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VOLUME II. m ATHENS, GEOEGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 17, 1856. rUBUSHEU WEEKLY, NUMBER 33 by JOHN H. CHRISTY, 1DIT9I AND mrilltoi. • ViMi at Subscription TvV o i) o lla if paid ■‘tricily in ad as will ba Chaired 2Zaberwtse.THREE DOLLARS wilts* eharped Egsg&srs, :: - i&tsm Hates of Advertising. a,—>—. adfcniNOiaiita willbeiaaaned at One KjuMMrasaarsforikaflrat.aad Fifty Csatapetai|safs ir>e» wt»n«aati»wni a. ■Li) a ad yearly ad ran imaasta St Iks c«al rates SUdaMs •rillfca eharp-d RS for annoiincunrnta, Tiiiatry aarkeiaaaeaeiNf «a lisa* la^Fitb »il( “ od a( advertise u:«nu. ' ■. '"SiWSTSasMreasrss cordingljr. [liinns anil professional (f-arira. 'irTLoTtfBARDT™ DENTIST, ATHENS, OEOROU. |Hn ,iheStureof Wilson fc VeaL Jan3 ■plTNER & ENGLAND. Wholesaled RetailDaalerdn Cf icerics, Ory Goods, URDITARE, SHOES AND BOOTS, ' yrilS ATnr.N8.GA. CLARK & CARTER. dealers in family. Groceries and Provisions. . . . lilftN. Judton’s old stand, Hrosd street, Athens, On. MOORE & CARLTON, I,FILERS IN LK, FANCY AND STAPLE GOODS, hard ware and crockery. hpril No. 3, Granite How, Athens, Ga. LUCAS & BILLUPS, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN DRY GOODS, [GROCERIES, HARDWARE, Ac. Ac. No. 2, Broad Street. Atheu*. WILLIAM G. DELONY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, I OBce over the More >1Win M. Morton >l Son ill attend promptly to all businessentrusl 'vohis care. Athens, April 6 JOHN II. CHRISTY, PLAIN AND FANCY [Book nnd Job Printer, “Frankliu Job Office," Athens. Ga. | All work entrusted to hi. earelailhliilly. rorrrnly icJ punctually executed, at prices rorrc*|><*nd- |nb ins with llie hard lies, of (be lime*. pidnj. GOD BLESS AMERICA. A NATIONAL AKTHM—XT E. H. BIRD. God bless the land that gave ns birth! No prayer but this know we—* God blues the laud of all the earth. The happy and the free. And where's the land like ours, can brave The-splendor of the day, „ And find no son-«f ber’s a slave t God bless America l God bless the land, , ij'i ' The land beloved foreTer nnd for aye I God bless the land (bat Rave us birth i bless America. — — ‘v S- For liberty our grandsirea trod The wide and stormy sea; They bought the treasura with their blood, 1 ijeir children all are Bee—- And free ainid earth’s servile hordes. To point the patriot's way. With plough -shares turn’d in war to swords God bless America I God b!ees the laud, Ac. The deserts bowl'd—tbe pilgrims came, They lied opprAion-s chain; Tbe deserts bloomed and I he flame Oi' freedom rose again; . And liert, when hearts of fire are born, • Tint flame shall ne’ei decy, [seprn. While babies laugh kings and crowns to Gisl bless America!. God bless tbe laud, Ac. • * And from our land, in hour of need, Avert thy daskeuing fro vn; Bind up ail tbe pat riots hearts that bleed, And strike' the traitor down. And shall the serpent foe prevail) shall foe or friend betray S • Up «ith the star flag to the gale 1 God bless America! God bless the laud, Ac. Tire tenner of our Union loved, Shalt wave for ages on; While time shall find no stripe removed, No blight star quenched and gone* And singly States cou voiced shall die, From earth be swept away; W bile millions still uphold tbe i God bless America! God bless the land, Ac. cry, bp'pwup^nf" ron ? ri ^ acts » w h*ch would the principle of equality, among the be cause of war between foreign powers -.,-.2-1- PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. WILLIAM N. WHITE, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER, .1»CNt*tpnftr a*d .Vaxr.iitAgnt. DEALER IN rsic and musical instruments Hurt, riNE CUTLERY, FANCY fiuOHS.cC. f 5, Cullfff Avenue, Newlon House. Athens, C* tiisnf •• While’s University Bookstore.” ilcrs promptly filled at Augusta rates. SUMMEY & JONES, * DEALERS IN SERIES. HARDWARE, STAPLE- JYliOODS, STOVES. IRON, CAST- !Sii3. CROCKERY-WARE, Ac. * 'Comer of Broad and Wall streets, ifM.Ca. ’ August 16,1855. Hosts. J*. A. SCURRY. JAMES M. ROYAL, lUtUIES&IUAKBR, |AS removed his shop to Mitchell’s old 1 Txrern, oue door east of Grady A Nich- where he keeps always ou baud a »1 assortment of articles in bisline, and »y*ready to fillordertin the best style. P*“ i« ' tf COLT & COLBERT, DEALERS IN IPLE DRY GOODS,GROCERI ES AND HARDWARE. 19 Granite Row Athens, Ga I I. COLT. | W1L C. COLBERT. 6,1895. T. BISHOP & SON, lesale and Retail Gocers, 1 • No. 1, Broad street, Athens. C. W. & H. R. J. LONG, • lesale and Retail Druggists, ATHENS, Ga. NOTICE. P«P*"4-» fili order. | Mr «utuk<la of ^ for Carriages and Wagons, wme establishment we msnufac- taie all kinds of bobbins, r«.£f* di J our cottonfactoiiea. All IWh i*?', che *P « can lie had from I P i “™*rras. willi^MMEY & BRO. Athens,Ga lit ilT'™* ,0 “11 ordova, and the ahip- *he smue. March, 1864.’ SLOAN & OATMAN, dealers in <nmJ 9 *' J American ftATBABtr, . dsr TBXXBSSgB MA&LB rgTbmh, %nA Vwj . Mnrb ^ f“Aliord.. d ^“mtshing Marble- «M*rs promptly filled. ATLANTA, GA. to Mr, Ross Crone. j 0Bel4 [continued/] Hence, while the g neral government, as well by the enumerated powers grant ed lo it, as by those not enumerated, and therefore refused to it, arms forbidden to touch this matter in the sense of attack or offence, il was placed under t he gener al safeguard of the Union, in Hie sense of defence against either invasion or domestic violence, like all other Incal in terests of the several Stales. Each Slate expressly stipulated, as well for itself as for each and all of its citizens, nnd every citizen of each Slate bccflne solemnly bound by his allegiance to the constitution, that any person held to service or labor in one State, escaping into another, should not. in consequence of any law or regulation thereof.be dis charged from such service or labor, hut should be delivered upon claim of the parly lo w hom such service or labor might b<- due by the laws of his Slate. Thus and thus only, by the recipro cal guaranty of all the rights of every State against interference on the part of another, was the present form of go vernment established by our fathers nnd transmitted to us: and by no other means is it possible for it to exist. If one State ceases to respect the rights of another, and obtrusively intermeddles with its local interests—if a portion of the States assume to impose their insti tutions on the others, or refuse to fulfil their obligations to them.weare no longer united frienuly States, but distracted, hostile ones, with little capacity left of common advantage, but abundant means ot reciprocal injury and mischief. Practically, it is immaterial whether aggressive interference between the States, 6r deliberate refusal on the part of any one of them to comply with con stitutional obligations, arise from errone ous conviction or blind prejudice, wheth er it be perpetrated by direction or in direction. In either case it is full of threat and of danger to the Union. CONSTITUTIONAL RELATIONS OF SLAVERY Placed in the office of Chief Magis trate as the exentive agent of the whole country H bound to take care that the laws be faithfully excuted, and special ly enjoined by the constitution to give information to.Congress on the state of the Union, it'would be palpable neg lect of duty on my part to pass over a subject like this, which beyond all things at the prestnt time, vitally con cerns individual and public security. It has been matter of painful' regret to see Slates, conspicuous for their services in founding this Republic, and equally sharing its advantages, disregard their constitutional obligatibns to it. Although conscious of their inpbility to heal admitted and palpable social evils of their own, and which are completely within tbeirjurisdiciion, they engage in w - 6. DELON Y. A.T I* Jk w w«R^f?!- 0f . P gr,Qtl » > vn* to* viii SSStSHT' * ko ,8U tf. 1 'bp jltev. and only fail to be such -in our system, because perpertrated under cover of the Union. It iB impossible to present this subject as truth and the occasion require, with out enticing the reiterated, but ground less, allegation, that the South has persistently asserted claims and obtain ed advantages in the practical adminis tration of the general government, to the prejudioc of thmNortb, and in which the latter has acquieced. That is, the States which either promote or tolerate attacks on the rights of persons and of property in other States, to disguise their own injustice, pretend or imagine, and constantly aver, that they, whose, con stitutional rights are thus systematical ly assailed, are themselves the, aaggres- sors; At the present time, this imput ed aggression, resting, as it does, only .tn the vague, declamatory- charges of political agitators, resolves, itself into misapprehension, or misinterpretation, of the principles' and facts of the-politic- al organization of the new Territories of the United States. What is the voice of history T When the ordinance, which provided for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, and for its eventual subdivision into new States, was adopt ed in we Congress of the confederation, is not to be supposed that the question of future relative power, as between the State# which retained, and thoae which did pot retain,' a numeros colored pop ulation, e-caped notice, or failed to be considered. And yet the concession of that Yast territory to the interests and opinions of the Northern States a territo ry now the seat of five among the largest members of tbe Union, was, in great measure,, the act of the State of Virginia and of the South. When Louisiana was acquired by the United States,-it was an acquisition not less to the North than to the South; for while it was important to the country at the mou’.h of the river Mississippi to be- the emporium of the country above it, so also it was even more important to the whole Union to have that emporium; and although the new province, by reo- ason of its imperfect settlement, was mainly regarded as on the Gulfof Mex ico, yet,: in fact, itextends to the oppo site boundaries of the United States, with far greater bread thabove than below, and was iu territory, as in every thing else, equally - at least an acces sion to the Northern States. It is mere -delusion and prejudice, therefore, to speak of Louisiana as acquisition in the special interest of theSouth. The patriotic and just men, who participated in that act, were influenced by motives far above all sectional jeal ousies. It wa* in truth the great event, which, by completing tor us the posses sion'of tbe valley of the Mississippi, with commercial access to the Gulf of Mexico, imparled unity and strength to tbe whole confederation, and attached to gether by indissoluble ties the East and the West, as well as theNorth and tbe South. - As to Florida, that was but the trans fer by Spain to the (Juited States of ter ritory on the east side of tbe river- Mis sissippi, in exchange for large tertitory. which the Uoited States transferred to Spain on the west side of Jhat river, as the entire diplomatic history of the transaction serves to demonstrate. More over, it was an Jicquisitilion demanded by tbe commercial interests and the security of the whole Union. In the meantime, the people of the United States had grown np to a proper consciousness of their strength, and in a brief contest with France, and in a second serious war with Great Britain, they bad shaken off all which remained of undue reverence for Europe, and emerg ed from the atmosphere of those trans atlantic influences which' surrounded the infant Republic, aud had begun Jto turn their attention to the full and sys tematic development of the. internal resources of tbe Union. Among the evenescent controversies of that period, the most conspicuous was the question of regulation by Congress of the social condition of the future States to be founded in the territory of Louis- Staies guaranteed by the constitution. It as received by the Northern States with angry and resentful condemnation and complaint, because it did not concede all which they had exactingly demanded. Having-passed through the forms of legislation, it took its place m the statute book, standing upon to repeal, like any other act of doubtful constitutionality, subject to be pronounced null nnd void by the coarts of law, and possessing no possible efficaey to control the rights of the States, which might thereafter be organised out of any part of thftpriginal territory of Louisiana:.^- ' " m ’ m " - In all this, if any aggression there were, any innovation upon pre-existing rights, to which portion of the Union are they justly chargeable.’ This controversy passed away, with the occasion, nothing -surviving it save the dormant letter of. the statute. But, long afterwards, when by the proposed accssion of the Republic of Texas, the United States were to take their next step in territorial greatness, a similar contingency occurred, and became the occasen for systematized attempt to in tervene in the domestic affairs of one section of the Union, in defiance of their rights *s States and of the s.Upulations of the Constitution. These atteraps as sumed a practical directious. in the shape of persevering endeavors, by some of the representatives,’ in both houses of Congress, to deprive the southern Slates of the supposed benefit of the provisions of the act authorising the organization of the State of Missouri. But the good sense of the people, and the vital force of the Constitution, triumphed over sec tional prejudice, and the political Errors of the day, and the State of Texas re turned to the Union as she was, with so cial insitutions which her people had chosen for themslves, and with express agreement by the re-anneXing act. that she should be susceptnble of subdivision into a plurality of States. Whatever advantage the interests of the Southern States, as such gained by this, were far inferior iri results as they unfolded in the progress of time, to those which sprang from previous concessions made by the South. To every thoughtful friend of the Union—to the true lovers of their coun try—to all who longed and labored for the fnll success of ibis great experiment, of republican insti utious—it' was cause of congratulation, that such an opportunity bad occured to illustrate our advancing power ou this continent, and to furnish to the world additional assurance of the strengh and stability of the constitution. Who would wish to see Florida still a European colony ? Who would rejoice to hail Texas us a loue star, instead of one in the galaxy of Slates?- Who does not appreciate the incalculable benefits of the acquisition of Louisiana ? And yet narrow views and sectional purposes would inevitably have excluded them from the Union. consent, it was observed in the organi zation of the Territory of Washington. When more recently, it became re quisite to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, it was the natural and legitimate, if not the inevitable, con sequence of previous events and legisla tion, that the same great and sound principle, which had already been appli ed to Utah and New Mexico, should, be applied to themthat they should 8landexecpt from the restrictions pro- j >osed in tbe act relative to-the State of Missouri. These restrictions were, in the esti mation of many thoughtful men, null from the beginning, unauthorized by the constitution, contrary to the treaty stipulations for the cession of Louisiana, and inconsistent with .he equality ot the States. They hadheen a ripped of all moral authority,by persistent efforts to procure their indirect repeal tbr ugh contradic tory euactmenus. They bad beqn prac tically abrogated bj the legislation at tending the abrogation of Utah, New Mexico, and Washington. If any vita-, lity remained in them, it would have been taken away, in effect, by the mw territorial acts, in the form originally proposed to the Senate at the first ses sion of the last Congress. It was manly and ingenuous, as well as patriotic and just, to do this directly and plainly, and thus relieve the statute-book of an act which might be of possible future injury, but of no possible future benefit; and the measureol' its repeal was the fihal But another struggle on the same point ensued when our victorious armies .returned from Mexico,, and it devolved on Congress to provide for the territories The ordinance for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio had contained a provision which prohibit ed the use of servile labor therein, subject to the condition ol the extradition of fugitives from service due in any other part of the United States. Subsequently to the adoption of the constitution, this provision ceased to remain as a law ; for its operation as 3uch was absolutely su perceded by Hie constitution. But the recollection of the .fact excited the zeal ofsocia! propagandism in some sections J _ 0 .. b confederation ; and when a second Slate, the offensive, hopeless undertaking of! that of Missouri, came to be formed ir. reforming the domestic institutions of the territori of Louisiana, proposition oilier States wholly beyond their con- Irol and authority. In the vain pursuit of ends, by them- entirely unattainable, and which they may not legally attempt to compass, they peril the very existence was-made to extend to the .latter territo ry, the restriction originally applied to the country situated between the riv ers Ohio and Mississippi. ... Most unquestionable as was this pro' of the eonsiiutionj md all the countless position in all its constitutional relations, beneflu’which it has conferred. While 1 nevertheless it received the sanction ol the people of the southern states confine - Congress, with some slight modification.- their attention to their own affairs, not of Hne. to save the existing right.- ot presuming officiously to intermeddle 1 the intended ne" State. It was reluet- with the social institutions of the north-, antljr acquiesced in the soutfiern btate- ern States, too many of the inhabitants as a 'acrifice to tne cause ai ju ace ana of the latter are permanently organised o{ the Union, not only of the rights ?npu- iu associaiious to inflict injury on thel 1 *^ by the treaty of Louisiana, but ot Would not a'sectional decision, produc ing such results by a majority of votes, either northern or southern, of neessity drive out the -oppressed and aggrieved minority, and place in presence each other two irreconcileable hostile con federations? It its necessary to 'speak thus plainly of projects, the offspring (o that sectional agitation now prevailing in some of the States, which are as impracticable as they are unconstitutional, and which, if persevered in, must and will end cala mitously. It is either disunion and civil war. or it is niere angry, idle, aimless disturbance, of public peace and tranquility. Disunion for what? If the passionate rage of fanaticism and partisan spirit did not force the fact upon our attention, it would be difficult to believe, that any considerable portion of tbe people of this eniigTtened country could have so surrounded themselves to a fanatical devotion to the supposed in terests of the relatively few Africans in the United States, as totally to abandon and disregard tbe interests of the twenty- five' millions, of Americans,—to trample under foot the injunctions of moral and constitut.onal obligation,—and- to engage in plans of vindictive hostility against those who are associated with them in the enjoyment of the common heritage of our national institutions, Nor is it hostility against their fellow- citizens„of one section of the Union alone. The interests, the honor, the duty, the peace, and the prosperity of the-peopleof all sections are equally in consummation and cbmplcte recognition ; volred and imperriled in this question of the principle, that no portion' of the | And are patriotic men in any part of the United States shall undertake, through j Union prepared, on such an issue, thus assumption of the powers of the general j madly to invite ali thee consequences of government; todicfalethe social institu- > the forfeiture of thi ir constitutional en- tions of any other portion. i gagements ? It is impossible. The 1 he scope and effect ot the language storm of phrenzy and faction must ine- of repeal were not left . n doubt. It was declared, in, tH*ms. to be the true in tent and meaning of this act not lo legis late slavery ir.to any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic i: stitutiohs in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.” . The measure could not be withstood upon its merits alone. It was attacked- with violence, on the false or delusive pretext that it constituted a breach of -faith. Never was objection more utter ly destitute of substantial justification. When, beforfe, was it imagined by sensi ble men, that a regulatire or declara tive statute, whether enacted ten or forty yeais ago, is irrepealable—that an act of Congress is above tbe Constitution 1 If, indeed, tb re were in the facts any cause to impute bad faith, it would attach to those only who have never ceased, from the time of the enactment of the restrictive provision to the present day, to denounce and to condemn ir; who have constantly refused to complete it by needful supplementary* legislation; who have spared no exertion to deprive it of moral force; who have themselves again and again attempted its repeal by the enactment of incompatible provis- nn; and who, by the inevitable reac- nepuired by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The great relations of the sub ject bad now became distinct and clear !o the perception of tbe public mind, which appreciated the evils of sectional controversy upon tbe question of the admission of new States. Tn' that crisis intense solicitude pervaded the nation But the patriotic impulses'of the popular heart, guided by the admonitory advice of the Father of his’ country, rose supe rior to all the difficulties of the incorpo ration of a new empire into the Union In the councils of Congress there was manifested extrem antagonism of opin ion and action between some represen tatives, who sought by the abusive and unconstitutional employment of the leg islative powers of the government to in terfere in the condition of inchoate States, and to impose their own social theories upon the latter; and other re- presantatives who repelled the interpo- sition.of the general government in this respect, and maintained the self cOnstitu ting right of Stales. In truth, the thing was attempted .inform alone, action of the general government, which in reality it was the endeavor,-by abuse of legis lative power to force the ideas of inter nal policy, entertained in particular States, upon allied independent Slates. Once more the constitution and Union triumphed signally. The new Territo ries were organized without restrictions on the disputed point, and were thus left tojudge in that particular for themselves; and the sense of constitutional faith proved vigorous enough in Congress not only to accomplish this primary object, but also the incidental and Hardly less important one, of so amending the provi sions of the statute for the extradition of fugitives from service, as to place that public.duty under the safe guard of the general government, and -thus relieve from obstacles raised up by the legislation of some of the States. Vain declamation regarding the provisions of law for the -extradition ol fugitives from service, with occasional episodes of frantic effort to obstruct their execution by riot and murder, continued, for a brief time, to agitate certain loctalities. But the true principle, of leaving each Slate and Territory to re gulate its own laws of labor, according to its own sense of right and expediency, had acquired fast hold of the public judg ment, to such a degree, that, by common vitably dash itself in vain against the un shaken rock of the Constitution. 1 shall nfever-doubt it. I know that the Union is stronger a thousand times than all the wild and chimerical schemes of social change which are generated, one after another, in the unstable minds of vision ary sophists' and interested agitators. 1 rely confidently on the patriotism of the people on the dignity and self-respect -of the States, on the wisdom of Cou- gress, atid above all, on the continued gracious favor of Almighty God, lo maintain, against all enemies, whether at home or abroad, the sanctity of the Constitution and the'integrity of the Un ion. FRANKLIN PIERCE. Washington, December 31,1855. NAPOLEON’S INTENDED INVA- glON OF ENGLAND. We extract the following from Ab bott’s new work, “Napoleon at St, Helena”: The Emperor has passed a restless night, and was quite unwell and depres- sedin spirits. At two o’clock, he sent for Las Casas, and beguiled the time for two hours in listening to his remarks up on London. “Were the English much afraid of my invasion?** inquired the Emperor. “What was the general opinion at the time ? r - “ J. cannot inform you,” Las Cas is replied “I had then rcturned.tn France, but in the saloons of Paris, we laughed at the idea of tbe invasion ol England, and the English who were in Paris at the time did so too.” “Well,” replied the Emperor, “you might laugh In Paris, but Pitt did not laugh in London. He soon calculated the extent of the danger, and, therefore threw a coalition upon my shoulders, at the moment when I raised my arms to strike. Never was the English oligar chy exposed to greater danger.” “ I bad taken measures to prompt the possibility of failure in my landing. I had the best army in the world. 1 need only say that it was the army of Austerlitz. In four days 1 should have been in London. I should have enter ed the Spanish capital, not as a conquer er,but as a laborer. I should have been another William HI., but 1 Would tionary effect of their own violence cn the subject, awakened the country to perception of the true conEtitutioual prin ciple of leaving the matter involved to the discretion of the' people of the re spective existing or incipient States. It is not pretended that this principle, or any other, precludes the possibility of evils in practice, disturbed as politied action is liable to be by human passions. No form of government is exempt from inconveniences; but in this case they are the result of the abuse, and not of the legitimate exercise of the powers re served or conferred in the organization of a Territory'. They are n.ot to be charged to the great principle of popul ar sovereignty; on the countrary, they disappear before the intelligence and patriotism of the people,exerting through the ballot-box their peaceful and silent btu irresistible power. If the friends of the Constitution are to have another struggle, its enemies could not present a more acceptable issue, than that of a State ’whose coo- have acted with greater generosity and siitution clearly embraces “a republican ’ disinterestedness. The discipline of my ed into execution with firmness, modera tion and good faith. How many ills that are now endured, and how many . that are yet to he experienced, would not unhappy Europe have escaped? ’Never was a project so fvorable lo the interests of civiization conceived with more disinterested intentions, or so near being carried into execution. It is a re markable fact, that the obstacles which occasioned mj falure were not the work of men, but, pr»ce ded from the elemets* In the south the seas frustrated my plans. The burning of Moscow, the snow and the winter, completed my ruin in the north. Thus water, air, and fire,-nil nature,^nd nntuie alone,* was hostile to the universal regenera tion which nature herself called for. The- problems of Providence are inscrutable.”’ The Emperor was for a few moments silent, absorbed in thought. He then added;; • • * “It was supposed that my schedule was merely a'vain thought, because'it did not appear that it possessed any re asonably means of attempting its exe cution. But I had laid my plans deeply, and without being observed. I had dis persed ali our French ships,.and the English were sailing after them' to dif ferent parts of the world. Our ships were to retnrn suddenly and at the same time, and to assemble in a mass along the French coasts. 1 would have had seventy or eighty French of Spanish vessels in the Channel.* I calculated that 1 should continue master of it for two months. Three or four - thousand little boats were to be ready at« signal. A hundred, thousand men were every day drilled in embarking and landing as part of their exercise. They were full of ardor atid eager ,for the enterprise, which was very popular with the French, and was supported by -the wishes of a great number of the English After landing my troops, I could calculate upon only one-pitched battle, the result of which could not- be doubtful, and vietory would have brought usto Lun- dou. The nature of the country would not admit- ofawarof raana:uvring..My conduct would have done the rest. “ The people of England groaned un der the yoke of an oligarchy. Oft feel-' ing that their pride had not been hum-* bled, they would have ranged themsel-* ves on our side. We should have been considered only as allies come to effect their deliverance. We should haver presented out selves with tho magical words of liberty and equality.” •Spain was then in triendly all ance> with France, and at war with England, form of government.” being excluded front the Union because its domestic in stitutions may not in all respects com port with the ideas of what is wise and expedient entertained in some other State. Fresh from groundless imputa tions of breach'of faith against others, men will commence the agitation of this new question with indubitable violation of an express compact between the in- depeodeat sovereign powers of the United States and of the republic of Texas, as well as of tbe older and equal ly solemn compacts which assure the equality ol all the States. But deplorable as would be such a violation of compact in itself, and in all its direct consequences, llnit is the very least of the evils involved.. When sec tional agitators shall have succeeded in forcing on this issue, can their preten sions, fail do be met by counter preten sions? Will not different States be compelled respectively to meet extremes with extremes ? And, if either extreme carry its point, what is that so far forth but dissolution of the Union 1 If a new State, fornied from the territory.of the United Stales,he absolute excluded from admission therein, that fact ofitselfcon- stitutes the disruption of union between it and the other Slates. But the pro cess of dissolution couidnot stop there. army was perfect. My troop-t would have behaved in London the same as they would in Paris. No sacrifice#, not even contributions would have been ex acted from the English. -We should have presented ourselves to them,’not as conqneres, but as brothers, who cam- to restore to them their rights and libe erties. I would have assembled the citizens, and directed them to labor | themselves is the task of their regenera tion, because the English had already preceded us in a political legislation. 1 would have declared that our only wish was to be able to rejoice in the happiness and prosperity of the English people, and to these professions i would have strictly adhered. “ In the course of a few months, the two nations, \yhich had been such de termined enemies, would have hence forward composed only one people, identified in principles, maxims and interests. I shouid have departed from England in order to effect from south to north, under republican colors (for 1 was then first consul) the regenera tion of Europe, which at a •ater period I was.on the point of effecting from north to south under monarchist forms. Both systems were equally gone, since both would have been attended by the same results, and would have been carri- SLANDER. We adopt the following hints trhicB* we find in a cotemporary as a genuine “ home item.” and we wish that all our readears may treasure them up in their hearts and tuffer them to be ever pres ent in their memory. We have probubly all of us met with, instances in which a - word heedlesly spoken against the repu tation of a female has been magnified by malicious minds until the cloud has he* come dark enough to overshadow her whole existence. To those who are ac customed—not necessarily ftom bad mo-* lives,.but from thoughtlessness—to speak lightly of females, we recommend tho *'htnts”as worthy of consideration:-*’ Ne ver use a lady’s name in an improper place, at animproper lime, or in mixed company. Never make assertions about her that you feel she herself would blu$hi to hear. When you meet with men that- do not scruple to make u e of a woman’s- name in a reckless and unprincipled .manner, shun them, for they are the very worst members of the community—men lost to every sense of honor—every feel ing of humanity. Many a good atrd worthy woman’s character has been for-* ever ruined, and her heart broken by a lie, manufactured by some villain, and repeated where it should n<*i hare been, and in tbe presence of those whose little judgment could not better them from city culating the foul aud bragging report. A slander is soon propngnted, and the smallest thing derogatory to n woman’s- character will fly on the. wings of the wind, and magnify as it circulates until its monstrous weight cru.-hes the pout* unconscious victim. Respect tl>3 name of woman, for joui mother and sister* are women; and as you would have their fair name untarnished, and their lives unembittered by tliu slanderer’s biting tongue, heed the ill that your own words may bring upon the mother, the sister* or the wife of some fellow creature.-’ A scientific friend was exhibiting to ai gentleman a balloon of ox-bladder in* llated with oxygen. “ Bu’, 1 * observed the gentleman, “ if the oxygen should escape, how can you get it into the blad der again?” ** That is not the difficul* ty,’ remarked a . bystander; “it is not how to get the oxygen into the bladder 1 again, but hotv to get the bladder ibto the ox-again?” Will youjtake this woman to be your' weddedWife?’tisked an Illinois magi-* trateof the mosculine of a couple who stood up before him. “Well, squire, you must be a tarnal green h ind to a=k me such a question as that ar. Do you think that I’d be stieh a plagued fool as to go to the bar hunt, and *t;tke this gal from the quiltiu frolic, if i wasn’t conscriptuoutly sartain and determined to have her. Drive on with pour busi- re ness, and don’t ax foolish questions.”