate the former or absolve from the latter. So far all Catholics, whether the so- called ul.ra Montanes, or the so-called Gallicans, are agreed. The dispute lies not here. All agree that the State is supreme and independent in its own order—that is to say, in the temporal order. But what I maintain is, that the temporal order is not supreme and in dependent, but in the very nature of things subordinate to the spiritual, since the end of man—the end for which God made him, directs and governs him by His Providence—lies in the spiritual order, not in the temporal. Every man who believe-* any religion at all, whether Catholic, or non-Catholic, does and must admit this; for it is only saying that we must obey God rather than man, and live for the Creator rather than the creature. This premised, I think I can state to you in a few words the doctrine Ido really hold. INASMUCH AS THE TEM PORAL ORDER IS SUBORDI NATE TO THE SPIRITUAL, IT FOLLOWS THAT THE STATE IS UNDER THE LAW OF JUSTICE; CONSEQUENTLY THE PRINCE HOLDS HIS POWERS AS A TRUST, not as an indefeasible right and therefore forfeits them when he abuses them and loses his right to reign. This is the common doctrine held by all of us Americans, and all Catholic doc tors teach, and always have taught it It lies at the foundation of all true liber ty, and is the only doctrine that can ever justify resistance to the temporal powers, The right of resistance of power, when it becomes tyrannical and oppressive, I take it for granted is held by every American. But here is a difficulty. The Church following the Holy Scriptures, makes civil allegiance a religious duty, and says with Saint Paul, Rom, 1-2: ‘ Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but from God. There fore, he that resisteth the power resis teth the ordinance of God, and they that resist purchase damnation t.o themselves ~ Here you see I am forbidden by the law of God to resist the power, and com manded, on peril of damnation to obey Here is my conscience bound to obedi encc, and my conscience us a Catholic appointments, and my purpose is to say that if you are willing we will canvass the Destrict together—entering into discussions on equal terms. Please answer me by return mail, ns I desire to make my arrangements, and if you agree to the proposition, we can make the appointments mutually Con venient. Yours truly, B. H. Hill., called his temporal power only because it is a power exercised over temporal sovereigns, or in relation to the obliga tion of tbe subject to obey the prince, But even here the Pope does not relieve trom civil allegiance, for that the Prince, had forfeited by his tyrant. HE RE LEASES THE SUBJECT ONLY F ROM T H E SP RITU A L OR RE LI GIOUS OBLIGATIONS, SUPER- ADDED BY CHRISTIANITY TO THE CIVIL, AND THIS ONLY IN. CASE OF THE CATHOLIC CON- SCIENCE The POPE IS THE PROPER AUTHORITY TO DECIDE FOR ME WHETHER THE CONSTITU TION OF THIS COUNTRY IS OR IS NOT REPUGNANT TO THE LAWS OF GOD. If he decides that it is not, as he has decided, then I am bound in conscience to obey every law made in accordance with it; and under no circumstance can he absolve me from my obligation to obey, or interfere with i he administration of government under it, for the civil government is free to do according to its constitution whatever it pleases that is not repugnant to the laws of God, or to natural justice. That it is free to do more than that, I presume no man in this country will pretend. I have made these remorks io aid you to understand the doctrine of the article to which I have called your attention. You are a stranger to me, but I lake you to be a serious minded man, and a lover of truth and justice; as such I have addressed you ; I have no doctrines or opinions that I visit to conceal. I am a Catholic. As such, I wish to be true to my God, and to my fellow men I have the honor to be, your ob’dt er’t. 0. A. BROWNSON. Hugh J, Davis Esq. Greenville. July 18th 1855. Dear Sir : I am in the receipt of your letter of the 17th inst. Not an ticipating a nomination for Congress, my professional and other engagements, made prior thereto, will necessarily com pel me to decline making any contract or agreement to canvass ’ the District in the manner proposed by you. My ap pointments have already been made in view of my other engagements, and shall endeavor to fulfill them by discussing the merits of the Philadelphia platfoam to the best of my humble ability, leaving you to do the same at such times anu places as you may deem proper. Very respectfully your ob’t. sefv**., IIiram Warner. B. H. Hill, Esq., LaGrange. This is the most complete back out we have ever seen or heard of. We never before knew a candidate for Congress to decline meeting his opponent, if a! re spectable man, in discussion. Perhaps the Judge fears he might be driven to the wall on the Johnson and Coopf.r bargain, and the appointment of Cow art ; or be forced to defend these two acts before the people, ho knows cannot he done. “Something rotten in Denmark,” certain. DIS- JUDGE WARNER WONT CUSS. Judge Warner the nominee of tbe Pierce and Reeder democracy, in the 4th Congressional district, declines to discuss with his opponent, B. H. Hill, the political questions, ofthe day before the people. This certainly indicates lit-, tic confidence in the justice of his cause The LaGrange Reporter says : Mr. Hill, the American candidate, confident of the correctness of his prin ciples, aud the firmness of tbe basis upon which be stands, has proposed to meet his adversary when and where he may choose, upon equal terms, and the result of the proposition has been what will be shown by the following correspondence, We are authorized to state, that as Judge Warner declines the discussion on the ground that he had previously made his appointments, Mr. Hill proposed to ac cept Judge Warner’s appointments and consider them as mutual. Judge War ner also declined this proposition and said he would not discuss with Mr. Hill at these appointments, except upon his (Judge Warner’s) own terms, one which should be that he (Warner) should always have the conclusion, and have as much time as he wanted. Mr. Hill is thus driven to make his own appoint ments, to all of which Judge Warner is cordially invited upon equal terms. must be evident to every reflecting mind that Judge Warner holds one of two opinions: either that he is inferior to Col. Hill in debate, and is therefore afraid to meet him in a public discus sion, or else he fears lest the sophistry with which he would seek to bolster up a bad cause, would be unmasked ; or that the chaff which he would pass off upon the masses as pure grain, would he thoroughly sifted- by the searching ar gument of our Standard-beartr. Which is it 7 But we forbear further remarks, and point our readers to the eorresdence. La Grange. Ga, July 17, 1855. Hon. Hiram Warner : Dear Sir; Circumstances have so con spired as to make me your opponent for Congress from this District. It seems also that the great issue involved in this canvass, is the correctness or in incorrectness of the principles of the American party. I believe the American platform, put forth at Philadelphia recently, is the safest, the best and most practical ever adopted by a national party. Its prin ciples ought to be discussed. I hope you will not consider me hasty in addressing you this note. I understand you have eomoieuced giving out your THE VIEWS OF A GREAT ANft GOOD MAN. The Anti-American Party are'.dis posed to aid their bad cause' by giViug- a false position to their opponents.—■' They have endeavored to arouse the’ prejudices of sects, by asserting that the' American Party was engaged in' a' cru sade against religious associations, when 1 the reverse is the fact. They have giv en the names of eminent divines without' authority as being opposed to the 1 American Party. We received a few days since a long' letter from our venerable and respected' friend, Dr. L. Pierce, with the permis sion to make such use of it as we saw fit. We have not room for ft entire, but give the concluding part as expressive of just and correct views, and pertinent! to the spirit of the times. The venera ble writer say3: “But I said there were some queer things in this p ogressive age. One is that in this land of freedom of speech, a' minister cannot express any political' opinion, without being made the object of remark, and perhaps of censure too ; as if his being a minis'er, placed him' beyond the influence of the love of his’ country. I don’t like this sort of pro scription, and especially as there is often* much in political issues, so nearly in al liance with the morality of the ftible.’ I am willing, when ever l descend to the miserable slang of the common' hustings, to be rebuked, but when I only express my views on the moral tenden cies of the times, and on what 1 believe to be the evil agencies at work, I must', demur to all censure. Iam prrud of my country, and I am, by a sort of moral instinct,a native American. I-.canrtbt, bo anything else. I have always liblietteu that we had opened the door of immi gration too wide, and would And it abso-: lutelv necessary to close up a little, and I am sorry to see that so many oppose' it as an Anti-American move. For my self, I believe the hand or God is in it and that the principle will prevailif not, I am, and always will be satisfied' with whatever the God of nations may choose for us. Happy is that people that is in such a case : yea, happy is that people, whose God is the Lord. L PIERCE, Removal of Judge K Amo he.—Trtfif Aministration and the Abolition ists.—The Alabama Journal says':— The Baltimore papeis confirm the tele graphic despatches of tlx* RmoViif of Judge Rush Elmore from hi . official station in Kansas, on the'safiVe charges of those made against Gov. Reeder, of land purchases. It seems that the Na tional Era, the great organ of Aim-’ litionists, was aware of this determina tion of the President --'ftme time since, and anhouccd its satisfaction in the fill- lowing words; SbyS this abolition or gan : “We are truly gratified that the President has determined to Tenative* Johnson and Elmore. This action of the President will weaken the abomina tion slavery and kno a nothing influence', tso powerful in Kansas, planted and nur- ured by these men.” The question wiH n'auVrelly arise 3 how happens if that the abolition organ at Washington knew of this determina tion of the President before it was mt nounced to the public f and was not this determination made by the influence of the abolitionists ? These are the ques tion for tho Southern Democrats to ponder oft. How to make the winter pass quick.— Give a note to the Bank tor ninety da)#,• and Spring will come as soon as yon are prepare^ for it.