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gc John H. Christy.
VOLUME IX.
to Site, politics, ^gtkaUnre, dDniranl ISteratot, $t.
Two Dollars, in advance.
ATHENS, DECEMBER 17, 1863.
NUMBER 88.
t he southern watchman.
TERMS.
ONLY TWO DOLLARS A-YEAR,
V l|- ( ,,., j.niil in alliance; utlierxruic, Three Dollar*.
-,-N» r # l ,cr will Be discontinued (except at the optio i
■" ‘ ‘ 0 f the editor) until all arrearages are paid.
advertising.
mivcrtisemeuU inserted at the usual rates.
r*T
ivortiseinunt#, when not minked, will be
1 till forbid, at One Dollar per square of 9 lines
and Fifty Cents por square for each sub.se-
A liberal deduction to yearly advertisers.
o' lnecmonts of enndidutes $5. in advance.
.oi l riiry notioes exceeding six linos in length
. i.o-d as advertisements.
Easiness ;mb professional Cnrbs.
A,
>\. WYNG & CO., Dealers in
;i.U:l)WARR, CHOCKERV, CHINA AND
I , jj vail direct, Athens, (1a. tf
i l l! 1;NS STEAMCOMPANY.~
;; >’ lOKERSON, Agent and Superintendent.—
(t„,.,f. K "iror? of Circular Saw Mills, Steam En-
j ■«. Wiring and Lifting" PUMPS, Shavting and
V., |.■ s :: Mux, (tis and all other kinds of GEAR-
1 lit.>s and Brass Castings, of every description.
TrUHiNd. ltpp.Tinng and Finishing promptly exe-
' .' ' Ai-i.-i-t imttoms of Iron Fencing. Terms, casii.
n \V,& 11. XI. J. LONG, Wholesale
\j t mid R. ti-.il DRUGGISTS, Athens, fla.
1 L. McCLESKEY, M.D., having
rm;uienlly located in Athens, will continue
,-tice of Medicine and Surgery, Residence, that
v occupied by Mr. Chase—Office, at home, where
G
• Fund.
tf
A. LOW RANCE, Surgeon Den-
kW;
i 1» TIST. Athens, Ua. Office on CollegeAvcnuo,
rhf Jewelry store of Messrs. TalraadgoA Winn.
H G1LLELAND, Dentist, Wat-
• kin«ville, (5a., respectfully solicits tho patron-
rf fiiic Mirroumiing country. Full satisfaction will
li firm in his profession. tf
T M. KENNEY, (next door to the
1# Batik of Athens.) constantly keeps on hand STA-
’x FANCY DRY (500DS, and Choice Family
rh, ,p f«.r cash, ortr. prompt customers.
J M. MATTHEWS, Attorney at
}
OHN 11. CHRISTY, Plain and
Fam v LOOK AND JOB PRINTER, Broad St.,
Athnif. b:i. Office corner Broad and XVall streets, over
ilr-terc uf Sansom »t Pit tarct. tf
F. O'KELLEY, Photograph and
. AMBROT V PK ARTIST. Rooms on Broad and
ij. stru ts, o- er the score of John R. Matthews,
i;>. tin. MarR-tf
K. DAVIS, Land Broker, Collec-
• TOU and GENERAL AGENT, Augusta, Ga.—
ness attended to in any county of the State. Office
cr X Jnukson aru KHis t<treotd.
] P. MASON & CO., Bookbinders.
V . Pniicr Rulers and Blank Book Manufacturers,
Atlanta, On.
J. H. Christy, Agent,
july22-ly
l’aji
Wl.iuhall >trcet
Athens. ti.i.
T) ATMAN & SUMMEY, Dealers in
1 HAH lAVAR K and CUTLERY, corner of Broad
ml Wall rtreats. Athens, GtU
1) lTNl-rmFNG LAN D & FREE-
1 M \\, Wholesale and Retail Dealers in GROCE-
Ku:>. LBV tiOOUS, HARDWARE, SHOES & BOOTS,
Bn;ad Street, Athens, Gn. ^
]) liARRY, Fashionable Boot and
1 • SHOE MAKER, Broad street, Athens, Ga., is
1 ‘iivs in ri-adinesa to fill orders in his line.
w
r M. G. DELON Y, Attorney at
LAW, Athens, Go., will attend promptly toall
Office on Broad street,
tf
sMDc.'f cntru^tiMl to bis care,
pter I. M. Kenney’s store.
TIT34. PHILIPS, Attorney at Law,
1V Marietta, (la., will practice in nil the counties
c-f the Bine Ridge Circuit, in the county of Fulton, of tho
t *,.a Circuit, in the Supremo Court, and in tho U. S.
iintrict I’ourt at MsrirtU. tf
\Y HITE & R1TCH, Wholesale &
1 T Rcuil CLOTHIERS and MERCHANT TAI-
10RS, Broad street, Athens, Ga.
\\ r M. N . W H ITE, Bookseller and
M STATIONER, aad Newspaper and Magasine
.(jin! —In-nler in Music A Musical Instruments, Lamps,
init Cutlery, Fancy Goods, Ac., comer Broad Street and
(•'liege Ay onuc. Orders promptly filled at Augustarates.
GLOBE HOTElT
Augusta, Ga.
AUSTIN MULLARKY, PROPRIETOR.
VOTI (’E.—Paisengers holding Through Tickets, will
* * be carried to and from this Hotel free of Omnibus
firi-. Feb. 27.—ly
REMOVAL.
T HE ?uh,oriber lias removed his Boot and Shoe Es
tablishment to his furmer stand on the east side of
P'hnii > iryet, where he will be pleased to wait on his
fner>,l< and the public.
Lula. CHARLES HUGHES.
BLACKSMITEING.
REMOVAL.
T'll. subscriber has removed his shop to th^tand
'"imerlv occupied by J. B. Burpvo, corner of Jack-
s * : ‘d Clayton streets—where be is ready to have
“yytliing in thcBlacksmithinglinopromptly e^iCUteu.
I/lRBl.S. New Orleans Syrup ;
? yl M half obis. “ «
’ r ..lr cheap for cash. J* I. COLT.
1. No. 11 and 12, Franklin House Building.
1AV Buggies! Buggies!
1() M:\V BUtiGIES,
I Second-hand Buggy,
' lour Horse Wagon,-
1 Two Horse Wagon,
' One Horse Wagon,
' Ox Cart, uow anil complete,
J Fair Carry-Log Wheels,
1 Carrv-Log, complete, second hand,
* and Wagon Spokes,
','7 shafts, Hubs and Felloes, EnameUed Cloth, Pat-
.' 'father, Buggy and Wagon Harness, all kinds of
Triimnit.»o J T>^,x u...n»ue .Q.aIa Ittnl ITniior
I lS Trimmings
1 LC ml *i- 10 iowb i
Band, Harness, Pole and^Upper
JOHN H. NEWTON.
her 16.
Office Southern Express Co.
1 1 Notice.
A . height most bo paid for on delivery. Otber-
tuk W T’ w '" te brought, back and stored at owner a
T^npensc. WM. WILLIAMS.
r “ e ’ 1 '. April .10, 1362.
Agent
House and Lot for Sale.
R ® •j Wrlhor itfcrs for sale bis bouse and lot in
Vtm .'' j| 'kain, adjt ining Mrs. Baxter. There are two
tt.,’ 1 ' lot, a nice wqll of good water, and ill ne-
kt» ? “"‘tulMingf, The improvements generally are
1 pK^l state of repair. Z. IVY.
IC'.s ® 00dand
^■ascars
Speech of Hon. H. V. Johnson,
Delivered in Milledgeville t Georgia, Thurs
day, December 4, 1860—Reported express
ly for the Daily Intelligencer—By A. E.
Marshall.
At tho hour of 7 p. m. Mr. Johnson en
tered tho Hail of the House of Represen
tatives, accompained by Hon. A. E Coch
rane, ofGlynn, and Hon. Mr. Washing
ton, of Bibb; and was greeted with pro
longed applause by the largo audience
who, notwithstanding the inclement night
had assembled.
Mr. Washington, on announcing to tho
assemblage tho natno of the distinguished
speaker, said : In response to a call from a
large number of his friends and fellow-cit-
i>.ons at the Capitol assembled the Honor
able Herschcl V. Johnson, Senator elect to
Hie Congress of tho Confederate States of
America, being now present, will address
tho people.
Mr. Johnson (Vice President Stephens
occupying the Chair) roRe and said :
Follow-citizens : As has just been stated
to you I appear here to-night, in response
to an invitation signed by a large number
of members of the Senate and of tho House
of Representatives of the State of Georgia
to address you upon the condition of our
country.
The now relation which I occupy to tho
people of Georgia, invests its citizens with
the right to my sentiments; and imposos
upon me tho doty to express them.
1 had supposed that my political ante
cedents since the rupture of the Charles
ton Convention in 1860 had consigned me
to private life. I was sincerely content
that it should have been so. Indeed, at
that time, I anticipated that such would
bo the result; but I faced it firmly bo»
cause I was honest in my convictions of
duty and public policy;. but the General
Assembly of Georgia has thoilght proper
to assign mo tho position of Senator in
the Congress of the Confederate States.
Whilst 1 question tho wisdom of their
choice, 1 should be untrue to tho feelings
of my heart if I were to suppress my sense
of gratitude for thisdistinguished evidence
of public confidence. I neither desired
norexpectedthesonatorialoffi.ee; but it
would be uncandid to say that my elec
tion is not a source of gratification ; since
it makes mo the recipient of a compliment
of which any man, under the circumstan
ces, ought to be proud. Therefore, in lan
guage as sincere as it is simple, I thank
the General Assembly for the honor con
ferred upon me.
It is well known that I opposed tho se
cession of Georgia. Not that I doubted
the right of secession, for I always main
tained it and I maintain it6lill; (applause)
but from reasons of policy only. I desir
ed tho co-operation of the slave States in
an honest ami earnest effort to maintain
our rights in tho Union if possible, and
defond them out of the Union if necessary.
(Cheers.) _
I believed that the preservation of the
Union was an object worthy of patriotic
desire, and earnest effort by tho united
South for its accomplishment. I had hope
of success—at all ovents I thought the ex
periment ought to be made.
My humble councels were overruled.
Georgia as she had the right to do, with
drew from the Union and resumed her
separate independence, and, from that
hour, I resolved that fute should be my
fate; that her people were my people
her and that where they might be
buried there would I be buried also.
(Cheers.) The ship is yet fast to its
moorings; the passengers and cargo
on board are ready for the voyage; the
sky |looks stormy; the captain hesita
ting to sail, submits tho question to the
passengers, and by a largo majority they
vote in the affirmative. Her cables are
loosed and her sheets are given to the
winds. Anon, a storm springs up, the
ocean is lashed into fury, the vessel trem
bles and'creaks from stem to stern—she
springs a leak, and the cry is heard, “to
the pumps! to the pumps!” What would
you think of that man who would turn a
deaf ear to the call because ho had voted ,
against tho embarkation ? The indignant
passengers would hurl him into the boiling
deep to struggle and perish in its billowed
wrath. And so say I. Georgia lay in
port dissatisfied, chagrined, enraged. The
question was whether she should loose
her cables and trust her fate to the winds
and waves. I and many others, as true pa
triots as over trod her decks, said: No, don’t!
the storm cloud is visible, let U3 pause and
see if it will be dispersed, or whether we
-mayn.>tavert its threatened fury. But
the majority said cut loose, and give her
to the winds and the waves, and
now the storm is up, the ocean is
lashed into anger, the billows beat and
the thunders peal around her, and the
cry is heard from all quarters, “ to tho
pumps, to the pumps!” and I say woo be
tide that recreant son who will turn a
deaf car to the thrilling summons (Choere.)
Thore is a work to do—bloody work
.—work for brawn and brain—work for all.
Lot every man perform his part to bring
our baik into calm waters and a sunny
port. It’s freighted with the lives, the
happiness and liberties of eight millions of
* freemen ; the highest interests of human
civilization, and the last hope of republi
can liberty. Let us have courage equal
to the crisis; fortitude commensurato
with trial, and faith strong as the bonds of
duty.
Our country, follow-citizens, is scourged
by a war that has no parallel, perhaps, in
the annals of history. It is unparalleled:
in the vast extent of territory over which:
it spretfda'Us Will of flee; in its sacrifices of
blood and treasure; tho incalculable inlor-
. . —1:-fl aonc o upon the
ing ;every
it affects
does
the fate of republican liberty is suspended
upon the issue.
For the present my post of service will
be in the Confederate Senate. I feel hum-
hied under a sense of the grave responsi
bility. Who is equal to it in this perilous
hour of our country’s fate? “Fools rush
in where angels fear to tread;” and as for
mo, I would have rejoiced had the burden
been thrown upon some one more able to
boar it. I have Bpoken of tho condition of
our country, under the figure of storms.
We gaze with awe upon the tempest as it
uproots the forest, shakes the adamantine
hills, and fills tho vault above with the
echo of fits thunders. We are elevated
and inspired by the sublimity of the scene.
But I am overwhelmed with the magni
tude, and terror, and wrath, and carnage
of this revolution. It seems resistless as
the tempest and may be destined to shako
the nations like an earthquake. What can
I do—so feeble and short-sighted—to stay
its desolating march, or temper the fury,
or guide the sweep of its terrific wing ?
But the post of duty has boen assigned,
and iu fear of God, and I trust a proper ap-
perciation of the responsibility I will go
and do the best I can. (Cheers.)
Why such a war as this ? What have
we done to the North ? When did we ev
er wrong her people ? Why then are our
gallant men slain in battle, our soil invad-
edj our seaports beleaguered, our town and
homes threatened witli fire and desolation
our social and domestic institutions im
periled, and tho people of these Confeder
ate States sought to be subjugated ? It is
because wo assert and maintain the great
American doctrine that Government de
rives its just powers from the consent
of the governed, and that it is the right
of the people, when it becomes destructive
of the ends for which it was ordained, to
throwit off and erect new safeguards for
the preservation of their liberties. The
Federal Government at Washington ig
nores these cardinal principles of its own
Constitution, substitutes those of despo
tism in their stead, and seeks to force them
upon us by the bayonet and sword. We
stand where our fathers stood in 76; they,
where Great Britain stood, except that
their attitude is more odious, because false
to a common and renowned ancestry and
toachorous to the Constitution which they
profess to revere. But our fathers tri
umphed, and if true to ourselves under the
blessing of Heaven, we may hope to tri
umph also.
To Insure success, we must have a clear
conception of the object to be -attained.
This underlies all the interests involved.
It is primary and paramount. Without
it, it becomes an aimless contest, and at
every step we shall be bewildered by in
creasing confusion, and fail in that concen
tration of energies which is indispensable
to our cause. What, then, is the object to
be attained ? Certainly not to prove that
ours are more brave and more skillful in
the use of the weapons of war than the
Federal armies. Certainly not to conquer
the North, by confiscating their property,
desolating their homes, destroying their
people, and uprooting their institutions.
We would do them no harm, if they would
let us alone. We are willing to hold them,
as we do the rest of mankind, enemies in
war; in peace—friends. What, then, Jot
me repeat, is the object we sees to accom
plish ? It is two-fold : first, to achieve out
independence, and finally to establish a good,
government for ourselves and our posterity.
The one mupt be won chiefly by the sword;
the other must bo the offspriug of wise
and prudent statesmanship on the part of
officials, and stern virtue on the part of the
people. The one demands a vigorous pros
ecution of the war;-the other unsleeping
vigilance in guarding the rights and'sove
reignty of the States against the unauthor
ized encroachments of power.
It is a fatal mistake to confound inde
pendence with good government. Too many
regard them as synonymous, whilst they
are as distinct as light is from darkness.
Independence means merely separate na
tionality—the recognized right to dotor-
mino our own relations to, and regulate
our intercourse with other powers. Good
government implies the best political or
ganism for the protection of popular rights
and the advancement of its citizens in civil
ization and domestic happiness. A politi
cal community may'he independent; that
is, possess a recognized separate nationali
ty, and still be tTie victims of despotism.-
Mexico is independent, but its people are
cursed with bad government. The nations
of continental Europe are independent,
but their people, without exception, crouch
beneath the iron heel of tyranny.
We may achieve our independence, and
in its achievement wo may lose popular
liberty: Whilst wo are intent and unswerv-
ingly resolved upon the achiovemont.of the
former, throughout all the struggle, no
matter how many phases it may present,
tho people and rulers must keep good go
vernment in view as the end ; it not, our
revolution is more worthless than rags.
independence, xnis, i repeat,
chiefly the work of the sword—of our brave
soldiers and their skillful commanders.—
Looking to this element of success, the pa6t
justifies cheering hopes for the future.—
Considering our inferiority in number} and
equipments, the paucity of our means at
the beginning of the contest, and the fact
that we are thrown entirely upon our own
resources, being cut off from supplies
through the ordinary channels of foreign
commerce, it is won ierful that we have
not been overwhelmed. Tho old vuorld
stands amazed at tho success of our arms.
Since the war began, we have fought more
battles and won more victories than were
overcrowded within tho same space of
tuno. The balance of victories is largely
in our favor; the zeal of our people is un-
diininished, and the courage of our sol
diery as indomitable as in the first hour of
onthusiasm, when they rallied, in the tent
ed field. Our energies are being strength
ened, our resources multiplied and devel
oped, and our armaments, of every kind,
augmented. We have no reason to give
up the contest. There is no retreat but
in chains and slavory—no submission but
dishonor and degradation. But we
Fellow-citizens, pause for a moment, and
consider the value of good government.
It implios the largest liberty of every in
dividual citizen, that is compatible with
the general safoty and welfare. It implies
a universal obedience to the laws that pro
tects private, property, private rights, re
putation and life. It implies necessarily
under our system, a firm maintenance of
the sovereignty of the States. [Applause.]
Without that, we shall drift into consoli
dation or some forth; of despotism. We
have abandoned the old government of the
United States because the sovereign rights
of the. respective 1 *
the South, we
that our
especially of
* ” ved
in the
must be patient under trials and privat ions,
and, with willing hearts, wo must make
the sacrifices which our condition demands,
for these constitute tho price of liberty.
At her birth she was christened in tears
and blood. Those who expect the protec
tion of her divinity must be roady and
willing to lay upon her altar the costly
offerings which sho- exacts from her vota
ries. •
Our armies must bo furnished with cloth
ing, the sick cared for, and the families of
those in tho field made comfortable by the
bounty of those who remain at home. Hero
is a great work for philanthropy and pa
triotism. It appeals to the noblest feelings
of our nature, and it is gratifying to wit
ness the promptness with which the people
everywhere arc performing thoir dot;'.
And it is equally gratifying to see tho libe
ral appropriations which this present Gen
eral Assembly propose to make to secure
necessary comfort and support for the
families of soldiers in tho service of ;hoir
country. There are soma, it is t rue, who
are growing rich by traffic in thq^iecr-ssa-
rios of life. Necessity compels the pur
chaser to give all they ask, and they ask
what would make old Shylock blush. Let
them fatten upon their gains; it is the
price which they pay for the scorn stored
up for them in the retributions of their in?
dignant country. Still it is true and en
couraging to the patriot’s heart, that the
great mass of the people, of all ages and
both sexes, are coming up to the work with
an energy and devotion that will illustrate
the brightest page of cur history. Note
how the patriotism of our noble women
shines out with bright and attractive lustre.
They spiD, and weave, and knit, and sew,
while the tear of bereavement bedews their
cheeks. They mourn a husband, son, or
brother fallen in the strife, and yet, with
tireless hands, they toil on for the com
fort of the surviving brave. Let the work
go on, until every soldier in our army shall
be.cla<l and shod. It is as necessary to
success as armies and munitions of war.
It is a solemn duty we owe to oursdves
and our cause, to hold up and strengthen
the arm of government, in all proper meas
ures of resistance to tho common foe. We
may criticise the measures of Congress
and of our military commanders. Lt is
right to do so. . But it should he in a spirit
of candor and truth ; in a spirit of gener
ous confidence towards them, and of toler
ance and forbearance among ourselves.—
They may err, but there is no reason to
suppose that they wickedly err. Our in
terest is their interest—our doom is their
doom. Their honor and fame depend upon
success, and there is not a motivo or con
sideration that moves the bosom of man,
that does not plead trumpet-tongued for
thorn to be honest, patriotic aiidfaithfal to
the solemn trust committed to their charge.
I cannot say that I approve of all the acts
of the Confederate Congress, or of the
leaders of our armies. But I do say, that
I am willing to forego, for the sake of our
cause, my objections to the former whilst
J am ready to confess, not being a military
man, and being far removed from the scenes
of conflict, that my animadversions upon
the lattor are entitled to but little consid
eration. I will specify the conscription
laws, as my opinions respecting them have
been called in question. I do honestly
and sincerely believe they are unconstitu
tional. But I am willing to give duo
weight to the apparent necessity for their
enactment, and now that they have gone
into operation, I deem it wiso to acquiesce
in their enforcement. At this critical time
of our country’s fato, who can calculate-
the baleful disaster of a conflict between
the State and Confederate authorities ?
The most difficult problom in the science
of Government—-one which has not been
solved—is to provide a mode Compatible'
with its structure, its duration and vigor,
by which the tendency to centralism may
be checked, and the rights-of the minority
protected againsf the usurpations of tho
majority. Without this, no government
can'be perfect. The Constitution oL the
United .States contains nothing adequate
to such "an fend, and oujps being almoiit a
literal transcript, the Confederate Govern
ment is consequently similarly imperfect.
The Southern States, for more than a quar
ter of a century^ by argument, protest,
warning and threatening, sought to arrest
the encroachments of Federal power, and
Abolition fanaticism.
iy But it was fruitless. In 1832, tq
the oppression and.injustice of the T*
view the
as our
achieve due
a headstrong majority. At last, tho Con
federate States resolved on separation.
This bloody war is the fruit. Now what
are we to do, if ihe Confederate Congress
adopts unconstitutional measures 1 Resist
them ? How ? Shall we nullify or secede ?
The one inaugurates an intor-revolution;
the other dissolve* the Confederate States.
Is this a proper time then to resist, by ei
ther mode, the Conscription laws—now
when wo are engaged in a life and death
struggle for independence ? No; but for
the Bake of «ur cause I would acquiesce in
their execution. This I would have the
State to do; but at the same time, to re
cord her calm, deliberate and firm protest
against their unconstitutionality, to the
end, that they may not have tho force and
effect of precedent.
Germain to this, I would warn my coun
trymen against the fell demon of party
spirit. Lot private and theoretic questions
be freely entertained; but eschew organ
ized warfare against, any man—high or
low—in office or out of office for opinion’s
sake. What we must have is disinterested
patriotism on the part of all—union of all
heads, hearts and hands against the com
mon enemy. If the exigencies and perils
of our condition be not sufficient to tuso us
into harmonious brothorhood, our cause is
lost. Wo are but playing a game of chance
upon our mother’s coffin.
Bat whilst I speak thus, it is far from
my purpose to counsel indifference, on the
part of the people, to the measures of Con
gress and the conduct of officials. They
shxmld bo vigilant and jealous of their
rights and the sovereignty of the States.
They should study well tho Constitution ;
they should hold public functionaries—high
and subordinate—to a rigid accountability.
They should be willing to make large sur
renders of opinion; but the argument of
necessity has its limits. It should never
be tolerated in excuse for measures sub
versive of republican govornmout. And
here is a great work for the patriotic press
of our country. It is a tremendous lover
of power—a curse, if venal—a blessing, if
? ure, patriotic, impartial and intelligent,
t ought to be the great seed sower of pub
lic knowledge and virtue, for these are the
bulwarks of liberty. Lot it sound the note
of alarm, when real danger threatens, but
lond its energies to rebuke faction when
it seeks, unnecessarily, to shake public con
fidence in the trusted agents of tho people.
Some entertain fears of a military despo
tism, and think they see tendencies in
that direction. Our safeguard against
that is in one harmonious union and a gene
rous confidence in the government, by the
people ard the army. 1 have no idea that
any man in the cabinet or the field feels
the first unholy aspiration for a| crown.
We may possiblj’ drift on to such a melan
choly fate; for revolution is always dan
gerous to liberty. But if such a purpose
should over be conceived it will not be un
til the people shall be torn by faction and
party, and Congress, by imbecility or
corruption, shall forfeit public confidence.
In such a revolution as this—well under
stood by the people to be for independence
and good government—anarchy must be
in sight before despotism is to be feared.
It was proposed to Washington to assume
a crown under the title of Protector. But
it was not until alter Congress had become
utterly inefficient, lost the confidence of the
separate States,and widespread embarrass
ment had well nigh destroyed tho hopes
and energies of the country. The state of
war itself is almost a despotism. Military
commanders must be clothed with great
powers, and soldiers trained to absolute and
unguestioning obedience, enforced, if need
be, by the most summary sanctions.
Without this we should lose every battle,
and easily pass under tho£yoko. It looks
like tyranny, and it is well calculated to
produce dissatisfaction and alarm in the
minds of a people sensitive and jealous of
their rights. Epauletted upstarts may
abuse their power, and oven experienced
Generals may usurp, but Congress holds
correcting rod. Call into the public coun
cils, and to all the high places of trust,
your ablest and purest men, who will, ad
here to the Constitution, and bring with
them a ripe and comprehensive statesman
ship. So far as good government is con
cerned, our destiny is in onr own bands.
Liberty is safe while we are united and
virtuous ; despotism will Bpring up only
in the confusion of anarchy or the unre-
buked corruptions of power. We have
an admirable Constitution—not -perfect,
indeed, but perhaps as nearly so as human
wisdom can construct it. It is certainly
-sufficient for good government if honestly
and. faithfully adminstered.
South Carolina adopted an ordinan
nullification. ..'But it was soon discov.;
that civil war and consequently .the entire
-subversion of the: government would er. sue:
The Constitutioni contained no mode-'of
It is a truth which we ought to know
and appreciate as necessary to the develop
ment of all our energies and resources,
that we stand alone. If yvo succeed, we
must do so by our own might, under
the favor of Heaven. We have not tho
heartfelt sympathy, nor need we expect
the aid of a single nation of the earth. The
indulgence of delusive hopes on this scoto
havo done us injury. It has encouraged
some^degreo of apathy among the people
and I presume it is the main reason why
our government, in the beginning, did not
oxert its utmost power to create or pro
cure a navy. It was said Franco could
not dispense'with tobacco, nor England
with cotton, and from this was argued a
spoedy raising of the blockade, recognition
and close of the war. I never entertained
these expectations. ' It is too gratifying to
the jealous thrones of Europe to see the
Union ruptured, and tho people cutting
each others’, throats. A successful repub-
*■“ ' *‘ nding rebuke to monarchy, and
. ipeal to the oppressed to throw
chains. If France and England
gnize us, they would hesitate
to incur a war wkh^ the United States.
eyo: ;ia eagferi^
Other reasons additional, control the
policy of Groat Britain. She does with
out our cotton because she desires to crip
ple our monopoly of its production, and at
the same time, encourage its sufficient
g rowth in some of her own dependencies.
be may not be able, but her ministry evi
dently think she can do so. Hence, though
her negro philanthropy is hollow-heartod,
yet nhe will rejoice at the overthrow of
slavery here, because it will destroy this
important branch of our agriculture.
Again, she will not provoke war with
the United States, lest it might re-unite
the North and South for common defence.
She does not know how wide and deep is
the gulf between the two sections. She
wants to make wider, and deeper, and im
passible. Hence she pats both sections on
the Bhoulder, professes to sympathize, while
she drives an unrestricted commerce with
the North. _ *
Nor should it be overlooked that, while
she consumes onr cotton, she also receives
heavy exportations of breadstuffs from the
grain-growing States of the North west.
The an nual|export to Great Britain amounts
to many millions. Hence, if the blockado
of our ports cuts off her supplies of cotton,
war with the United States would, to the
extent of the figures, curtail her breadstuffs,
I throw out these suggestions to aid, and
the absolute necessity of concentrating all
our elements of strength—physical, moral,
and mental—fee tho achievement of our
independence.
Indeod I fear, rather than hope for, tho
intervention of foreign powers. If itshould
ever come, it will be either when we cease
to need it, or when wo may be so enfee
bled and exhausted as to be compelled to
accept it on terms—terras humiliating to
us, but aggrandizing tc* them. If itcorno,
it will be for their benafit, notours. Who
can say they will not demand the emanci
pation ot slavery ? Or ii'our feobleness,
or tho feobleness of both sections, should
warrant such insolence, who can doubt
that they would reduce all to colonial de
pendencies, or place over us some misera
ble spawn of royalty as King? These
are shadows that.flit across tho path of the
future. I hope they are indeed but shad
ows. Still, it is wiso to provide for the
worst as if its coming were certain.
Self-reliance and the blessing of God is
our only hope. Let us realize it and act
accordingly.
I shall detain you with but a single oth
er remark. It is this: There are certain
great cardinal virtues indispensable to
good government. This is emphatically
true oi a government, ike ours, based up
on popular sovereignity. They are in
dustry, economy, temperance, truth, jus
tice, fortitude, patience, reverence for tho
laws, recognition of the Supreme authori
ty of the Divine Being and. hurablo trust
in his goodness and mercy. These should
be taught and practised front the nursery,
through all ages and conditions, up to tho
highest functionary o the Government.
The history of ou.* old Government shows
how far our people North and South de
parted from them, and wo are now under
going the chastisement of war. We do
not seek or desire to subjugate tbe North;
they never can subjugate us. Forbid it
Heaven L But wo shall all be chastised.
Though The balance of victory is largely
in our favor, still we are chastised by be
reavement and sorro w, by sacrifices and pri
vations in every form, t.nd we shall be chas
tised still until we return to the practice
of the virtues of our forefathers on which
they laid the superstructure of our Gov
ernment. Without thjse virtues, like the
Republics of Greece and Rome, wo shall
be engnlphed tn the vortex of licentious
ness and infidelity.
The distinguished orator retired from
the stand amidst the long and continued
applause ot the meoti ig, having spoken
one hour and fifteen minutes. After this
calls were made for "Vice President Ste
phens who at last ascended the stand. Up
on his appearance he was greeted with
cheer after cheer, which grew into a per
fect storm of applause When the excite
ment subsided and order was restored,
Mr. Stephens addressed a 'few' words of
apology"to the assemblage as follows:
Mr. Stephens said : Feilpw-citizons: I
arise simply to return my aeknowledge-»
monts for this complimentary demonstra
tion. I do not rise to make any speech.
I feel that it would be o ut of place. It is
perhaps proper for me 1,0 say that my pres
ence on this occasion was to listen to the
distinguished Senator w ho has just spoken.
Anything I could say would only mar the
effect which has been produced upon our
minds There is in that speech .material
for reflection for us all. I beg to return
you my sincere thanks for the compli
ments you have paid me. (Applause.)
An exchange of courtesies betweeu the
distinguished speakers and the members
of the General Assembly and citizens pres
ent, closed the proceedings. i
Gold,—A cubic inch of gold is worth at
§18,61) per.ounce,'one hundreifiand -forty-
six dollars; a cubic foot two hundred aud
fifty-two thousand two hundred and eighty-
oight.dollars; a cubic yard, six . millions
eight hundred and eleven thonsaml seven
hundred, and: seventy-six dollars. The
quantity of gold in existence io thc world
in 1856 was estimated to be three tlife—*" " J
millions of dollars, which,
mass, could be contained in a (
feet. The largest nugget in
weighs twenty two hupf
teen ounces, and is vnlu
thousand dollars.
The annual product ol
periods hue been estiuiai
A. D. 1000
“ : ,,-vV
“
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