Newspaper Page Text
By John H. Christy.
fonriral:—getiarteb fa
$3.00 for Three Months.
VOLUME XI.
ATHENS, APHIL 37, 1864.
THE SOUTHERN WATCHMAN.
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NUMBER 5
changes. By every change it baa become
tvs'* more malignant anti more despe-*
Table •hinrikg ike Value »f the Old Issne of Confederate
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SI'EECH OF UOX. B. H. HILL.
On
the 1st day
of March, the
Hon. B.
II. Hill, Confederate Senator from this
Stato, addressed his fellow-citizens at La-
Grange, which addreba was published" in
accordance with the unanimous request of
the meeting.
The 6ret part of it, which was devoted
to the discussion of the measures adopted
by the I Ate Congress, wo omit, and lay
before our readers that portion of it in re
lation tc other matters, and which will be
read with groat Interest.
After disposing of the leading measures
of the late Congress, Mr. Hill said :
I now propose to add some reflections of
a more goneral character, having reference
tothe isHuesnow presented by this struggle,
the manner of .meeting those issues, and
the prospects of a termination of the war.
In doing so I shall give expression to somo
opinions long and earnestly entertained,
and which, though often expressed to in
dividual friends, and, perhaps, intimated
on a few public occasions, I have never be-
furo disc ussed in any public address.
The occasion of secession was the elec
tion of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency in
1860. But that election was not the cause
of secession. The cause was the idea which
became dominant by that election. That
idea wan believod, bv tho States seceding,
to bo not only hostile to, but inconsistent
with, tho existence of State Sovereignty,
Stato equality and individual rights, as se
cured by tho States and respected by the
Federal Constitution. This idea was made
dominant by a sectional organization; so
section*! in principles and purposes as ne
cessarily to excluuo from its membership
the States and people now composing the
Confederate States. To submit to the ad
ministration of a common government upon
such un idea and by such an organization,
was felt to be submitting to an enemy—
not only a political party enemy—but an
enemy *ip principles, in feeling and in fact,
and to State sovereignty and individual
right. Submission to such an enemy im
plied superiority in the governing and
inferiority in the governed. Here lieB the
true main spring of Southern secession.
Hothing lefis than this conviction could
ever hare induced the people of these States
to have broken up a government to which
they were so earnestly devoted. Different
: !
degreen of evidence were needed to bring
the d iff ere ntS lutes n nd Ji So re at ■ ind iv i d u uis
in each of the fo>;.this conclusion.
Some were tatisiiuu by tbp previous hist ary
of the organization and the public declare
tione o:f its chosen chiefs. Others waited
for official action. Virginia and the border
States refused to be convinced until actu
ally coded upon to join in giving the blow
which was to destroy their ..%•».T-jvcreigu-
ty. Bit all, when convinced, took the
same aetion
Between the two t divided parte, soon
erected into two separate wholes, three
years of war have been waged. Ii has been
bloody, wasteful and revengeful almost, if.
not entirely, beyond precedent. A half
million of men have b«mo. bffried. A half
million more have wounded. Four
thousand millions of[ debt have been con
tracted, and six thousand millions of prop
erty have been destroyed. And wbat is
oosr tie issue aud what the condition and
purposes
miuaare
can make
the thif
Aft
The issues of revolution always ehange
do ring the progress of the revolution. As
i caid in the words of warning, ia tho be
ginning, so I repeat now an verified tho
hu ndredth time by bistoiy: madness may
begin a revolution to accomplish a given
pc.rpoee, but the greatest wisdom, may not
b* 1 able to direct it to that purpose. The
isnue of revolution is like the waves of the
maddened sea; every man can see it rush
ing on, but no mao can mark in advance
Un track. Revolution is like the lightning:
any eye-can see it leaping in sheets of
flame from the bosom of tbe angry cloud,
but no eye can precede its isig-zag flight,
and discern whither it will go, or on what
it will spend its fury. Such is the nature
and such the history of revolutions; and
it would, indeed, be strange if this, one of
tbe most gigantic, wicked and desperate
in human annals, did not change its issues
olten and greatly daring its progress.
At first, Mr. Lincoln declared bis pur
pose, in tho use of force, to be to retake
tbe forts, arsenals and other public- works
which tbe seceding States bad seized.
He next called for armed men to suppress
an organized, but factious, resistance to
his Government-^ a resistance into which,
he said. States bad been inveigled against
the will of the majority of the people.
He next, and again, and still again, called
fer grand armies to restore the Union—
both he and his Congress disclaiming any
right or inclination to interfere with tbe
established institutions, or to impair the
equality ot the separate States. We, the
people of tbe seceded States, did not, and
could not, credit such disclaimers, because
they were utterly inconsistent with the
n.onns invoked to accomplish the pretend
ed purpose. On these issues the struggle
progrvt-sed until September, 1862, when a
new purpose was announced. This pur
pose was to emancipate tbe slaves, and
thus not only to interfere with, but to de-
si,roy, the established institutions of tbe
seceded Slutes. Bloody battles were
fought during this phase of .the revolution
la the summer of 1863 our arms met with
several and very serious reverses. Our
reverses have but increased the malignity
of our enemies; and the probability, in
t ieir minds, of success has converted tbe
heretofore unadmitted hope, into the avow
ed purpose, of conquest. Not only is State
equality to bo impaired, but tho very forms
ot Stato l.-overnment which our fathers
established, and under which we have so
long lived, are to bo'overturned ; and the
r jle of one-tenth over nine-tenths of the
people, is to be maintained by foreign bay
onets as tbe only legitimate popular go
vernment! If this tenth cannot be pro
cured, then our States arc to be converted
i into so many territories, or, perhaps, into
| one vast territory to be governed by com-
I mission from tbe central power. Our lands
| are to be seized and our property confis-
! cated. The negro and the Yankee are to
I tecomo the joint stock owners of pur
; homes, the mutually protected deepoilers
‘ cf our relics, and the mutually assisted
ravisbers ot our mothers, wives and daugh
ters. Our leaders, civil and military, are
to be slain; and, if any, after being robbed
end dishbnorod, shall be permitted to
breathe the air of these our brighbnative
bills, it will be on the wretched condition
that they will submit to be judged by the
Yankee, tried by the negro,, ana scourged
by the slave! I tell you, my countrymen.
and neighbors, these are not extravagant
words. They but express the necessary
and logical conclusion of that fanatical
ipirit which seeks your submission. Mr.
Lincoln did not intend all this in the be
ginning; but he is tho creature of the
idea that elected hinv—of tho power that
lias controlled, and must continue to cou-
t.rol him. That power is . fanaticism—a
disappointed, mad, exasperated and pro
gressing fanaticism. Every outrage to
which I have alluded, has been repeated
over and over again, in the portions of our
Confederacy in the power of the enemy;
and who can point me to the single case
which Mr. Lincoln has condemned, or tbe
single press, or agent, or leader of this fa
natical party, wbo has not acquiesced in
or encouraged these barbarities ? If these
i.kings be so in the green tree, what may
we expect in the dry T If these be the
’;imtd invader’s acts when wo have arms in
our hands, wbat will be the insolept con
queror's demands when we are helpless at
hi* feet 1
We began this issue with tho North to
prevent the degradation of inequality in
the Union. A majority of our people,
l losing hope of securing that, sought inde-
! pendeivce out of the Union. But the in-
j dependence of these Confederate States is
; now but .i se'-poudary que it Hindu this lerri-
j bio issui —seoondaryjn fuel and jsswondary
| in Importance.* Coostiiu thus fal govern meat
j on this Continent; ‘the separate aoveroigu-
' ty of any Suite ofiJie late Union ; gavv-vh-
men tn any form founded on the cctr.cni
of tbe white vaca in the Southern S'.-tl ;
the political; civil aud soctnl superi- :IJ,
or e'vcn equality ofraco iu ihfci
South; property, liberty, Sife, h* :*nr, eith r
social Or personal, eit in. :• nllw of i»i - ipe
for us or oar children ; 'that any
government could secure, or auy freeman
enjoy, are involved ia the present ii-ife
which fanaticism makes fn this fearful
struggle, and invokes a million ot bay duets
to decide! I repeat, not the fbrm of go
vernment, butthe substance of government;
not who shall be associated in go vern merit;
but wboshaH ; 1ihveSta|egovr“““‘ “ u ''
free government, and who go -- :t5
alt, is tbe issue.
long as the power and tbe idea, represent-
ed by Abraham Lincoln, are dominant in
the United States. . It will end when that
power is defeated and that idea is repudi
ated by the people of tbe Northern States
The contest can certainly nevir end nntil
that idea is-repudiated, and I do not think
it can be repudiated except by the defeat,
at the ballot-box, of the power which sus
tains and is sustained by that idea. I do
not belive there is any rational hope that
either Mr. Lincoln, or any other represent
ative of that idea, will ever repudiate the
idea or the purpose as long as he has the
power.
The accession of the party, organized
upon that idea to power, was the culmina
tion of that sectional hatred which resulted
in disruption and war, and a!!l the conse
quent evils. The declension of that party
and its idea from both power and respecta
bility, is the only natural, proper or effect
ive remedy for these evils. And tbe people
wbo did the wrong must correct it. The
people who gave power to fanaticism, must
withdraw that power, and must repudiate
and utterly crush out that fanaticism. If
Mr. Lincoln or any representative of his
party be chosen President in IS64, that
choice must be accepted* by us, and by the
world, as a popular ratification, not only
of abolitionism, 1 but of the war, and of tlje
system on which the war is waged, and of
the purposes for which it is waged. Thus
ratified, the war must continue four years
longer. On the other hand, the defeat of
Mr. Lincoln, or any representative of his
party, in this election, will be accepted by
the people of these States as a repudiation
of the war, of the policy of tire war, and
of the purposes for which it is waged; and
thus, a door will bo opened for negotiation.
' which will result in peat on a basis alto
gether compatible with tho honor, and
most conducive to toe interests of both
parties. The Presidential election in the
United Slates, in 1864, then, is the event
which must determine the issue of peace
or war, with it* the destinies ofboth coun
tries. For Lincoln’s defeat, then, let .sol
diers fight, let patriots hope and let Chris
tians pray!
Had our atroies been successful in l86ff;
the war, as now waged, might have been
terminated. But it would have resulted
an intestine war in the United States. The
presont ruling power would bavo boon
overthrown,by violence and in blood. Tho
recurrence of the Presidential election,
during the present year, will furnish an
opportunity for the peaceful overthrow of
that power, and for the consequent termi
nation of the war without entirely sub
verting society and order throughout the
North.
Will the Statesmen of the two Confed
eracies prove equal to tbe crisis, and so
use the occasion as to end tho present flow
of blood, and prevent the further progress
. of disorder, and secure good governments
to all the parties to the contest ? However
many.Confederacies may result between
the States of the former (jpited States, it
is certainly the interest, and ought to bo
the earnest desire, of every State and every
citizen in each State, that each Confedera
cy should have a good government; should
be established upon tho best and surest
foundations; and that tbe most liberal re;
iations of amity and commerce should exist
between the whole. Between peoples who
have a common origin, speak a common
language, bavo common traditions, and
whose territories are separated only by
mountains, rivers and air lines, there may
exist commercial unity, witbo.Ut political
union. That will be a narrow statesman
ship which does not comprehend that all
these States, however divided, have a unity
of interest; and which, leaving neighbors
whom God has joined by soil, climate, pro
ductions aud relationships, should seek the
stranger beyond the seas for an ally.
But this is looking beyond the point at
which wars, troubles aud disorders will
begiu to end, and from wbiciii new Ideas,
hopes and energies will spring—that trySt-
ing point of American patriots—the defeat
of that power, of which Mr. Lincoln is now
the representative, at the ballot box, and
its utter ejection from place and respeota
bility. Until that happy point is reached,
there can be neither peace, uor hope nor
any good to the deluded combatants or
their descendants, except after indefinite
war and immeasurable waste and ruin.
The practical question thsn is : What
can we, of the . Confederate States, do to
aid in this defeat ? In my opinion we can
do much. In truth uiy language is net
Stronger than my convIctibns when I gay
we can control that election.
The first agency which we can exert to
this end is to defeat Mr. Lincoln’s armies
in the fast approaching campaigns. With-
out this nothing else we can do,, will, or
can, avail. With this, fitet' accomplished,
vve can secure any rational, <wen tho most
desirable results. Proposals or nogotia
lions from us, a$ matters now stand,, are
inconsistent With honor and futile of good.
Mr. Liheoln will not negotiate, and :be
tro re l.
determined we shall hot. To this end, ho
Keeps the issue in each shape as to imeko
it dishonorable—evenan evidence of weak
ness—in us to propose negotiation. M'ad-
ness is his urg trncnt; subjugation >s Ids
policy; anl iur.ntry, Artillery aad Caval
ry -a re h U <01. .y a* co miasioaei-s,
’Lincoln aryd id«-adherents do not consti
tute all' ti.e North. There arb many, visry
many, thorv- who oppose hit* war, Vbio op-
posdthe system on which hi* war is waged,
and tba purpose fbr which it is waged.
These believe .that CbristisJn *nd civilized
people ought, at least, to attemp
tment
,nd oivili
cannot propore n
cause the;
nov ? nronosa
ballot-box in November next.
Now, therefore, I think that we of the
Confederate States, both government and
people, ought to declare that, if the people
of the United States will, at that election,
withdraw authority from those who will
not themselves honorably propose, and
will not permit us, in honor, to propose,
negotiations for peace ; and will confer
authority On those who are willing either
to make, br to respond, to such honorable
proposal, that we are then ready and will
ing to make, or to receive, such proposal,
and to agree to terms consistent noth tho
honor of both peoples, and conducive to tho
interests of all parties.
Thus the issue will be: Whether tho
people of the United States will elect Mr.
Lincoln and continue the war, or whether
they will defeat him and accept an honor
able peace. We can make that the issue.
We do make that issue. Let us all agree
that that is the issue. The people of tho
North alone can decide that issue; and
with them must rest the responcibility.
This issuo thus mado, I believe the
peopleof the United States will decide
in the only way in which Christianity,
civilization or even ordinary interests,
common intelligence and enramou human
ity can decide it. I believe the hideous
Molochof fanaticism and war will be driv
en from power, and driven so emphatical
ly that every hand will be willing to strip
it to its nakedness, and tho’spirit of fan
aticism, eiiragod at the infamy of its do
ings, will scourge it as the most hateful
of culprits through all generations.
But suppose they decide otherwise.—
Suppose tuey ratify at ihe ballot-box
this hateful war and its more hateful poli
cy aod purpose. It ean be no worse
with us. . We shall have discharged one
more and the last duty in tho cause of
peace by means other than tho sword.
We shall know even more distinctly our
task and oar destiny. Not an arm in our
service but will grow stronger; not, a sword
but will become sharper and keener; and
notasoul worthy the sunlight of ourSouth-
ern skies but will say war with honor is
preferable to peace with shame, and war
in its direst extremities is a happj r alterna
tive to submission to the people so insane
with every wicked passion.
By what agency shall such negotiation
be conducted und perfected ? If the main
point bo reached, to wit: a willingness on
both sides to negotiate, a removal of all
obstacles in the way of an honorable ne
gotiation will soon folic w, and tho manner
of negotiation will be easily agreed upon.
The agency may be a convention com
posed of commissioners appointed by the
respective central governments, or a con
vention composed of delegates appointed
by the several States, or of both conven
tions.
Commissioners appointed by the two
governments may agree, in preliminary
articles, to recommend to their respective
governments the reference of all or any
portion of the issues between them to a
convention of the States ; or, without the
appointment of such qpmmissioners the
States might appoint delegates to such a
convention upon the invitation of the two
governments through their respective Con
gresses.
Indeed, why may not the State, as such,
inaugurate such a convention ? The object
is not to form a compact between two or
more States, nor between a State and a
foreign power. The object is to settle a
controversy between belligerent parlies
composed of the several States. If France
or England can intervene or mediate, why
may not the separate States, as original
sovereign powers, intervene or mediate in
a controversy between thier own agents ?
In either case it would be better that the
intervention or mediation should be re»
sponsive to tbe invitation,or by the consent
of the two belligerents. It would be
strange, indeed, if the belligerents could
invite or consent to the intervention or
mediation of a foreign power, and not to
their own principals. If the general go
vernments were willing to such convention
of the States, none but the States could
have any right to object to such action by
their agents; and the response of. the States
would cure any possible irregular ities. But
there will be no conflict. When the sepa
rate States move, tbe governments will be
willing.
In the contingency supposed, (the defeat
of Lincoln, and the repudiation of his war,
its policy Hbd its purpose,) I am willing to
a convention in either mode. I desire the
concurrence of the general and State go
vernments in either mode. There are
several reasocs which make a convention
of delegates from the several States, in my
judgment, preferable.
1, It will make prominent the central
idea of American poli ties, and rescue from
all possible dangc the central issue of this
war—the separate ide rkiii ty and sovereign ty
of the States.
2. Questi ms must be passed upon ia tiiis
negotiation which affect solely and most
seriously the States as separate political
communities, and as separate governments,
and it would seem proper that the States,
as such, should pass upon these questions.
. 3. Since the 4th of duly, 1776, questions
affecting the integrity*organicauon, forma
tion and govern men tof the separate States,
have not been passed upon except by. the
Sfr-iies theffiselyes, either separately or in
a Convention of the States
4. In ray opinion iquestiona will be in
volved in that negotiation, essential t? the
precedent to any honorable negotiation is
the defeat of Mr. Lincoln and the repudia
tion of his policy and purpose by the people .
of the United States. The condition pre
cedent to that defeat and repudiation is
the defeat of his armies on the battle-field.
Mr. Lincoln will never relent while m
power, because tbe spirit that controls him
is enmity to sound reason and true patriot
ism. And he will remain in power until
hia military arm is broken. He will never
be able to propose—-even to perceive—any
terms of peace which our honor can en
tertain. Nor wifl he, or the people of tho*
United States, ever see or admit our
strength until his armies are defeated. If
we-taUt to him of peace his stupidity or
fatuity can find no meaoing to our words
but weakness. Like the insolent and self-
sufficient Lycurgus, when he stood all over
the soil of the Carthagenian territory, and
thought he had conquered the spirit of
tbe people, he would make narespocse to
our most venerable messengers., of peace
except “ that a people who were fit for
anything, must either conquer or submit
to their betters." Let us do as the Car-
thagenians did; gather up all ourenergies,
and make the haughty invader and ruth
less robber learn in disaster what he cannot
comprehend in buccoss, that an honorable
people are ftever weak enough to submit
to force, and are never so strong as when
they have no hope but in victory.
And while we are under every necessity
for energy, wo have no reason to despond.
Even if every other resource had failed,
Mr. Lincoln’s policy and deportment to
wards us would make it impossible Ibr us
to yield. He healed all our divisions when
we wore unable to heal thorn. Ho gave
us the border States after they had, by
solemn vole, refused to go with us. Hu
has reconciled us to a war which too ma
ny of our statesmen did not anticipate.
In every trial his folly has been suffi
cient for us, and that folly was never so
great as now. As if to strengthen us ia
the hour of our reverses he intensifies the
madness of his policy; stripes bare the
treachery of his faith, and increases the
barbarity ofhis invasion. Lest we might
doubt whether he would make our very
negroes our masters, lie gives us in ad
vance a foretaste ot their rule, and turns
them over as fit instruments to Butler to
capture and insalt our women 1 Fear not.
Mr. Lincoln never intends to restore the.
Union ! Ho has never uttered a word, nor
done an act, which in spirit and by effect
did not tend to make reunion impossible.
He will compel you to independence
because he has never yet employed his
pow er, except in a manner which must
convince you that in resistance only is
freedom, and in submission certainly is
slavery.
Butin ourselves we were never stronger.
No campaign has opened with fairer pros- •
pects of success to our arms if we but do
our duty.
We had gloomy days in tho winter be
cause we saw that reverses had prolonged
and increased the weight of tho task be
fore us. The first word of cheer came from
those who have borne} and must bear
that task most heavily—our noble army
in the field. Before Congress could ma
ture tho hill on the subject theso tireless
soldiers commissioned the. fleet heeled
lightning to bear us the message “we
have re-enlisted for the war!” Tennesseo
led tbo van in this the most glorious move
ment of patriotic heroes 1 When her noble
Senator (Mr. Henry) with his face all
aglow with Confederate patriotism, and
bis steps elastic with State pride, advanc
ed from his place and moved that “ the
Congress do thank the troops re-enlisting
for the war from Tennessee," I never saw
the sunshine breaking so palpably and
and brightly through the parting clouds.
Noble Tennessee! Foremost among tho
brave—Bates’ Brigade !—Henceforth and
forever proud.names for Freedom’s immor
tal record! What though the enemy
tread on her soil, and some *of her own
sons prove false to their mother? These,
hsr Confederate veterans©, aro enough to
cover her with renown. Yea, they have
carved her name so high in glory that no
false son can over tarnish it, aud no base,
enemy can ever efface it.
Fast as the electric messenger could flash
the messages’^Louisiana, North Carolina,
Alabama and all the other States, fol.'ow-
ed in quick, almost simultaneous, move-
meat until all were abreast and ia lino for
indefinite battle, if our foes shall so will
• it. Glorious army ! Ever to bo honored
twelve months men ! First to the trcnt ;
always in the front, they »wik never be
iodiiid in the rear until returning from tbe
last struggle with ianaticism, ye read on
their waving banners the words “L berty
and Honor," as the worthy ro-rard of Wh
hundred battles!
I et every man at home emulate their
example and spring afresh to duty.
Farmers, will you not labor cheeifully
to feed such, an army ? Will you hide
away the food viter. such heroes are hun
gry? Will you fail to deliver it for a lit
tle higher price * If it becomes hecesse-y
to divide with them, are you not witling
to live on half rations or quarter rations as
they have long and often lived ?
Ladies, yqn haye dono much, but-there
is a work for you to dp which none else
can do so well. There are laggards still
behind. Do not with your electric touch
ami your enslaving voice, ask them 4x>
“stoy a little longer "but tell them: Go,
halite to the battle; if need, be shame them
to the battle; for you and aU besides they
caft love, are involved m the issue.
Coats with stai^ollars and brass bud-
* ‘ ' <)OB-
- not now in
their will* - “
. whenever
will appeal
