Newspaper Page Text
—■—are-'- . • "
as
>
LETTER OF KX-SEXATOR BIGLER, OF PENN*
SYLYANIA, IX FAYOR OF PEACE.
Clearfield, Penn, Nov. 1,1862.
My Dear Sir:—In reply to your favor
of the 30th ultimo, I have to say that yon
have been rightly informed. 1 do not in
tend to be a candidate for United States
Senator at the coming election, and have
ro expresled myself to friends on all proper
occasions. I havo a number of reasons,
publio and private, for Ahis course, one of
'which is that the eastern and northern
flections of the State, make special claim
to the Senator, at this time, on the ground
that we have one in the west, recently
elected, and cannot reasonably claim both
for tho long term.
The other question you ask, “ what can
be done to savo the_country ?” is not so
readil
God I
answered. The usual response iB,
nows. Few of our best thinkers
seem to have any clear views on the ques
tion ; and it is not even certain that the
Administration at Washington has a well
defined policy to that end. I havo some
thoughts on the subject which I do not
hesitate to give you. They may seem to
you crude and on some points even
novel and startling; but they are the re
sult of somo reflection.
The sword is the only agency at work.
But the sword cannot do all. It is an
agent of destruction. It can tear down
but cannot build up. It may’chastise and
ailenco the rebels in the field; but it can
not restore confidence and fraternity among
the people estranged and alienated to each
other. If the war was against the leaders
in the South only, as many at the begin
ning supposed, then the war might put
them down, and the masses could return
to their allegiance. But the conflict turns
out to be with the whole mass of tho peo
ple within the United States, old and
young, male and female, numbering many
millions. With such a power, sooner or
later, we shall have to treat and negotiate.
The sword alone will never restore this
people to tho Union.
You well know that when tho present
calamities menaced the nation, I was for
peaceful means to avert the blow. Then
our present suffering and sacrifices could
have been avoided, and, as I believe, unity
of the States preserved for generations
without tiho sacrifice of principle, honor or
conscience on cither side; pttssion, preju
dice, fanaticism would only havo been re
quired to give way: and I still think, nay
I am suro that other means besides war
are neeussary to save our country—our
whole country—from present afflictions
and impending ruin.
I know bow easy it is to talk ahont war
and carnage; about strategic positions
and brilliant victories; about the prompt
subjugation of tho South by the North;
how pleasant it may be to somo to float in
the common current of expectation and
passion, and especially how unpleasant, if
not unsafe, it is to stem this tide. But the
time is coming, if it be not now, when the
man who would rendor bis country a sub
stantial servioe must do this. Ho must
look at the wTiole work before us, and
strike for tho right, regardless of clamor
or consequences to himself personally.
We havo had war for eighteen months,
the like of which the world has seldom
witnessed before, to sustain which a nation
al debt of startling magnitude, which must
hang over posterity long into the fnture,
has already been croated, and moro than
a quarter of a million of invaluable lives
sacrificed on the Union side alone, in ad
dition to the many thousands that have
been crippled or diseased for lifo; and yet
but little, if any, substantial progress haB
been made in the good work of re-estab
lishing the Union, or even of maintaining
'the Federal authority within the revolted
Slates. Has not, then, the experiment of
warj as a means of extricating the country
from its present deplorablo condition, been
already tested—tested at least to such an
extent as to prove its utter futility unaided
by other means.
It was a happy thought of President
Lincoln, expressed in his inaugural, that
if we went to war wo could not fight al
ways ; “ and when, after much loss on both
sides, and no gain on either, you cease
fighting, the identical old question as to
terms of intercourse is again upon you.”
This prophetic and highly significant senti
ment shows that even Mr. Lincoln, before
the war began, anticipated the timo, in
case it did begin, when it would be neces
sary to put the sword at rest, at least for
aseason,inorderto.resume the identical pld
? uestions about intercourse and settlement.
t does not seem to haveoccurred to him that
the sword oould do the whole work, but that,
inevitably, we would have to come back
to the original point to compromise and
settle. If, then, we cannot fight always,
what amount of fighting is necessary to
render it proper to prepare to cease or
suspend in order to consider terms of re
conciliation. There has already “ been
much loss on both sides and no gain on
* either;” and while the time to cease fight
ing may not yet be, the period has surely
come when other means besidos the sword
should be employed in the effort to save
the'Government and country. Certaiuly
the object of the war, and the extent to
which it is to go, should be definitely
known to the country. If it be intended
to subjugato the States in rebellion, and
bold them, not as States in the Union, but
as conquered provinces, then the sword
mast be kept in constant motion, and war
and carnago be the order of the day. Now
levies and fresh supplies may be properly
raised, for it will require a formidable array
in each of the seceded States to execute
and maintain this scheme.
If extermination be the object, then the
sword should have unrestrained license to
deal death and destruction among the
rebels in ail parts of their country, regard
less of sox, age or condition. Bui. neither
oj these purposes, if practicable, would re-
cstablisii the Union, although tbero might
rcraairj$Union, composed of certain States.
But when the Union is Te-established, the
South as well as the North must be in it;
the fatuity of States must exist as hereto
fore, else it will not be the Union about
which we have talked" so much, j»nd for
which so man J '
thee lives, i
North ovor the
I can discover, advance the welfare of the
North ; for so long as the South was so
held, their hate of the North would in
crease, and while the North so held the
South it conld do but little else; mean
while its material interests must languish
and die. Bat, in addition, such a work is
utterly inconsistent with the genius of our
institutions, and could scarcely fail to lead
to their utter perversion and ultimate over
throw, adding to the calamities of disunion
the-sacrifice of free government. Conquest
and empire, however magnificent, could
not compensate for such a loss.
To exterminate the inhabitants of the
Sonth would be a deliberate emasculation
of the Union, rendering its reconstruction
at once impracticable and hopeless, and in
volve a work of barbarity from w hich tho
people of the North would shrink in horror.
The existence of the Southern States in
somo form, with their inhabitants, and on
somo terms of intercourse, is highly essen
tial—nay. I will say indispensable—to the
welfare of the North. I am, therefore,
againBt extermination, and against the
policy of holding the Southern States as
conquered provinces. This ground can be
maintained so easily on pnrely selfish con
siderations for the North, which will occur
to all, that I need not trouble you with
their presentation on this occasion. I am
for re-establishing the Union as it was, or
making a Union as similar as practicable,
the States to be equals and to be sover
eigns to the extent the States now are,
each to havo and enjoy such domestic in
stitutions as it may choose; and were I in
Congress I should sustain that measure of
war and that only that would clearly tend
to tho accomplishment of these ends, but
no war of subjugation or extermination.
I know it will be said in reply to all this:
Then let the Southern people lay down
their arms and come back into the Union,
and all will be right again. Would to God
they could be induced so to do! There is
no guarantee in reason that I would not
be willing to grant them. But do we see
any indications of such a return to reason
and duty? I can see none, and I expect
to see none, so long as tho sword is un
accompanied by agents of settlement and
peace. When our army went to Mexico,
it was accompanied by a peace commission,
in order to embrace the earliest opportu
nity for settlement. In God’s name, I
would ask, should we do less when engaged
in a war among ourselves ? It is idle, and
worse than idle, to delude ourselves about
the nature of tho conflict in which we are
engaged. Wo cannot mnk a Union by
force alone, though we may triumph over
the South in the field, and we may as well
look the complications square in the face
as not. The first question is, do wo intend,
do wc desire, to have all the Southern
States back in the Union on the terms of
the Constitution ? If we do, then it is
seen that they are to bo the equals of the
Northern States in rights, sovereignty and
dignity. Does any one believe that such
a relation can be established and maintain
ed by the sword alone ? Should a certain
number of the States subjugate and humili
ate tho others, then they could not livo
together as equals and friends, for the sub
jugated are always tho enemies of the sub
jugators. When all the States, therefore,
resume their former relations, or now re
lations of union and intercourse, it must be
the act of all if tho settlement is to be com
plete and permanent.
I have heard a great deal about patching
up a dishonorable peace—about tho hu*-
miliation and disgrace to tho North in
volved in any and every proposition for
settlement, and there is nothing that is
said about the affairs of the country for
which I have less respect. It is even said
by some that he is a disloyal citizen who
seeks to re-establish the Union by other
means than the sword. How absurd!
The sword has been at work; its agency
has been tested, vigorously and terribly
tested—and how stands the States now
that should be in harmony ? Tho sad re
sponse is, where they were wheo the war
began, arrayed in grim and relentless hos
tility. Then why spnrn other agencies to
aid in the good work ? In tho words of
Mr. Lincoln, we cannot fight always, and
we should not fight longer unless we can
do so as a means of ultimate union and
permanent peace.
What then can be done ? and I regret
that all that should be done cannot be ac
complished promptly. Tho States in the
Union should bi in convention, or havo
delegates ready to go into convention, in
order to reaffirm the present constitution
al relations as may be found necessary to
bring together and retain all the States.
The State Legislatures could petition Con
gress for such a convention, as provided
by the constitution, and Congresij could
make the necessary provisions Tor it before
the close of the coming session. Such
State Legislatures as do not meet in the
regular order could specially convoke; and
when the necessary number of States peti
tion, it is obligatory on Congress to comply.
The body thus constituted would be com
pelled to adjust and settle all complications
which now beset it. In the midst of war,
then, wo should bo prepared to make peace;
whereas, when the time comes for settle
ment, in the absence of such a body, it
might bo fonnd that we have no compe
tent authority in existence to do the things
that may be necessary. N >or Congress
nor the Executive, nor the tv o together,
have rightful authority to change the old
cr make new relations among the States.
Congress may submit amendments to the
-Constitution for the ratification of the
States, and I believe the present calami
ties of the nation could have been averted
in that way in the winter of 1861; but
States, with the understanding that*if ft
majority of the slave States and a majority
ot free Statos accept the proposition, its
conditions should be binding until ratified
or superseded by the Stales. Suppose the
Confederate authorities reject this, or any
similar proposition, no harm conld ensue
to tho Northern cause. . Such action would
only leave them in a worse light before the
world, and the Government at Washing
ton In the better. The preliminaries for
such a movement could be readily arrang
ed by commissioners selected for th|t pur
pose. -
It may be said that we are constantly
inviting the Southern people tp lay down
their arms, and come back into the Union,
and this would seem to be conclusive, but
it must not be forgotten that they rebell
ed because, as they say, tho party now in
power at Washington would not permit
them to enjoy, in peace, the real condi
tions and covenants of 'that Union, and
that there is uo evidence that they would
fare better now. Besidos. he has studied
human nature to a poor purpose, who can
not discover that unconditional submission
involves a degree of humiliation -to which
they will never come So long as they have
any means of resistance. In tho effort to
gain hack even the masses, their passions
and pride, and self-respect, may be wisely
considered. We must give them some
now ground, some pretext, if not complete
and substantial guarantees, before we
can expect them to entertain tho idea of
forsaking their present leaders, and em
bracing the old government.
I am fully aware of the indignation and
contempt with which these suggestions
will be perused by some in both sections,
hut 1 care not; are we not engaged in an
effort to re-establish and maintain the
Union, and are not the seceded States to
compose part of that Union ? Then why
not endeavor to rescuo them from des
truction, and cultivate good relations with
them?
When tho family of States exists as here
tofore, they must become brethren and
our equals in every particular. What
pleasure, then, can we have in their des
truction or humiliation ? If there be any
friends of tho old. flag and the old govern
ment with the seceded States, they should
eltivate the same spiri t towards the North.
The absent demerit of a substantial Union
is fraternity among the people, and that
can never be furnished by tho sword. Again,
in the words of M.r. Lincoln, “there lias
been much loss on both sides and no gain
on c ; ther,” and tho identical old question
us U terms of intercourse aro upon us, and
we should seek so to adjust them as to re.
establish the Union on a firm, imperisha
ble basis.
But, it may bo asked, is this a war for
the Union ? Aro wo sure those in author
ity intend nothing elso ? They certainly
profess nothing else, and I attribute to
them nothing else. If the war is not for
the Union, and is not directed with sole
reference to that end, then it is tho most
stupendous fraud that has evor been prac
ticed upon the world. We all know how-
ever, that many, very mauy ofitspartizans
will mot beSatisfiod with that issue. It
might be very important, therefore, to the
salvation of the country, when tho time
for reconstruction comes, if ever it should
come, to have the soundings on this point
taken in advance. I should like exceed
ingly to soc a popular vote taken in the
North, especially in New England, be
tween the proposition to receive all the
States back into tho Union on terms of
the constitution, which makes the States
equal and alike sovereign, each with the
right to have such domestic institutions
as it may chooso; and a proposition to re
cognize the independence of the Southern
Confederacy.
It might be interesting as well as in
structive to unveil the hypocrisy of a
certain school of politicians who have
clamored so zealously abou t tho war for
the Union. It is painfully apparent that
notwit hstanding this clamor, they do not
intend the Union shall exist liercaftor on
tho terms of the Constitution, if it is to
embrace all the States. The ratio of slave
representation, and the rendition of fugi
tive slaves, are features of tho Constitu
tion which they condemn and abhor. Be
tween the maintenance of these and the
recognition of the Southern Confederacy,
many ofthem, in my judgment, four to one
would prefer the latter. Their aversion
to these clauses of the alienation and hos
tility of the South, and I fear they wo.ild
not yield that aversion now to render the
Union what it onco was. Let Mr. Lincoln
try this question if ho would solve the
problem of the nation’s imbroglio.
Do not understand me that 1 would
J deld the sword or any other means calcu-
ated to render tho Union what it
was. What I mean is that if the Union,
that and that only, is * the object the
tho sword will never find the belligerents
in a better condition to consummate that
work than no\v, and that other agencies
ATHENS, GEORGIA:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, DEC. 17.
largest Circulation of any Pa;cr mr published in Athens!
SEE FOURTH PAGE.
Advertising,
to bey houses and
er “ the machine” shall be run on a
Rights or Consolidation schedule
If you want to be y houses and lots,
lands and negroes, horses, mules, milch
cows, or any thing elec—
If you have those articles, or anything
else for sale—
If you have negroes to hire, or wish to
biro negroes of other people—
If you have lost anything—
It you have found anything—
In short, if you want to do anything, adver
tise in the Southern Watchman, which
has a circulation not only larger than that
of any other paper published here, but
larger than itself has over before had!
DEATH OF GEN. T. R. R. COBB.
It is with profound regret that we chron
icle the deatli of Gon. Thomas R. R. Cobb,
of ibis place, who was killed at Frodoricks-
burg, Va., in an engagement with the Ab
olitionists, on Saturday last.
The sad tidings produced a stunning ef
fect in this community, where he was born
and reared, and spent ail tho years of his
life.
The deceased was o:f an ardent, enthusi
astic and impetuous temperament. Of
rafo mental endowments, a mind well cul
tivated and-unliring industry, he was dis
tinguished for his usefulness. Whatever
he undertook, he went at it with all his
might, and consequen tly was enabled to
accomplish what, to most men would have
been impossibilities. He was, emphatical
ly, a working man.
As a lawyer, Gen. C. leaves no superior
behind—while as a military man, he was
fast building up an enviable reputation and
.had endeared himself to the men under his
command. But. better than all, Gen. Cobb
.was a pious man—having been for many
years a member, and we believe, an elder
in tbe Presbyterian church.
Ilis death will be regretted by the en
tire community’, and his memory cherished
by ail our peopio. Among the long list of
martyrs who have fallen in tho cause of
Southern independence, the namo of Thom
as It. It. Cobb wit 1 shine conspicuously on
the pages of history.
SENATOR BltiM R’S LETTER.
As a part of tire history of tho times, we
copy the letter of Senator Bigler this week.
It will be seen that some of the peopio of
tho North are getting tired of the war.
His notions of re-construction, however,
will meet with no sympathy at the South.
SENATOR HILL’S SPEECH.
Tho Hon. B. H. Hill delivered a spoech
before the Legislature one night last week,
in dofcnco of the President, tho Conscript
Act, &c., which is said
best speech of his lifo.
be reported at Milledgeville. If so, we
shall copy it at our earliest convenience.
to have been the
Wo presume it will
now the disorders of the country are proba
bly too complicated to be reached in that
form.
Meanwhile, the President and Congress
.should prepare the way for settlement.
Indeed, by consulting the people through
the ballot-box, they might make a settle
ment, to be ratified by the States thereafter.
Let tbe President propose an armistice,
for tbe purpose of considering some pro
gramme of reunion and settlement,ip which
the feelings and rights of the masses in
the Sonth shall be duly appreciated and
provided for. Invite them to oomo back
on the conditions of the constitution, with
explicit definitions on controverted points,
or on new conditions, with the fullest as
surance of justice and equality when tho;
should be promptly employed, f yield
to no man in devotion and loyalty to the
Union as it was, and to .the principles of
government transmitted to us by our fath
ers. The maintenance and porpetaation
of these shall be the objects nearest my
heart, whethor I be in private or publio
lifo. With much esteem, I remain,
Yours truly, Wm. Bigler.
To S. I). Anderson, Esq., Philadelphia, Pa.
9a&" Prince de Joinville has just publish
ed in the Paris Revue des Deux Mondes, an
interesting as well as very remarkable paper
on the uuhject of the campaign be recently
made, with his two royal nephews, by the
side of Geuoral McClellan. At tho close
of the Prince’s narrative occurs the follow
ing striking passage:
If the struggle between the two sections
now.in arms should be prolonged, if the
solution of tlieir groat conflict should be
much farther postponed, then evtlsof anoth
er character may spring from it. Urged
on by the passions and necessities of the
struggle, tbe Federal Government may
proclaim the abolition of slavery, and may
even be impelled to employ a terrible
means cff carrying on the war, by arming
the slaves against ther masters. Bat such
. a measure, apart from its features of vio
lence and barbarity would be of no profit
to those who should adopt it. It would
lead to irrepressible divisions, in the bosom
of the Northern States far more beneficial
urious to tho secession cause.
JALT!
sT
SALT!
Adjournment of the Legislature.
Tfie General Assembly of Georgia ad
journed on Saturday last, to meet again in
April. So soon us we can obtain a list of
tbe captions of the Acts passed, we shall
publish the same.
Large Turnip.
We were presented the other day by J.
L. Williamson, Esq. of Jackson county,
with a turnip which would bo considered
large at any time, and which, in these revo
lutionary times, will pass for a mammoth.
We learn that Mr. W. lias a peculiar mode
of sowing seed, which always insures large
turnips. We hope he will communicate
his plan to the public.
AQrSco the business c ard of R. M. Parks
&Co., Atlanta, Ga. From along acquain
tance with tbe senior of the fir m, Dr. R. M.
Parks, wo feel no hesitancy whatever in
recommending the new concorn to the
patronago qf tho publics—feeling well as
sured that all will bo pleased with it.
For example, this toadyism is displayed
in this way: Many profound jurists and
able lawyers and thousands of intelligent
and patriotic gentlemen call in question
not only the constitutionality but the pol
icy of the Conscript Acts of Congress. The
President having recommended conscrip
tion,'it is argued that all who do not go
for it are enemies of the President and un
friendly to tbe Government! Away with
all such nonsense ! No honest man ever
agreed with any President in all his views
—and some of tho purest patriots we ever
had havo boon personal and politioal ene
mies of some of our Presidents !
The Poople of this country will Bustain
Jefferson Davis whenever they beliovo
him to be right, and condemn him when
Ahoy think he is wrong. When they cease
to do this, they become the most abject
slaves on earth, and aro not worth fight
ing for. -
Impossibility of Subjugation.
We make tho following extract from a
recent letter of the.Richmond correspond
ent of the London Times :
“ Well may a nation bo confident of win
ning its independence which can exhibit
such spectacles as every day produces
wherever a Southern army is in the field.
There, in poverty, hunger and dirt, shoe
less, with shirts ragged and rent, often
without hats, their feet bleeding as they
drag their weary limbs through dust and
briar, are serving in the ranks the gentle
men and the sangre azul of. the South.—
Man}’ among whom, until the commence
ment of the war, had scarcely a thought
beyond the Cafe Joy and the Boulevards
of Paris, and to whose morning toilet every
diversity of cosmetic was as necessary as
water, has for months been marching un
der a musket, without one single change
of raiment,- feeding on green maize and
raw pork, lying at night on the bare earth,
with a single blanket between him and the
canopy of heaven.
And these men—many of them bearing
sonic of England’s most honored names,
and descended from England’s best fami
lies—aro in the field, and have been so for
nineteen months, fighting against merce
naries who have repudiated England, as
though she were governed by a Nero, and
have escaped from German penury and
conscriptions. Whatever may have been
the truth last winter, it is not pretended
now that the Northern armies are not
mainly composed of men of foreign birth !
Where are the native Americans of weight
and influence serving in the Northern ar
mies? Why docs not Wendell Phillips
take the field ? Men older than he are
serving by dozens in the Southern ranks.
Whero is Charles Sumner’s musket? Tho
Senati could not spare Senator Baker, in
no wise Mr. Sumner’s inferior in intellect,
and it were a noble answer to the South,
which sneers at non-duelists for want of
courage, to show how one of that class can
comport himself upon the perilous edge of
battle. It is but probable that, with un
opposed command of the sea and the great
rivers during their autumu floods, the South
may lose thousands more of her sons, in
addition to that great sea of blood which
has already’ been cheerfully poured out in
her defence. But let her be left without a
single city or village, with nothing but her
internal fastnesses and her immense area
of territory’, and, though every man in the
North under fifty were to take the field,
they would be inefficient e,ver to make such
a nation as tbe South lie at the feet of her
enemy.”
Is it not strange that when all the rest
of mankind are satisfied that the work is
an utter impossibility, the Abolition Go
vernment at Washington still perseveres
in its insane attempt to subjugate the South
ern States ? Aro they still blinded by that
unreasoning fanaticism which ignores all
the teachings of history, despises the sug
gestions of common sense and madiy rush
es forward to attempt impossibilities?-—
They will awake from their insane folly
after awhile, it is to be hoped; though it
may be many years yet.
old bUUo win have to "b„“
We can see increasing evidence 0 f
everyway. But “ sufficient unto tu ,
is the evil thereof.” Let us wait untiK
proptr time arrives—let us wait ti! 1 ^
achle re our independence. It will tb ' °
time enough to settle the question ^
State
Po. f
nor
Heaven’s sake, let ns have no parties
GOY. JOHNSON'S SPEECH’
W<< publish this week the able speech fi
Gov. JonNsoN, recently delivered b e f 0 °
tho members of the State Legislature ?
will be read with interest by everyb 0( ; 1
Wc are surprised that a portion of 1'
press of tho State find fault with it— g *
arguing that inasmuch as ho did not n °
tho Piesid6iit, ho is opposed to the Admin*
istration, and others object to it, beca>-
they nay it is somewhat despondent in tone
Both abjections are rather puerile, we thir,;-'
The f ict that any one docs not “ swe^r b-' :
the President, is no sort of evidence that
We havo
evidence
BSrA: letter from Col. Weems, command
ing Georgia Camp of Initruetion, has been
published, showing that conscripts ma.y,
prior to their enrolment, report to a camp
of instruction and at once join any compa
ny which was in service pn the 16th of
April last Even after enrolment the wish
es of the conscript, are consulted as io what
company ho prefers senring in.
Many persons are not aware of these facts
—they arc published for the benefit of all
such.
The editor of the Atlanta Confeder
acy has been giving pen and ink sketches
of members of the Legislature. The fol
lowing is what he says of
Hon. F. W. Adams.
This gentleman ropiesents the county
of Clarke. He is a young man, of fine
personal appearance. His eye is keen and
he is of a quick nervous temperament. He
is one of the most watchful members of
the House, and takes a deep interest in all
questions of banking, finance, manufac
tures, improvements, &c. -His views on
all these questions including all sumptuary
legislation, are always correct. Ho has
been earnest in trying to secure the best
possible legislation for the proper protec
tion and benefit of the poor and uneducated;
and especially, has he been active and la
borious as a member of the Committee, as
well as a member of tbe House, iu perfect-;
iiig and bringing forward a bill to suppress
and punish the illegal issue of sbinplasters.
He dresses plainly, but tidily, is erect in
pejson, elastic m stop, and presents a fine
personal appearance. He devotes much
thought to all the business before the House,
and is a most useful raemoer. Like Judge
Love, his speeches ■ are very short, but
always to tho point, and his views are
stated with clearness ami precision. He
is not a lawyer.
ho is an enemy. Furthermore,
yet to-learn that it is a crime or
of a lack of patriotism to differ i n opinio^
with the President. We have on several
occasion^ defended Presiden t Davis against
the ir sidious attacks of those who claim to
be peculiarly his friends. Our old fashion,
ed notion about the matter is, that it i„
duty of all good citizens to uphold theP re
sideotas iar as they believe him to b«
right, and no farther. This, we presume
Gov. Johnson and ail other patriots are
willir g to do.
As to the objection in regard to the al.
leged despondent tone of Gov. Johnson’s,
speech, we can see no force in it. Wo have
not bsen able to find any thing despondent
about it. lie speaks, it is true, of the great
importance of securing good government.
We w ould, if we conld, add strength tu
this idea. Independence without good
government is not worth a fig to us.
cannot have good government if the Pen.
pie are ignored and State Sovereignty
crushed out. Wc must adopt the old Jcf-
fersojiian doctrine tnat “ Government do-
rives all its just powers from tho consent
of the People,” and that State sovereignty
alone can protect us against the despotism
of a great central power.
For tbe Southern Watchman.
The Exempt Officers-
There are a class of selfish, prejudiced,
prevaricating kind of people, who are go-
ing full length and breadth, trying to mako
it out a great dishonor—not only dishonor
but a disgrace—to those who stay at home
by office exemption, especially those of tho
militia, some of whom have even found
fault with the Governor (for holding his of-
•ficers,) who has almost immortalized him-
self by many deeds he has done, lie is
apt to know what ho is doing; we have
already seen great use of them being kept
back. What is the use of having the mime
of State’s rights, and have no rights by
the State. The before named class are &
class who*always go tha way the wind
blows, if to suit their personal interest
In every instance they themselves, or their
close friends, have kept out of the war just
as long as they could, and it was all right;
bat as soon as they had to go, there was *
cry beard, “ any man that will stay at home
for office, is worse than nobody—ho is die-
graccc.. It’s just as fair for one to go a
another,” &c. A portion of these officers
had been in service a term, while their per
secutors were far from going. There is
one th ing, though, of which I am glad, they
are a class of-quilling, weak-minded peo
ple, and of no influence, and need not be
noticed, only to remember who they are.
This war has tested many. Such arga-
ment is sophistry in the first degree. I
hope the Lord will take a liking to them-
I can’i..
How can it be a disgrace, or tho slightest
dishonor to a man, when he acts according
to the laws of hie country, and is only do
ing wl at almost any would, if they had
tbe opportunity.'
It is well known. that people of any dig
nity,,or high-minded peopio, or people of
any talent, do not engage in any such
mendacity. H-
Toadyism.
A year .ago, or such ^ 'matter, wo fplt
■iVinp.nna let amre, which will be
the trade fur a ietr week*, -Y '''
HOOVER A TAYLOR,
Nw - li > street.
insidious and persistent attacks of
'.ff^ertain gentlemen who had failed to gat
office.” We did it from a sense of duty.
Impelled.by similar motives, we now
feel called upon to protest against the
yism of tho sarno crowd—who have
* now call in
tion the patriotismJ?f liny.gdutlema^
—*'*:•—n to differ'-in':*— s “
• § ’MAKING PARTIES.
We regret to see—as we think we do—
an attempt to form parties hero in Geor
gia. It is notorious that there is a differ
ence of o'pinion among honest, patriotic
and honorablecitizenseoncorningconscrip-
tipn. Certain demogogues, Boeing this, are
seeking to take'advantage of it for the
purpose of organizing antagonistic parties.
- - We regret to see this, and hope tho peo
ple will frown down all attempts to
. parties while tho war is <
had too
for the Soother* Watchman.
Sits Better.
Mr..C:iristt:—Pormit mo to correct an error
I made, la informing jroo In regard to what Nolan Cu»*
dler charged tbo wives of absent soldiors for
He does noteharge them $2.50 a pair,; he charge*to*
only $1.75 per pair, soldiers $2.50 per pair, and
the snme Air..Chandler informs me that ho cleiir*
much at ihese prices as will satisfy auy man that
like monoy better than all other things. H* P*“ 1
cents per pound for the hides of which he made
leather. Ho states for hides which cost 35 cent* I*
pound, tl at tannery can sell shoes for $5,00 and
d large profit.
Nolan Chandler's name (and all such men,) sh 0 ^
be kuowt: and remembered by all citizens and°nr
footed and half clothed soldiers, as on example 1D
ooustry’s condition, while those who are selling le
at two an i three dollars per pound, and shoos frojs e'K .
to ten dollars por pair, should be known as robber
the Confederate Treasury, and spoken of with the c >
tempt we speak of Lincoln’s hirelings; and ^ roin
-evidence, by an act of Congress, they are liable
scription,
TRIBUTE OF RESPECT.
Unity Lodg£. No. 36,F-A-H-
Cur beloved Brother, Joseph W. M. Reidiing,
Nov. 28tli, 1S62, of dropsy; rheumatism and con ;“ JJ t
tion. Dtoeased had been an orderly and consi.
member i.f Cabin Creek (Baptist) Church for the-
four years, was at his death a member of our h V
and abrighUomament go Christianity and Maeo® .-
At his eonntry’s call, he volunteered in C-ipt- P.
ny’s cavilry, in which he served faithfully unt’l b *
so uiseaa&tkftt be was sent home. He was at
he volunteered Secretary of our Lodge. None he
- - irtment ns a Christian and *Ma*onMtt
He died in the triumphs of the God*
- submissively to thisdirp^
believing that *ur lo»‘
l onr country a r»
•UV» Of tho d**
the ofiual ba«!r
— T .
r on any
...V
