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rition to raise armies. The men who
le that Constitution lived in the midst
ot Colonial and British ideas and usages.
They had been accustomed to see arroios
raisod only by voluntary enlistments, and
when they speak of raising, we may natur
ally suppose they speak of armies to be
raised in the mode to which they had been
accustomed, and in the only mode which
they had been in the habit of considering
to be consistent with liborty. So much,
sir, for the British Government.
1 beg to refresh the memories of gentle
men as to the history of another Govern
ment, and ask them if that Government
deserves contempt ? I allude to a Govern
ment which has passed away—not the old
United States Government, but that other
Government which perished in giving birth
to the United States Government—-the
Government of the old Confederation. Sir,
that was a glorious old Government.
Whatever its defects and its faults were, it
is entitled to the gratitude, not only of ev
ery American, but of every lover ofliberty
the wide world over. It was the Govern
ment that achieved our liberties. It was
the Government that successfully resisted
tho most powerful Government upon tfio
fuco of tho earth. It was the Government
from whoso hands we have received all the
blessings we havo enjoyed, and for which
we arc fighting to day. It was a Govern
ment whose memories aro dear to our
heart. Who will riseup and say that Gov
ernment deserves the cot tempt of man
kind if and yet, sir, that Government had
no compulsory power over the States.
That Government had not the very power
the want of which, gentlemen now affirm,,
subjects any Government to the contempt
of mankind. Their power over the States
was advisory only, not*compulsory. They
could got no troops from the Slates, but
such as the States would send them; and
yet that Government was adequato to the
achievement of liberty, and to its achieve
ment against the greatest power that ex
isted upon the earth. Can odr people close
their eyes to the grand lesson which is to
he gathered from the history of that Gov
ernment? We are warned by gentlemen,
and by somo of our public journals, against
tlio danger from the Stale governments.
Sir, I have no such apprehension. Let
gentlemen who are alarmed from an ex
cess of State rights tako comfort from the
history of the old Confederation! There is
no danger from that quarter. Centralization
consolidation, central usurpation, is the
rock which wo have to dread in thefuturo.
We judge thefutuc by the past; and judg
ing our future by tho American past, I
proclaim that the danger which we have
to apprehend is not from the States, but
from Central usurpation, which has already
resulted in tho destruction of the old Unit
ed States Government, and in our seces
sion, and iu our repudiation of it on ac
count of that usurpation.
Gov. Troup has been quoted as authori
ty for this statemont, that our Government
would be deserving of contempt if it lack
ed the power of conscription. Gov. Troup
was comparatively a young man when he
uttered that sentiment. It was years after
wards that he, as Governor of Georgia, bo-
came distinguised as the champion of
State rights. If you quote his words, sir,
as authority on your side, I point you to
his subsequent deeds as authority on my
side. If you quoto his language which was
•uttered in a heated party contest, and un
der the indignation which ho felt against
the .New England States for their blue
light Federalism, I point yon to what he
dfd as Georgia's champion, when her rights
were assailed by the Federal Government,
h hen Gov. Troup uttered that sentiment
- he.was under a strong bias, arising out of
q particulrr emergency, and out of a spe
cial dct;i re to compel tho New England
States io perform what he thought was
their duty. He did, in that hcat£d£ contest
express the diea that sovereign States
might be coerced. In my judgmentit was
a great error, and it was an error after
wards repented of, and nobly atoned.
And this leads me to remark upon an-
■ other view in which Conscription presonts
itself to my mind. -The essence of Con
scription is the right to take away the
fighting men of the States against the will
of both tho citizens and the Stales. It is
the right, make what you will of it, to co
erce sovereign States. It is the right
which Mr. Lincoln is now claiming over
ns, and which we aro resisting with our
blood, and which, I trust, wo snail never
cease to resist until the pretension is aban
doned. I do not say it, sir, with the inten
tion to offend anybody; but I declaro Con
scription as it presents itsolf* to my mind
is, in its essence and its constitution, the
very embodiment ofLinoolnism, which our
gallant armies are to-day resisting. It is
a power in the central bead to coerce sov
ereign States.
A few words now as to the history of
Conscription and I have done. Its justifi
cation has been placed upon the plea of
necessity. Sir, it is a feeole pica. There
never was any necessity for it, and there
is none now. This plea of necessity is gen
erally a pretext, and under our happy Con
stitution, it is always untruo. Our Con
stitution was made for war as well as for !
peace, and the powers conferred by it upon
the different departments of the Confede
rate Government are adequate to all the
necessities of war,, without any enlarge
ment of them by doubtful construction, or
by usurpation. The particular necessity
which has been alleged for Conscription
was a necessity to seize and bold in service
the twelve-months men whose term was
about to expire. But, sir, this is a pretext.
It is within my knowledge that as longago
as last fall, several months before the ex
piration of the term of the 12 months men,
Gen. Toombs, then a member of the Con
federate Congi css, introduced a bill to re
plenish the array and supply the places of
those 12-months men who would be going
out. His bill was in coraformity with the
old recognized constitutional mode of re-
requisitions upon tho States for troops,
leaving to the States the appointment of
officers, whero the Constitution places it;
and I have beard it said by those who
neard himon that,occasion in support of that
■bill, he made the greatest speech of his life.
casion. Their attention hpd been cntled in
a remarkable manner to the replenishing
of the army in a constitutional way, and
they had refused to make provision for it,
deliberately, intentionally, refused. Tho
appointment of the officers was the milk
in the cocoa-nut.
But, sir, I go further and say that, with
all their attempts to create a -necessity for
Conscription, they did not create it; and
that at the very time it was passed, there
was not the slightest necessity for it. The
12-months men, whoso time was about to
expire, could have been retained in the ser
vice under tho old constitutional mode of
making requisitions upon the States, just
as well as by Conscription, and I defy any
man to deny it. It will not be denied in
this debate. This, sir, is another one of
the -points in my argument which I predict
will not be touched. Congress in making
its requisitions upon States had only to shape
the requisition so as to specify the 12-months
men as the troops which they desired, and
tho States by their sovereign power could
bare furnished, each for herself, her 12-
months men, who were then in the field,
just as she could furnish any of her citizens
who were then at home, in response to a
requisition. There was, therefore, no ne
cessity for Conscription.
But the history does not stop there, we
have had two conscription laws. Has any
man dared to urge the plea of necessity in
favor of the second one? When that one
was passed, we bad just emerged from a se
ries of brilliant victories. We had no troops
whose terms were about to expire. It was
a simple question as to the mode of getting
raw recruits from home for our armies al
ready in the field. Where was tho necessi
ty' in that instance, for disregarding the
rights of the States, by repeating conscrip
tion upon us?
Again sir, the old constitutional mode of
making requisition upon the States was
tendered by Mr. Yancy v of Alabama. His'
proposition was voted down—deliberately
voted down, upon no plea of necessity, and
when no m&a had the hardihood to allege.
necessity. 1 tell you sir, and I tell the peo-
ple of Georgia, that conscription has been
E ut upon them and this great wrong has
een done to tho rights of her citizens, and
to her sovereignty, from no necessity, from
no conviction of necessities, but from pre
meditation and deliberation. It has been
a matter of choice with our government,
and they intend to adhere to it to the end
unless you drive them from it by rising
in the majesty of a free people, and calling
them back to the landmarks of the Consti
tution. This 6ir, is tho great reason why
T ask and beseech an expression from the
Legislature of the Sovereign Stato of Geor
gia, upon this great violation which has
been perpetrated, upon the rights of her
citizens, and of her sovereignty. Tho ob-
joci to be accomplished by such on expres
sion of opinion on your partis to prevent
its being drawn into a precedent for your
subsequent oppression, and to induce your
rulers to recede from the existing aggress
ion upon your rights.
Reports of the Committee on Confederate Re
lations.
MAJORITY REPORT.
The Committee on Confederate .Rela
tions, to whom was referred, in connection
with the Committee on the State of the
Republic in tho House of Representatives
so much of the Governor’s Special Message
as relates to tho Couscription Acts, have,
as a joint committee, had this subject un
der consideration, and which they instruct
me to report as the sense of a majority of
said joint committee the following resolu
tions :
Tho General Assembly of tho State of
Georgia submit the following resolutio,
of fundamental constitutional principl
Resolved, by the General Assem’ 4
the State of Georgia, That tho Qfnstitu
tion of the Confederate States \» a com
pact between sovereign Slates, mid that a
power in the Confederate Government to
order military or naval force/ from the
States by compulsion of th®r citizens
without the concurrence and ligainBt the
will of the States themselves, il incompati
ble'with both the sovereignty lnd safety
4$ the States.
Resolved, That the Confederal Govern
ment cannot raise armies from tlXjnilitia
or arms bearing people of t he Stax
compulsion, except for the purpose of ex
ecuting the law’s, repelling invasion or sup
pressing insurrection, and- then only
through requisition upon the States for tho
troops desired, leaving each State to exer
cise such compulsion as may be necessary
in her own case, and to appoint the offi
cers for the troops she needs.
Resolved, That all laws passed by tho
Confederate Congress to raise armies from
the arms bearing people of the States by
compulsion, and without requisitions up
on, or concurrent action of tho States, aro
unconstitutional, and within our power to
be declared void. While Georgia makes
this declaration, she also declares her
willingness and determination to fur
nish to the end of this unjust and wicked
war which our enemy is waging upon us,
ss she has done from the beginning of it,
all just quotas of troops that may be requir
ed of her, in a Constitutional way.
Resolved, That uuder tho Constitution
of the Confederate States, and the laws of
this State, all the troops which Georgia
hassent to the field under requisitions from
the Confederate Government, have the
right to elect officers who are to command
them, and that the laws of Congress
which deny or impair this right are un
constitutional, and in our power to be de
clared void.
Resolved, That while the foregoing res
olutions express our fixed convictions, we
are still willing to leave the Conscript acts
undisturbed in their operations, reserving
to the State and her people, such rightful
remedies as may be demanded by future
emergencies.
Wm. Gibson, Chairman.
• E. G. Cabaniss.
J. A'. L. Lee,
S. L. Barbour,
G. L. Smith,-
L. IX Carlton,'
Z. B. Hargrove,
G. S. Black,
H. E. Love*
G. T. Barnes,
W. J. Reese,
Members of House Committee.
1. Resolved, by the General Assembly
of the Slate of Georgia, that the Constitu
tion of the Confederate States was adopt
ed by the people thereof to form a perma
nent Coutederate Government, each State
acting in its sovereign and independent
character.
2. Resolved, That among the powers del
egated to the Confederate Congress, are
the powers “to declare war,” “to raise and
support - armies,” aud “to provide .. and
maintain a navy,” and to enable the Con
federate States “to protect eaoh State
against invasion,” as required by tho Con
federate Constitution, the exercise of these
powers is absolutely necessary.
3. Resolved, That our safety and pros
perity demand that no opposition be made
to any measures, adopted by the Con
federate Congress in the exercise of pow
ers granted, and intended for our defense.
4. Resolved, That the Act of tfio Con fed
erate Congress assented to the 16th April,
1862, entitled “An act to' further provide
for tho public defense,” and the act amen
datory thereof, having been decided by the
Supreme Court of this State to be in con
formity with tho Constitution of the
Confederate States, should bo strictly en
forced.
5. Resolved, That we recommend tho
people oi Georgia to acquiesce in the de
cision of the Supreme Juducial tribunal of
the State, and His Excellency, the Govern
or, to countermand any and all orders
which lie may have issued to suspend the.
execution of the acts aforesaid iu this State
upou the citizens subject thereto.
on Kndxvillo at .the head of fprty-two rog
{monte. This thing was subsequently con
tradicted, however, and we do not know
whether he is now marching*! all.
There will probably, bo litirring times
along the Southern coast long. It is
no doubt the intention of the Abolitionists
give us plenty ft’ do thisWinter
ATHENS, GEORGIA:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, DEC. 3.
Largest Grcnlation of any Paper ever published in Athens!
But it was lost
he dhl not wi
se the President said
ps at that time. The
pg the army was then
’’ tho evo of the oxpi-
s men, and thoD Con-
upou the country,
under tboery
first
MINORITY REPORT.
The minority of the Joint Committee of
the Senate arid House of Represen tali vos,
On Confederate Relations and the Stato of
the Republic, to. whom -was referred the.
Special Message of his Excellency tho Gov
ernor in relation to the execution of the
act of the Confederate Congress, usually
called the Conscript Law, in this Stale,
dissontingfrom the views of tho majority of
the Committee, beg leave to submit the
folio wingresolutions as their report, and re
commend their adoption in lieu of thoso
Furlow,
W.m. Gibson,
SEE FOURTH PAGE.
Thanks.
We return our thanks to Henry Allen,
Esq., of Madison county, who, inronowing
his subscription for the Watchman, instead
of sending us a 82 ragged shin-plaster is
sued by some obscuro individual, sent*us
twp bushels of meal, which, at present prb
ees is worth $4.
Our t'luuilcs are also due to our esteem
ed Walton friends Messrs. Willis Cooper
and Samuel 'G. Locklin, each of whom
sent us two bushels of corn lust week, at a
time when It could not be bought, in our
market. Such acts of kindness aro grate
fully appreciated. — *
See in another column the card ff
Capt. Seaborn J. Safjtold. Here is Ja
good chance to avoid conscription. Wo
cheerfully recommend tfiosc who wisl/to
serve on the coast to join Capt. S. /
Tho Methodist Conference ha^ieen
in session in Macon for several days past.
We will publish the list of ^appointments
in our next.
£oT*The well-timed communication of
Mr. Solicitor Thurmond in reference to tho
enforcement of the late Act against the dis
tillation of grain, was handed in too late for
this issue of our paper.' It shall appear
next week. *
In the meantime wo hope that not a sin
gle distiller in tlio Western, or any other
Circuit, will be found violating the law.
Great as is the temptation to make whiskey
now, wo hope that patriotism and philan
thropy will triumph over cupidity. It is
a question of life and death—whiskey and
starvation—no wbiskey and bread. Every
man should feel it to be his solemn duty to
see the law rigorously enforced.
The Legislature.
We cannot, of course, pretend to give a;
daily report of the . proceedings of this
body, as wo have uot room for them. Yery
little work has been perfected yet. Much
has been introduced. Many bills have been
passed on the first-and second readings in
both Houses. Mnny reports of committees
have been made—many meaures discussed,
but nothing completed, we believe, except
the law authorizing the Governor to stop
the distillation of grain. We believe both
branches of the General Assembly have
worked industriously this session* and
hope they will pass many of the wise and
benoficcnt measures introduced. Tho “dog
law” has failed again. If the demand for
leather does not check the growth and pro
duction of dogs, wool will be scarce next
year, as our Legislature is afraid to touch
theMogs _
■; The Situation.
VlBhe Confederate and Federal armies in
Virginia are eyeing eacji other, but there
is qo fighting. It is believed that Burnside
will attack us shortly, however, as he
McClellan
him, if be does not “hurry up
1 r f ;- ! ■
1 the West, the movements of bo h nr-
J “WHAT DQK8 IT MEANT’
Oiir highly respected arid very respecta
ble eotempbeaty of tho Savannah Republi
can appears to be considerably “exercised”
because “ certain presses” in this State
have seen proper to publish Gov. Brown’s
special message and certain speeches
against the constitutionality and impolicy
ol the conscript Act—after the Supreme
Court has declared it to be constitutional.
He demands to know what motive actuates
them, and says the effect of it is clear—that
no enemy could givo our cause a keener
blow. n
While confessing that we have published
such documents as referred to by the Re
publican, wo do not recognizo its right to
call upon us for an avowal of our motives, I
but as we are always ready to “givo a
reason for tho faith that is in us,” we shall
waive all objection to its right to make tho
demand, and explain to our readers why
' we have published the articles referred to.
A sufficient apology for doing so, (if any
were needed) is the fact that we published
the arguments on the oiler sido of the
question, and we always wish to present
both sides of every important question to
onr readers. But we had higher aims than
this.
All- our readers aro aware, that while
protesting, from the outset, against both
the constitutionality and expediency of
conscription, we have steadily urged an
acquiescence in the la w after its enactment.
Wo still do so—yet protesting now, as
heretofore,’ against the iniquitous princi
ples involved. While we believe it to be
both wrong and impolitic, we still know
that resistance to it under existing circuin- -
glances, would be fatal to our cause, and
therefore wo have constantly set our face
against resistance. We believe the States
and People ought to protest against con
scription, because it isin conflict with State
Rights und-destructivo o:f personal liberty.
It was to secure State Rights that we left
the old Government. It is true, that the
security of negro property was made the
pretext for leaving, but no intelligent man
was deceived by this. The real object was
to secure State Rights, which were con
stantly ondangered by the strong Federal
element at the North*. In cutting loose
from the “ old wreck,” unfortunately, we
did not get rid of Federalism. It was
wide spread all over the country, North
and South, among all political parties. It
is now permeating the land, iu high places
and in low places. The leaven is at work
everywhere—in the ct.binet and in the
field, m the press, pulpit and forum. You
may hear its language \n the streets—you
may r read it in the newspapers and hear
it in the pulpit, its out-croppings arp ex
hibited by somo in a desire to adopt a
property qualification to restrict the right
of suffrage, and in -others by denouncing
offico-holdcrs for degrading themselves to
the level of the common people !
• Now, we regard tho doctrines of Feder
alism as being highly destructive of all
rational liberty, and Bhall oppose, upon
principle, everything squinting - in that di
rection. The only safeguard to Republi
can equality is a rigid adherence to State
rights and opposition to centralization.
Our political creed is now a briof one. We
believe in State sovereignty and personal
liberty—freedom of speech and liberty of
the press. We are opposed to every tiling
■and every* body opposed to this creed; and
, we are determined that henceforth no
past prejudice against Gov. Brown or any
body else shall make as abandon our cher
ished doctrines because he or they may
happen to agree with us now. Wo have
ignored past, party differences,and welcome
into political fellowship all who make Jef
ferson’s sublime doctrine that “ the Peo
ple are the source of all po wer,” and that
all “just government derives it& powers
from the consent of the governed,” the
corner-stone of their political faith. This
is the grand political truth whioh is destined
to go forth among tho nations “conquer
ing and to conquer,” until the people of
the. whole earth shall be made free! It is
the only hope of political salvation to the
world.
There is no use in disguising the fket,
however, that the great battle between
JeffersonianRcpublicanism and centralizing
Federalism has to be fought over again.
We do not think this is the time to do it,
though. When we have triumphed over
pur foreign enemy will be time enough to
throttle the more ditngercus enemy in our
midst.
As to the great crime of discussing, the
constitutionality of .couscription after the
Supreme Court hai pronounced the Act
constitutional, we must confess we do not
see the point of the charge, unless the Su-
preme-Gourt was instituted to tAiaJjrfor all
of.us^V We fully agree'with the Hon.-LiN
ton Stephens’ opinion on that - subject.
’The decision of. the Supreme Court can
only bind tho action of
lativc
Government,
We are sorry that some U P coun
try friends fludfhult witli us for not pub.
fishing the Governor’s proclamation against
the further distillation of grain, last week.
A brief statement of. faots will relievo u 8
from all blame-! „
Our paper is printed Tuesday night and
mailed early Wednesday morning. The
railroad mails reach here about 4 o’olook
in the afternoon; We gathor np ail the
telegraphic dispatebos and put them in the
paper, without attempting to publish any
thing else. It thus happens that wo did
not even see the Governor’s proclamation
until after the mails bad doparted Wednes
day morning—it not being a telegraphic
dispatch. Had we known of its existence,
of course wc would have published it, as
we take great pains to keep our readers
thoroughly posted. It will be found ap
pended :
A PROCLAMATION.
By JOSEPH E. BROWN,
Governor of Georgia.
To the People of said State:
The General Assembly of this Stato has
passecP'nn act which has this day received
the sanction of tho Governor, of which the
following is a copy, to-wit:
AN ACT
To be entitled An Act to prevent the unneces
sary consumption of grain by distillers and
manufacturers of spirituous liquors i.n Geor
gia.
Section 1st. The General Assembly do
enact, That from and after the expiration
often days from tho publication of tho
Governor’s Proclamation herein provided
for, it shall not be lawful for any’ person
or porsons to make or cause to be made
within this State, any Whiskey, Alcohol,
or other spirituous or malt liquors, out oi
any Corn, Wheat, Rye, or other grain, ex
cept for medicinal, hospital, chemical or
mechanical purposes as hereinafter allow
ed—and any person so offending shall bo
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on
conviction thereof, shall be fined for every’
such offence, not less thati two thousand
dollars, nor more than five thousand dol
lars, and be also subject to imprisonment
in the county jail not exceeding twelvo
months, m the discretion of the Court.
Sec. 2d. Every day’s or part of a day’s
distillation contrary to the provisions of
this act, shall be deemed a separate and
distinct offence.
Sec. 3d. Any person or porsons who
shall by any means of transportation what
ever, take or send, or cause to be taken or
sent out of the limits of this Stato, any’ ar
ticle of grain, ground or unground, with
the intent that said article, or any portion
of it, is to be distilled into spirituous liquors
of any kind, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanor, and be subject to the penal
ties hereinbefore provided.
Sec. 4th. Tho fines to bo imposed by
the Court, under tho provisions oftthis act,
shall be paid one-half to the informer, and
the other half to the Justices of the Inferi
or Court of the county wherein the con
viction is had, to be by said Justices ap
plied to the support of the wives, widows,
and families of such soldiers of this State,
as have been, now are, or hereafter may be,
in the military seryico of the Confederate
States, or of the State of Georgia.
Sec. 5th. That the Governor may iu
his discretion, grant licenses in writing to
citizens of this State only, for the manufac
turing of such an amount of alcohol, or
other spirituous liquors, as may m his
judgment, bo needed by the Government
df the Confederate States, or for chemical,
mechanical or medical purposes generally:
Provided, His Excellency is hereby direct
ed to grant licenses to the officers and
agents ot, and contractors with the Con
federate Government for the distillation of
whiskey, to an amount not exceeding one
million of gallons, for the use of said Con
federate Government, and Provided furth
er, That tho Batne shall be distilled at the
distance of at least tw’enty miles from any
Railroad, or stream usually navigated by
steam boats. But no person distilling uh
dor any license aforesaid, shall sell any
whiskey or other spirituous liquors for
more than one dollar and fifty cents per
jailon, nor alcohol at more than two dol
ars aud fifty cents per gallon, under the
penalties aforesaid. Any license granted
under this act shall bo revocable at the
fioasure of the Governor ; and it shall bo
iis duty to revoke the same whonever he
shall have reasons to believe that it
abused or perverted from the usos intend
cd by this act.
Sec. 6. In granting the licenses here
tofore provided for, the Governor shall give
the preference to thoso sections of the
State where grain may be most abundant,
and at points most remote from Railroad
or water transportation.
Sec. 7. That each person applying to
the Governor for a license to distill any
grain as provided for jn this act, shall be
fore obtaining such license, make and sub
scribe his written affidavit before some
J ustice of the Peace, Justice of the Inferior
Court, or Notary Public of this State, and
file the same in tho Executive office of this
State, in'which affidavit, be elTull swear
that he will not make or. oause to be made
more whiskey or other spirituous liquors
out of grain than the number of gallons
specified in said license. And any person
violating said oath by making a larger
amount than the amount which he is au
thorized by said license to make, shall be.
guilty of false swearing and on conviction
thereof shall be punished in such manner
as is provided by the laws of this State for
the punishment of offenders guilty of false
swearing.
( Sec. 8th. It shall be the duty’ of the
Governor immediately after the passage
ot this Act to issue bis proclamation, an
nouncing this law, and calling upon all of
ficers of this State, and it shall bo the duty’
of all such officers, civil and military, to
see the faithful enforcement of this Act.
Sec. 9th. It shall be tliq duty of the
J udge of the Superior Courts to give this
act in special charge to the Grand Juries
at each terra. ....
This act shall continue in
ing the existing War.”
persons who violnto any of iu
at any time from and aftor ton E ?*
this date inolusivo, may auffev
a n dpe„»Ui f a,, n e xe / to ‘“r,,“' 1 1 a ^ D P«»»
Given under my hand and the Groat Seal
of the State at the Capitol «h5 a?
ledgenlb, this tw ontyW OIU f £
of November, in the year of
Lord, One Thousand Eight H u !
dred and sixty-two. b uu *
JOSEPH E. BROWN.
little of
«-The acknowledged soiontific ability
and praotioel skill of Dr. Daniel Lee, the
Agricultural Professor in the State Univer.
sity, render any recommendation fro n , us
superfluous. We are much indobted to
him for the following practical snggostons
aud hope our readers will profit by them!
For th» Southern Watchman.
How to Have Cheap Leather.
Almost *very reader kuows that it costs
an unusual sum to supply a family with
leather, or shoes and boots, at this timo •
and how io remove tho inconvenienco atul
excess of price are matters of sufficient
importance to justify a few remarks havin»
that object in view.
As a community, wo are paying in part
the tax which Providence imposes on the
error of neglecting to provido or produoa
tho necessaries of life in our own country
Nature supplied us with a great abundance
of oak timber and the best tan bark in the
world. It also gave us uncommon lacifi.
ties for raising cattle arid hides in this r ».
gion ; so that no people at the North or
elsewhere have advantages for the cheap
production of leather over those of Georgia
These advantages still oxist, and I amanx.
ious to see them improved without discred
itable delay. Tanners in Athens arc pay.
ing thirty-five cents a pound for green
hides, which is just seven times tho price
paid by tanners in the State of New York
for hides of the same quality. Instead of
growing millions of acres of old field pines,
as we do in Georgia, they grow grass and
cattle in New York, which givo a popula
tion of over four millions good and cheap
beef, milk, butter and cheese in great abun-
dance, and leather at one-tenth the sum
per pound that Georgians now pay for it.
Tho Romans had a maxim to this effect:
“ It is right to be taught by the enemy.’’
We cannot have a plenty of hides and leath
er unless we produeo them ; and wo can
not raise fine cattle without grass, nor taa
leather largely and cheaply’, without we
husband our oak bark. In riding over
Clarke county I see farmers wasting taa
bark everywhere by cutting down green
oaks in autumn and winter for fire-wood
and rails, when the bark will not separato
from the wood, and is lost. A large tree
will yield a cord of bark in the spring,
which will tan three hundred pounds of
good leather, .worth six hundred dollars at
present prices. Think of a community de
stroying bark enough to make a thousand
tons of leather, and then paying two dol
lars a pound for sole leather, which can he
manufactured at twer^y cents a pound and
give a fair profit! I speak from a good
deal of observation when I say that, full
three fourths ol all the oak bark suitablo
for tanning, which God placed in thistoun-
ty has been thoughtlessly wasted. It iu
in tbe very’ nature of things that such im
providence shall be punished. Let tho
people every where save and husband all
/tan bark, and encourage cattle raising,
, and shoes and boots will be as plenty m
' feet to wear them. With cheap bark, »
tanner can give a farmer a pound of leather
for a pound of dry hido, and in the end,
make a fortune by the operation, as thou
sands have done in the State pi New York.
It is alarming to witness the universal de
struction of tan bark by the felling of Sor
est trees when the bark will not peel,
of course is not saved. While wo aro w**
tonly wasting oak bark in large quantity
our armies are wearing shoes made in Eof:
land, the leather of which was tar.nod witl
bark raised from acorns planted by ban 1811
hands. Oaks are a cultivated crop»
England as much as cotton is with ns; »
tan bark there tb necessarily very o x P ?> j
sivo. We carr never import heavy
from Europo at a low price; and onr trtf
policy is to save our bark, rear fine, fat cat- j
tie for their hides, moat and tallow,
thus bo independent of all foreign nation*
for shoes, boots, harness, saddles and
articles made wholly or in part of leathrf’-
The raw material for making this artk-
of universal consumption now costs
prices because, as a State, we sadly ne S
stock-husbandry, and reject tho teaiW
of agricultural science. Make onr
economy and diversified industry eq
our resources, and we Bhall soon heco j
the mdst independeut nation on tbe g ® j
J). IiE® 1
[Reported for the Southern Wttch®*®'^.
Substance of tbe Remarks of Mr. A “*^.
Tn the House of Representatives, on tM |
lutions authorizing the Governor to
out the militia in Camden County• ,
Mr. Adams did not see the recess J ^1
calling out the militia; if tho neC0S ‘
exist, it was the duty of the comn, j.
officer to do so until be could comn*“ J
with the Governor, whose duty-’ LJ
under the law. Gen. Mercer, »' c ,|j
of tho Confederate forces, has ini° n
Military Committee that no £ r ^ a \:|jdj*|
sity exists now for calling out '■“ on ; nl( yit4
the coast, than there has been for® h :|
past. He was, therefore, constni^ J
believe that tho opportunity oft
St. Mary’s-Lad been taken ad *f ‘V
to thrust the conscript Wf°°
the Legislature. He
attitude o?ppposit' on .
ivernmont, nno t°
of its laws
suffered
IHH9