The Southern watchman. (Athens, Ga.) 1854-1882, December 06, 1860, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextJOHN H. CHRISTY,! Editor and Proprietor. j Volume VIT. jritc foutltwH ^tatthwan. ,f the bnjrst arJ ffiwipost I*npcrs in tie State!! TERMS. ONLY TWO DOLLARS A-YEAR, H'iru paid in athwart; oihcncitr, Thrtr IMIara. . . y 0 joprr will l>e diarontiuue'l (except at the option * ' ( ,f ijio (..lit u) until all arrearages ure paid. vVTHETSTS, GA. THURSDAY, DEO. G, 1S60. advertising. ., . a l .vlverlifeiucnts jurcrtcil at the mnl rates. Triiific'.'u n Ivertwenundt. when not rearkcil, will ho , !•„>'„.) till f.irhW. at Oo« Dollar for sqpuro of 0 liite* r -f. an.! Fifqr Cents per Kptigrp fi r each subse- T' 1 ::,. ^ |;i, ,r:,l flctlitctl in to yearly art rertiser*. .Vooouncement* of can<1 Mateo $5. i:i advance. BOticcs exceeding six Hues ia length i ;a r .,.ii as adrcrtisvinruts. SPEECH OP HON. B. H- HILL, ! party, and its leaders—those of them who At Muledgcville, on the loth inst. follow their logic to its practical t-onse- . Latjiks and Fiuknds :—While I am speak- *®£ 1** 3'oit to-night, I earnestly beg for per fect quietness and order. It seems to he a general idea that public speakers feel liigh- A. FII AN KLIN HILL, Attor- • yijf AT I. AW. Athens, Ga. Offic- over the ,c.. „f V. m. N. White. Nov I M. WYNCr &CO., iVnWsin HARDWARE. CROCKERY, CHINA AND ;r.*.< strict. Attn o?. Ga. tf t TIIKNS STEAM COM PA NY.- \ U. NICKEKSGK, At-nt nnd Superintendent — ntr.-ri «r C’ircnlurSaw Mills, Steam Kn- {inrs, - \!.. ii '■ ]Mi. I .. . ..VlTiUNU. Uepntriog r id Finishing promptly exc- rrti I. U-ot putters* of Iron Fencing. Terms, cash. / i 1J. LOMBARD, Dentist, Athens. V_y', I! i-.nui' in Bri’ k hoi'tdiog N..rlh of the Post 0 I-.-, r, llcejo Avow. ; awl Lifting POMPS, SiiArrflni iniU M - " Got and all other kinds of GKAK- i l!u vss Ca-tiscs. of every desiripti tf f \ il. ii. J. LONG, Wholesale \ji i,...! Ui-t.v'l DRUGGISTS, Atlu-nr, Ga. ly complimented when their opinions are received with'boisterous applause. Ido not so feel on any occasion, and certainly would not so regard such a demonstration uow. The occasion is a solemn and serious one, and let us treat it in no light or trivial manner. One more request. I have in voked good order. I yet more earnestly invoke your kind and considerate atten tion. No people over assembled to tlelib- t f „ era to a graver issue. This government is Easiness tjrofcsstomu Cnrbs. lhu re “ ult °}' ,mu ; h t(,il - »»«<* h»«od, much C- 1 F. anxiety and much treasure, ror nearly a century we have been accustomed to speak and boast of if as the best on earth. Wrap ped up in it arc the lives, the happiness, the interests and the peace, of thirty mil lions of freemen now living, and of unnum bered millions in the future. Whether we shall how destroy that Go vernment or make another effort to pre serve it and reform its abuses, is the ques tion before us. Is that question not en titled to all the wisdom, the moderation and prudence we can command ? Were yon ever at sea in a storm ? Then yon know the sailor often finds it necessary, to enable him to keep his ship above the wave, to throw overboard his freight, even his treasure. But with his chart and Ids coin- pass lie never parts. However dark the heavens or furious the winds, with these he can still point the polar star, and find the port of his safety. Would not that sailor he mad who should throw these over board ? We are at sea, my friends. The skies are fearfully darkened. The billows roll threateningly. Hangers are on every side. Let us throw overboard our passions, our prejudices and our party feelings, however long or highly valued. But, let us hold on —held on to reason and moderation.— These and these alone point always to the fixed star of Truth, by whoso guidance wo may yet safely come to shore. We must agree. Wo do agree if wo but knew it. Our people must be united to meet this crisis. Divisions now would not only he unfortunate, but exceedingly dis astrous. If divisions arise they cannot be based on our interests or our purposes, for these are and must be the same. Divisions must find their origin in our suspicions and jealousies. Let us give these suspicions and jealousies to the winds. Let us assume as tho basis of every argument that we are nil equally honest, and equally desirous, in our various ways, of securing one end— our equality and rights. There must be one way better than all others. Let our ambition l«cto find that ifoV, and unite our people in the a Ivocaey of that way. T have listened with earnest attention to the eloquent speeches made by all sides, and I believe a common ground of ngree- D !I. W M. lv I N G,Homoeopathic HIY^H’IAX. o'Jcr.t hi* pr*»fosfi >«t»l J»cnrhr<‘* to j-.priiir.Mn of AiIi 'iJ' tri.l vi-i'.i y. Jtgsi.hmcc, :it Mrs. Office* corner of hVavton- »;:d TbomaJ St?. >Uy b y I SCO. l v D C(.CAN t DLKiI. Attorney af Law, • I'.n i is liicaUwl ireiirwonl'y nt 11 mcr. Bar.kr r ; ;r , iiwill I'Oi 1 litc in ti.n omu:tic,) of ll*nk»Jack- . r„ full, lla'oc'Abih aa . I'.-aukiia. O. oupyi.ix a < ei:- tr«! til in .tai l , mmt.v, all fcnsiness rrlrndt >1 <" kin r ,B B ill live imni -liiitf att .nlimi. All coTteponion- i lint* jlni.M !»■ 8-?*lrtf*.«s<l lo Homer. Banks ro. apiitf l 1 \V. LUCAS. Wholesale and TIo- j . i,;i lirdtr, in i»nv noons, gkoceeies, I Mlii'VAHE, Ac.. No. 2, Bn.nil Street, Alkeu*. G 1 L. McUIaKSKEY, M.D.. having permanent; loci,led in Allien*, will rontinuo tkc 1‘^ti 11 MetUriro ju»*1 SiirjfPty. RirWencc, t!:nt 4 c<l oy Mr. Chits.*—O^tc, »t ho:iu\ w!ft*rc I t* f-urnh ~ tf A. LOW IIANGE, Surgeon Den- • TIST. Atkeiu*. Ga. OtBro on OdlojreA vcime, c .loitolrv .turn of Merer*. T«JtB»Ajr* Si Winn. n GILLETaAND. Dentist, Wat- • kinjvtllo, Go., r«*p n-U'ully aolicil* tUo yiitvon- «- «f ! i* MirroumlioB enuatry. Full witiafuction will be piven in Ha profeuion. *f T M. KENNEY, (next door to the I • Hank of Atkona.) constantly keep* on linnd STA- VI.K a-,,1 FANCY DRY GOODS, anti Choice Family lire,-eric*, cheap for caeh, or tit prompt customer*^ quentes d saniofiists per se. I would not quote from the low anti the ignorant of that party, but I will quote from tho learned and the honored. One of the most learned disciples of this of which the Northern terest. Congress { T M. ^MATTHEWS, Attorney at i) • i AW. I)pni**l*»T*ll<*, Ga. JOHN II. CUErSTY, Plam and | ment can be found, if not for universal, at least‘for very general agreement. Those who hold that the Constitution is wrong, and the U.nion bad per se, of course will agree to nothing but immediate disunion, and such I shall not bo able to affect. In tiic first place, what are our griev ances? AH the speakers, thus far, even the most ultra, have admitted that tho mere constitutional election of any man is no ground for resistance. The mere election of Mr. Lincoln is on ail sides admitted not to he the grievance. Our State would not ho thrown on a false issue on this point. We complain, in general terms, that the anti slavery sentiment at tho North has been made* an element of political power. r olIc F .nty HOOK AND 4011 1‘BINTER. Bmwd S*. Art* •. U i. OTlce cornor Rr>adaud Wall streets, over lie fP>rc of Suusom & Pitt»rd._ TA M ES A. CAR LTON. Denier in Miii, Kudv nnd BtaploDRY GOODS, Hardware i i <\ », r y t (Jrqnite Ilow. Athens. T W. 11 A NCOCK, Attoniey at ♦ ? • L DnnnDvilK Hr— will practice in Jack- ?<»*>, (. !..tx •, Mndi?>oD, Ilart, OtHethon^ **>d Rthnrf. AV. B EAVES & GCL^ Wholesale nnd R. tnil D -nk r* in TAKE. A*. >'o. 1», v tf fl » nnd R Mi! D :.k r* in GROCERIES. DRV >; (Oils, fKOCKESY. HARDWARE. An.N'o. 1 i, (indvr Kom'IjViu 11-niih*. l!r*md (fftroet, Vthci’S. fl». T F. O’KELLEY, Photograph nnd • AMi'.ROTYPE ARTIST. Ro im*on ilraa i and ; .-trc.:t*, over tho .tore of John R. MrUhnw*, -.lit. MuriMf I AS. M, ROYAL, Harness-Maker, iicml of Wall street, nearly opposite ih'e old State r*»nk) Ai-ilmm, t«:i,,keop*i nlwayn on hand a "vnor.il an- * rtm tit of article- in his line, ar.d is nlwaya ready to t 1 ’r> in the l»o-l -trie. •_ T II. DAVIS, Land Broker, Golleo- Y • TOR nnd GENERAL AGENT, Ansustn, ««u— attended to in any c.mrity of tlio State. vt - i and KID* streets. i l‘. MASON & GO., Bookbinders, * • l’npcr Rnicra nnd Riank Ilaak Manufacturer*. v iinli.il ,-ircct, AUnuU, Ga. J. 11. Cigeistv, Agcng 'wvUkn j.ily-’2-ly [.SON, Keavks & Wynn, Whnl**nlo and Retail Rill.rl in STAPLE and i IN' Y GOODS. GU0CEH1ES, HARDWARE. Creck- ' r- A.-, hr;,) new Brick Store, curncr Bridge and Broad ■'« u. Atu-i:*, Go. . • ■ T PATH A N & SUM M EY, Dealers in H.VItDWAHK hu i KUTLKUY, coraor of Br«»nd • ’ \ M v.'ot#. A the; Ga. ^f ji lTN E It, ENGL A N l) & V i IKE- A MAN, Wl.ol salc and Retail Ileal t* in (3 ROCE- pTf.I.RY GOODS, HARDWARE. SHOES A BOOTS. r ” 1 ' Strevt, Atoeu#. Go. tf [1 bAUKY. Fiisbioimble Btiot and 1 • y 'DlF. MAKER, Broil tlroet. Allien*, Ga., i* s hi n adJnom to til! order* in hin line. l»0l PK BA R MOW, Attorney at Law, Ofle* over White’* It ok store. r r UlSllOl* & SON. Wholesale apd * • Retail n.odrr* i: GUOCEtilKS. HARDWARE *’ 1 '"f.VI’Li: DRY GDOD,’, N>,. 1. Bread *>.. Athen*. In proof of this wu make the following specifications 1. That a large political party has been organized in the Northern States, tho great common idea of which is to prohibit the extension of slavery by Congress, and hos tility to slavery generally. 'l' That this party has succeeded in get- 0ttice ting the control of many of the Northern State Legislatures, and have procured the passage of acts nullifying the fugitive slave law, encouraging tho rescue of fugitives, and seeking to punish, as felons, citizens of oar Southern States who pursue their slaves in the assertion of a plain constitutional right. 3. That this party has elected Governors in Northern States, who refuse, some open ly and others under frivolous pretexts, to do their plain Constitutional duties, when these duties involve the recognition of pro perty m slaves. 4. That Northern Courts chosen by the same party, have assumed to declare the fugitive slave law unconstitutional in the teeth of the decisions of the United States Courts, and of every department of the United States Government. 5. Wo complain that the Northern States, thus controlled, are seeking to repudiate every Constitutional duty, or provision in favor or iy recognition ot slavery—to work tho extinction of slavery, and to secure to the negro s cial and political equality will, j r r W. \VALKEM, Att.irmn at Law, T * Nibws ti n. Olli>e over ill*sew J.wtb.v St-Tv " •■to M.ni.trvill*. Rrjwtl Srret. tf party says: file Condtt'ition is the cause of every division which this vipxed question of slave ry has ever occasioned in this country. It (the Constitution) has been the fountain and father of our troubles, by attempting to hold together, as reconciled, two oppos ing principles, which, will not harmonize nor agree. The only hope of the slave is overt lie ruins of the Government. The dis solution of the Union is the abolition of slave ry.” One of tho ablest, And oldest, and long- honored Senators of t hat party—a Senator even before the existence of the Republican party—said to the nominating Convention of that party : “ I believe that this is not so much a Convention to change the ad ministration of the Government, as to say whether there shall be any Government to be administered. You have assembled, not to say whether this Union shall be preserved, but to say whether it shall be a blessing or a scorn and hissing among the nations.” I could quote all night, my friends, to show that the tendency of the Republican party is to disunion. That to be a Republi can is to bo logically and practically against the Constitution and the Union. And we complain that this party is warring upon t:s, and at the same time, and in the same way, and by a necessary consequence, war ring upon the Constitution and the Union. fi. Wo complain in tho last place, that this .party having thus acquired the con trol of every department of Government, Legislative, -Executive, and Judicial—in several of the Northern States, and having thus used cverj- department of the Stale Government so acquired, in violation .if the Constitution of tho United States, in "disregard of the laws of the Southern States, and in utter denial of the property and even liberty of tho citizens of the South ern Stales—this party I say, with these principles, and this history, 1ms at last se cured the Executive department of the Federal Government, and are seeking to secure the other two departments—the Legislative and the ,1 udicial. Here, then, is a party seeking to admin ister the Government on principles which must destroy the Government—proposing to preserve the Union upon a basis on which tho Union, in the very nature of things, cannot stand; and otiering peace on terms which must produce civil war. Now, my friends, tho next question is, shall these grievances be resisted ? 1 know of no man who says they ought not to be resisted. For myself, 1 say, and say with emphasis, they ought to be resisted—re sisted effectively and at all hazards. AV liat lesson have we hero? We have seen differences running high—even ap parent bitterness engendered. Passion *ets up, debates become jeers and gibes de fiance. One man says lie will not resist Lincoln. His adversary pronounces that treason to the South and tho man a Black Republican, Another man says he will re sist Lincoln and demand immediate seces sion. His adversary prouounces that trea son to the Constitution and tho man a dis- unionist. What do yon mean by Lincoln ? Stop and define. The first means by Lincoln, the man elected, the second means by Lin coln, the issue on which ho is elected.— Neither will resist the first; both will re sist the latter, and so they agree and did agree ail the time they were disputing! These grievances are our real complaint. They have advanced to a point which yjtikcs a crisis : and that point is the elec tion of Lincoln. Wo dare not, we will not let this crisis pass without a settlement.— That settlement must wipe out existing grievances, and arrest threatened ones.— We owe it to ear Constitution, to our country, to our peace, to our posterity, to our dignity, to our sclf-resjiect as Union men and Southern men, to have a cessation of these aggressions and an end to these disturbances. I do not think we should wait for any farther, violation of.tho Con stitution. The Constitution has already been violated and even defied. These vio lations are repeated every day. We must resist, and not to attempt to resist, and not to do so effectively—even to . the full ex tent of the evil, will be to bring shame on ourselves, and our State, and our cause. Having agreed oil our complaints, and discovered that all our suspicions of each other are unfounded, and that our disputes on this point hud their origin in busty con clusions uiid thoughtless mistakes, let us, with an encouraged charity and forbear ance, advanco the next step in this argu ment. Who shall inaugurate this resistance ?— Who shall determine the mode, the meas ures and the time of this resistance ? My reply is: The people through their delegates in Convention duly assembled. It is not necessary for me mow to urge hasty resentment of wronga. Let us study j pie or break down the cultivation of tho all that history. Let roe show you, from i cotton plant in the South. The .South that history, an example of metal and over- j could not use her own soil and climate in i put it in the hands'of confidence on the one hand, and of cool-1 the successful production of cotton with, for enforcement, ever iie»3 and wisdom on the otiier. i During our colonial history, the Eng-; lish Government sent General Braddocf America to dislodge and drive bad, French and Indians. The General, ranging the campaign, assigned to his own j groat cry of philanthropy in behalf of the command the duty of recovering the Ohio poor negro. As a show of sincerity, she Valley and the great Northwest,. It was j abolishn.1 slavery in the West Indies, near necessary to capture Fort Duqaosne. He j us, thinking to affect her Southern neigh- never thought of any uiiiieulties in thsjbor. She taught her lessons of false phi- way of success. He promised Newcastle j ianthropy to our Northern pulpits and to lie beyond llie mountains m a very j Northern ’papers, and thus to our Northern u-rn States had an in-j ter make Aim do it than any o asset! a Force bill, nnd j will be a magnificent vindica ot a Southern President i power and the majesty ot the !• indication lajesty ot the Jgw. to nmko m fied, nor refused to obey, plain constitu- j no power outside of the law. and none in- Uona. law. But here .are the Northern side of the law, except to enforce it. He States, and peoplo nullitying and sottin* short period. Dnquesne, he thought, would stop him only three or four days, and there was no obstruction to his march to Niagara. He deduped tho Indians might frighten tlw taw American Militia, but ccukl make no impression on the Brit ish regulars. This was Braddoek. One of the raw American Militia who had joined Braddoek’s command, was the young Washington, then only about twen ty th ree years old. He became one of Braddoek’s aids. Hearing the General’s boasts, and seeing his thoughtless courago, Washington quietly said to him, “ 1 Ye shall have mare to do than to <jo up the hills and come down.” Speakiug of Braddoek to another, Washington said, “He was in capable of arguing without warmth, or giving up any point hehnd asserted, lie it ever so incompatible with reason or com raon souse." Braddoek was considered, on all hands, to.be a brave, gallant and fearless officer. Here, then, arc two men, both brave and noble, and intelligent, engaged together to accomplish a common enterprise for the good of their country. The one was rash, thoughtless, never calculating difficulties, nor looking forward to, and providing against obstructions. He arranged bis express, and sent for pcopb At this time the Northorn politician saw in this inflammable subject line material for political agitation, party success, and self-promotion. They leaned on the wave and rode on. The Southern politicians raised tho counter cry, leaped on tlio count er-wave and mat the Northern politicians —in office. As long as tho people answered the politicians called, and the result is what wo now see. The subject is isitermi- ■ nalilo in politics, because utterly illegiti mate as a political issue. Thus it lias never approached, bat receded from a politi cal solution, and increasing In excitement ns it has progressed, all statesmanship, North and South, is dwarfed to a mere wrangling about African slavery. Slave ry will survive, hut the Constitution, the Union, and peace may not. The Southern States will continue to raise cottou, but the hoping subject of tyranny in the earth may hot continue to point to the beautiful success of tbe experiment of self-govern ment in America. While the storm which England raised in America lias been going on, England has been trying to raise cotton in India. She must have cotton. Four millions of her people can’t do without it. It must come lrom the Southern States. It can’t ward tho news of his victory beforehand, i be raised in the South without slave labor. But the other was cool, calculating, cau tious, wise, and moderate. lie was a man who thought before he acted, and then acted the hero. Now, for results: Braddoek was sur prised/before he reached the Fort. His British regulars fled before the yelling In dians, ami the raw American Militia wer slain by them. Braddoek himself fought bravely, and he was borne away from the field of ids shame, leaving more than halt his little army dead, and himself senseless with a mortal wound. After the laps of And England has become tho defender of slavery in the South. I will frankly state that this revolution in English sentiment and policy has not yet reached the Northern people. Tho same causes must-slowly prodace it. In our early history the Southern statesmen were ! anti-slavery in feeling. So were Washing ton, Jefferson, Madison, Randolph, and many of that (lay, who hall never beard the argument of the cotton-gin, nor studied the eloquent prod actions of the great Mis sissippi Valley. Now our people not only a day, he came to himself, and his first ex- j see the justice of slavery, but its Provi- clamation was, “who would have tho't it?” | deuce too. The world can never give np Again he roused up and said, “We shall [slavery until it is ready to give up clothing bettor know how to deal with them next and food. The South is a magnificent ex- time.” Poor General, it was too late, for lemplifieatioii of the.highest Christian cx- with that sentence Ac died! For more than | col Lance. Khe is feeding the hungry, cloth- a ccutury ho has slept near Fort Necessity, [ ing the naked, blessing them that curse and his only.histoii-y might be written for | her, and doing good to them that despitc- itis epitaph—he was brave, but rash, gal-1 fa 113- use and persecute her. hint, but. thoughtless, *obliy but - bigoted, j Wo sa\- again, that even the history ot He fought hastily, died earl}*, and here he j the slavery agitation in this conn tty does lies. j not justify* the very* conclusion that nboli- 'The 3'oung Washington was also brave, j lionisui 1ms been always progressive.— and in tlio thickest of the tight. Horse ; Whenever popular sentiment in politics i hoard last night, he cannot even form his after horse fell from under him. Tho bul- j has condemned the agitation, abolitionism j Cabinet unless he make it atcjptable to a lets of the Indians whistled around him [has decline 1. Man}’ instai.CJS could bo | Democratic Senate. And I go further and and through bis clothes, but Providence j given. In ISIS the abolition candidate for i say that lie -annot got even his salary— spared Idm. Even the Indians declared j the Presidency received about 300,000 not a dime to pay for his breakfast—with- some God protected him at defiance, the plainest constitutional pro ] visions and laws passed in pursuance there of; and instead ot’demandiitgof the Federal Government the enforcement of its laws tor the protection of our rights; wo are spending our breath, and wasting our strength in vain boasting of wrath and hurt ful divisions of tmr own.people. Some of our wisest Southern statesmen think we have already sidiicient laws for this crisis, if enforced. We have an act in 1795, and one in 1307, and perhaps others, to execute tho laws, to suppress iu anrrota tions, and repel invasions. If these and other enactments are sufficient; lot us have them enforced. A voice—The Presidents we have alrea dy had won’t enforce that law. Mr. Hill.—Then you ought to have dis solved long ago. If the grevianeo has been by men of our own choosing, why' have we not complained before? Lot us begin now. Lot us begin with Mr. Buchanan. A lew days ago, and perhaps now, a fugi tive is standing protected by a Northern mob in a Northern State, in defiance of the U. S. Marshal: Let us demand now that Mr. Buchanan enforce the law against that rebel and against that State which protects him, or sutlers him to be protected on her soil. Let us have out tiie army and navy, and if they are nut sufficient, let there be a call for volunteers. Many of us say we are ready to tight, anxious to fight. 'Here is a chance. Lotus tender our services. If the laws now existing are not suffi cient, let us have them surtieient. It is our right. M e arc entitled to a force bill for every clause in the Constitution accessary to our rights. What 'nave our statesmen been after that these laws are not suffi cient ? iSomeof these 1 util if yntggrie varices have existed since 1343, and is it possible that oar statesmen have been all asleep.or lost and forgetful in wrangling about slave ry .•* Let us begin now an l perfect our laws fir the enibreem m: of every consti tutional right, and against every rebel ene my. Let the convention add to the con tingencies of disruption in the Georgia Platform. Let the refusal to enforce the laws granted for our prote dion and de fence be one-contingency, and the refusal to grant tho laws needed for that, protec tion and defence be another contingency. A Voice—How long will yon wait? Mr. Ilill—Until tlio experiment is tried and both tho demands enumerated may be tested, and the contingenciesmay transpire before tbe fourth of March next. If they do not, if a larger time shall bo needed, Mr. Lincoln cannot do us damage. As you so wise and thoughtful was the conduct of this young officer, before, during, and af ter the battle, that even-then a distinguish ed man “points him out as a youth raised up by Providence, for some noble work.” Who does not know tho history of Wash ington; yet, who can tell it? Our glorious Hocool.sobrave, I votes. At the end of Mr. Fillmore’s Ad ministration. 1111.S5J, the candidate of that party received about half that vote, and a fugitive slave could be recovered almost without opposition in any Northern State. Even the Act of Massachusetts nwlliiying the fugitive slave law of 1793, had not out the consent of Congress. Nor would T have the Southern States, nor even Georgia, to hesitate to demand the enforcement of these laws at the hands of Mr. Lincoln, if we cau not lest it before. The North demanded ot a Southern Presi dent tho execution of the law against a revolution, that wise. Constitution, this j of I^ou^kttertho agitation had been revived, happy, wide spread and ever spreading | These, and many other similar reasons, country—struggling millions, fired on by ; we urge for believing that all the enumer- tlic example of Ids success, are some of the ' ated grievances—the results of slavery been applied to the new fugitive slave law : Southern State in 1833. Now let the South •• - * compel a Northern President to executes the laws against a Northern people; yea, chapters already written in that history. LoDg chapters of yet unrealized gior and power, and happiness shall be entiles.*- agitation—are curable by remedies within tiie Union. But suppose our reasoning all wrong? lyadded, if tho wiadsqnof(dm who redeem- Ilnw shall wc bo convinced ? Only by tho ed our country can be continued to those ! experiment; but in the nature of the case who inherit it. The lost hour of Constitu- • nothing but a trial can test the virtue o tionnl liberty, perpetuated, to the glory of j the remedies proposed. Let us try these the end, or cut short in the phrenzy of an- j remedies, and if we fail,-this failure will archy, shall wind up the history of Wash-; establish the truth of the positions of the imiton. Behold here the sudden destruc-1 advocates of immediate secession, anti we is ns much subject to the law as you oknw- selt. Tiie la tv is our king over all. From the President to the humblest citizen we are the equal subjects of this only ruler.— \\ u have no.'-ause for fear, except when wo offend tins tmly sovereign of the republi can citizen, and have no occasion for de spair until his protection is denied us. In the next place let ns consider the benefits of this policy. First, lotus con sider its benefits if we succeed; and then its benefits, if wo tail. If we succeed, wo shall 'have bi-ought about a triumph oi’Luw over the fell spirit of Mobocraey, never surpassed in the world’s history, nnd the reward of that triumph will bo the glorious vindication of onr equality, and honor,and at the same time tho establishment of the Union in its integrity forever. And I tell you, friends, we owe it to our history, ourselves, and onr posterity, yea, to constitutional liberty it self, to make this trial. Can it be possible that wc are living under a government that has no power toenforco its own laws? We have boasted of our form of govern ment. We have almost canonized its au thors as saints, for their patriotism and wisdom. They have reputations world wide. They have been, tor nearly a cen tury, lauded as far above afijintiquily, and all previous statesmen. Their faces and their forma have been perpetuated in brass and marble for the admiring gaze of many eneratious made happy in the enjoyment of their labors. In verse nnd song, in his tory and philosophy, in light literature and graver learning, their names are eulo gised, and their deeds commemorated, and their wisdom ennobled. The painter has given us the very faces and positions of tho great counsellors, as they sat together de liberating iu the formation of this Consti tution. The pulpit has placed then vir tues next to tbe purity and inspiration of tho early apostles. Tho Senate Chamber lias invoked their sayings as die test' of good policy. The fireside lias held up to its juvenile circle their manners as tho models of good breeding. The.demagoguo on tho hustings has lalsely odiught at their mantles to hi jo his own shame, All this, because we have been accustom ed to believe that they succeeded in fram ing the best Constitution,and in organizing the best Government tho world ever saw. Is that government, alter sill, a failure ?— Who snail give us a better, and bow shall we commensurate the worth of such wise benefactors ? But if this govern meat can not enforce its laws, then it is a failure. Wc have professed to feel and realize its blessings. Eloquence has portrayed in magic power its progress in all the elements of power, wealth, greatness, and happiness. Not a people on earth, since we achieved our independence, lias shown symptoms of a desire to be free, that we have not en couraged by our sympathies, and as the sufficient evidence of all success in self-go vernment, wo have pointed them to our example. There is not a people on earth who do not point to America and sigh for a government like that of tho UnitedStates. Shall wc now say to ail these: Stop, you are mistaken. Our reputation is not de served. Be content with your humble rule. The people are not capable of self-govern ment. This very government, winch you admire, and which wo have thought was a 4 the very rebels that elected- him. A Voice—Do you believe Lincoln would i.-v>iu bb()!0(bi.nation . model, is unable to protect our people from • f , \ u Ti nmk ° lmU d ° ,l ". Tt ' the robber, the thief, the murderer and the is Ins eath. lie will be a traitor to refuse, tanntif ’ ‘ lion of the rash man and his followers, and the still unfolding success of the cool and thoughtful man, and then let us goto work to meet this crisis that is upon us. Though there are various modifications of opinions, there are really but two modes of resistance proposed. One method is to make no further effort in the Union, but to assume that the Union cither cannot 01 shall all join in that remedy. For, let it be understood, we are all agreed that these grievances shall be re sisted—shall bo remedied—most effective ly remedied—and if this cannot be done in the Union, then tho Union must. go.— And we must let this civets pass without forever solving this doubt. If the Union and tiie peace of slavery cam ot exist to- o fight not to be preserved, and secede at! getfcer, then Hie Union must go; forslnvery once,and throw ourselves upon the const*- jean never go, the necessities of man and quenccs. The other method is to exhaust j tiie laws ot Heaven will never let it go, certain remedies for these grievances in and it must have peace. And it lias been the Union, with a view of preserving our tantalized and meddled with as long as our -fightsand the Union with them, if possible; self-respect can permit. and we shall have tlio right to bang him. lie dare not refuse. He would he on South ern territory, and for his life he dare not refuse. A Voice—The “Wide Awakes” will be there. | Mr. Hill—Very well, if we arc afraid of j the “ Wide Awakes” we had bettor surren- |der without further debate. The “Wide Awake” will bo there if we secede, and if they are to be dreaded, our only remedy is to hide. No, my friends, wo arc not afraid of any body. Arm us with the laws of our country and the Constitution of oar fathers, and we fear no enemy. Let us make war upon that Constitution and tiie w!bte race; and, as far as possible,they j this point. Here again wo have had dis- disiw ird and nullify own tlio laws of the ! pates without differences, nit "era States mi this subject. In proof I have the pleasure of announcing to looking, lioweaer, to, and preparing for, secession as an ultimate resort, certainly to bo had, if those grievances cannot be remedied, and completely remedied and ended in tho Union. Irreconcilable as these differences, at first view, seem to he, I maintain a point But what remedies in tho Union do we propose? I will answer: The grievances enumerated are of two kinds—existing and threatened. The exist ing actual grievances are all violations o.’ the Federal Constitution and Federal laws, oither by Northern citizens or Northern ot complete reconciliation can be reached, i States. Now, what does good statesman- Now, let us look to. the reasons urged ship, good logic, uudcunniiouscnscnatu- by the advocates of these two modes of; rally suggest? Why, that the Federal FcH.ivr-citizens, before we settle down in sueb a conclusion, let 11s make the effort and put this government to a test. Another advantage.to be derived from success is, that we sliall thus end the agi tation of slavery forever. Its agitation in polities was wrong from the beginning.— Debate Us morality and justice as much as you please. It will stand the argument. But don’t drag it down into a party polit ical i 5sue. Show me the man who agitates slavery aa a political party question, and I will show you the true enemy of slavery and the Union, I care not whether he lives North or South. The safety and peace of . . . -. , . the slaveholder and the Union demand that against those laws and we will be a.raid ot j this agitation should not longer be allowed, every noise m the bashes. Ho who feelsand jj ut) in vUo ^ nd p i :vee) tf we fail we uui known ho is rigljt is aimui ot nothing.. c^nrnot bo damaged, F>ut groat benefits will be secured by the eifort. In the first place, we shall have time t<\ it*,, Pay lor & lum rk i x, (College* A *«t«c, Athcu*. <•*:) lK'nIor* ia Sir;:-*. C-.iC r. ' -, Syreps. SJj. Ronnn. E*v»l. WIbvh. llrtci iit-* ait TdIiocmk aid every variety of articlo nsnicl” Grocery lire. tf Talm a IRIK STARK&H KINS, ijJgR** i.1 V.’atr.ii*»• n<» km J .wiry, flituj. Pis- -vrv. Mn.itji! ln*tnnnc!iK iff* f *’ Mc.jo Avenue nnd *t« Athens. > Fb \ cu Y LEU, Residant 1)k:;tist, I, * AiVin*. H'.imim on broad revt: entruwc ' ,M, r t** Ititunt'tQB >Vo2S- tf . ^ M. Ii. MAHLER, Attorney at 1, 1 I AW, Jjflvrwn, Jack*»i» m int*. Ga. •t *• M - M-lrfsi.rin.tW. S. Tr. meson. ’*tmi : it. W. SjvMive ui ! P*e|-1«*. K*u. A ' «*•*«!«, Julia u. Xeti u.a s’i«l J. U. Ctiri-ty, ■b tr of ibis complaint, we show that Northern Governors have.actually refused to deliver tip fugitives from justice, when the crime charged against such fugitives recognized, under State laws property in slaves. Thus a Northern man married a South ern lady having a separate estate in slaves. He deceived tiie lad\% stoic her negroes, sold than and pocketed the money, and fled to a Northern Btate. lie wascUargod with larceny under the l:uv$ ol the State in which tiie crime, was committed. A true bill was obtained and a demand was pro perly made for l:is return, and the Govern or ot the State to which lie fled refused to deliver him up on the ground that to com nut larceny a u.an must steal pro. *’* "**' as slaves were not property the laws of tho Northern Sta redress. r„ * — lie property according to i (j. DELONY, Attorney »t 1 State; that therefore tho S* ~ -'w—nj Jury ami Governor were all l-A W, Athcr.B, Git., will ntlfiul f r T i Ui* rare. Offivo on Kenneynor j. i iV-Viiu 11.5 ' own here guilty ■t bedel was invol piratora night that the prominent leaders of all shades of opinion on this subject came to gether this day and agreed that it was the right aud privilege of tbe people in conven tion to pass on these questions. Un this point we have disputed for a week, an 1 to day, acting as Georgians should act, we came together in a spirit of kindness, and in fifteen initiates oar hearts were all made glad by tho discovery that onr differences or disputes were founded on groundless suspicions, and ire are agreed. Wo are all for resistance, and we are all for the peo ple iu convention to say how and when, and by what means wo shall resist. I never beheld a scene which made my heart rejoice more sincerely. Oh. that 1 could see the same spirit of concord on the •-•nly remaining question of difference.— With my heart full of.kindness. I hag my iany me now to that ieve we can ' ~— — i eoiivietinn is, that this as wo did on t he rial view. At It if the world, in .led m"!.' iii Ini' Government shall enforce its laws. No The advocates of the first mode declare : State can enforce, or punish, for the viola- that these grievances ure the fruits of an j tion of a Federal law. The power ofieud- ongin.il, innate anti-slavery fanaticism.— jed must adequately punish the offender. That the history of the world will show • Tiie punishment must be such as to redress that such fanutism is never convinced—is! the'past, and by certainty and terror secure never satisfied—never ends but in victory I the future. The .Federal law is offended, or blood. That, accordingly, this fanati- j Tlio Northern States and people are the eism in the Northern States iias been eon- i offenders. Tho South is damaged by the stautly progressive, always getting strong, j offence. This gives her thoright to demand er and more impudent, defiant and aggres- > the redress at the hands of the Federal sive; and that it will never cease except iu j Government, aud if that Government, for our subjugation, unless we tear loose from j want of will or power, sliall; not grant the it by dissolving the Union. These ndvo redress, then that Government is a demou- eates say they have no faith in any resist-‘ strated failure. And when Governments anee in the Union, because, in tiie. nature j end, self-defence begins. We can then take of the evil, none can tic effectual. j redress in our own way, aud to The advocates of the second mode of i satisfaction. ra ho honest and and imp Gtous. The o be loved and encourag r—„ l() relied on' in e: cording!}’ we find t‘» s array mem against ifthoUnited Suites ; -nt. in ii*- very frame in of propert y in dave-. vcboldiiig States. Ac-j \Vo ollcn nppo ' in ion i fathers .to urge men to indignation and r M'-MpT'; > v/ - - -,.v *•; to tlio history of our resistance, of Whom reason after another ; tbe first place, that whi form. ution. Besides, w upon ns did s:u or philuntlin the West Indies, an soul:' -lave*. She hud po-<. ; East Indies, which she be lieved wore adapted to the growth of cot- tou, aud which article she desired to m - j .’toponze. The Southern Slat■ >• were her only dan geretis competitors, jjbe dc-ired to crip- Let the Georgia Convention n: her not simply Ue this race and he who feels and knows he is wrong, is afraid of nothing too. Wo were told the other night, by a gen tleman urging immediate secession that we had never had a member in Congress but who war afraid to demand the laws for the enfoeetnent of these Constitutional rights. And this is true, but whose fauitis that? Shame upon us that we have been afraid to demand oar rights at the bands of our government, administered to this hour by men of onr own choice, and yet insist oil onr courage to sustain us in seceding from that government in defiance of its power. No, wo have a right, to go out, but let tis know we must exorcise that right before we go, and how can we know it unless we ask first ? The Declaration of indepen dence, which you invoke for an example, says a decent respect to the opinions ot mankind requires us to declare the causes which impel us to tho separation. When we separate and allege our grievances as onr causes, aud mankind shall ask us if we attempted, even demanded, a redress of those grievances in the Union before wo, went out, shall we went out, shall we hang our heads nnd say no? A people who are afraid to demand respect for their rights, can have no rights worthy to be respected. n '~ fathers demanded, yea.petitioned, and nod and conjured, and not .until the vernment was deaf to the voice < ’ consanguinty, did necessity which ‘ get ready for secession. If we secede now, in what condition are we? Our secession wiil either bo peaceable or otherwise. If £ peaceable, wo have no ship3 to take off our produce. Wo could not get and would not have those of tho government from which u-e had just seceded. We have no treaties, commercial or otherwise, with any other power- Wc have no postal system among our own people. Nor are we prepared to meet any one'of the Mufti red inconveni ences that must follow, and all of which can be. awidwl by taking time. But suppose our seces .ion b« not peace able. In what condition are we for war? No navy, no foils, no arsenals, no but bird guns for low trees, tered people, with nothing our enemy but, an imag iong sea and gulf coast extent! Potomac to Galveston Bay, s secede. In what condition a the thousand ills that would beset us? and every one of which cun'be avoii ing time. “ We have more to go up the hills aud come down sion is no holiday work. While.we are o meet others j ment. ith us, j I confess I in this i of tliis iCJVei ]£&■, ' loot it. 1 belie iie laws. was rofus- President, : execution i and enforeem: 1 any other i State inav think | tired. ' ' t

Georgia Historic Newspapers

The Southern watchman. (Athens, Ga.) 1854-1882, December 06, 1860, Image 1