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•KgrjrjziL ZEL TL TH
KHIaWBCTMwEiB
DEVOTED TO NEWS, POLITICS, AGRICULTURE, EDUCATION AND GENERAL PROGRESS.
NUMBER 6.
i bottom of a deep disb and pour the peas on
‘ it. Then yon will haveall tbe pea flavor with*.
| ont a soap.’
, Farming In Georgia.
• Tbe Atlanta Harold, under the above cap
tion, Bays:
! There are some cheering signs for Agricul
turists in Georgia. The papers from every
f part of the State, and private letters, indicate
£ that the cotton mania is subsiding, and plant-
J era have concluded hereafter, to till the earth
i. by the lights of experience and common sense
a We at one time feared that they were imper-
° vious to the truth, but the sheriff and starva-
,f I tion have at last driven them into the paths
was delivered at LaG range on the 11th ol
March, 1865, and which was reported in full.
I have recently learned that Gov. Brown
VOLUME XXI.
ATHENS, GEORGIA,—WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 13, 1874.
the Southern Watchman.
PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY HORNING.
0 jitt nmrr uf llroatt aud Wall Street*, (upstairs.)
TERMS.
Two Dollars per annum,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
ADVERTISING.
UTMtisemontf Will be inserted at ONE DOLLAR
kVD FIFTY CENTS per square for the firstinaer-
■Ion anJ SEVENTY-FIVE CENTS per square for
lichoontlnuanco, f,»r any tiino under one month. For
ui*erperiodit,a» follows:
A libaral lo luotion on yearly adrortisementa.
LEGAL ADVERTISING .
ukarUT's aalaa, nor lory of 10 linoa $400
* mortgage taloa. 80 daya._ 6.00
galti. 40 daya, by Admioiatratora, Executors, or
Uuardiana ® * (l
Citation* of Adminiatration or Guardianship 4.00
Sotite to Dabtors and Creditor*- 5.00
Bait* Nhi, par square, oach insertion 1.50
tssveto sell Real Estate™ 4.00
flttallonfor dismission of Administrator 5.00
v Guardian 5.25
To ascertain tbo number of squares in nn adrertise-
B ,ni arobituary, eountthe words—one hundred beinj 1
aqaaltoton linea. Allfraetiona are counted ai ful
,quarr».
PROFESSIONAL AND BUSINESS CARDS,
Laata coea. | *. a. krwin. | bowxli. cobb.jr.
riliUB, ERWIN & COBB,
U ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
ATHENS, GEORGIA
Oftce in the Denpiee Building. Dec21
B ANKRUPTCY.—Samuel P. Thurmond,
Attorocy«at-L*w. Atbena. Ga
OJlcton Broad • tr*ei,over tke ntare of Barry k Son,
Willfiro apodal attention to case* in Bankruptcy. Al
go, to the collection of all claims entrusted to his care
TAMES R. LYLE,
ATTonaar at Law.
PerS2 WATKINSVll.LE.GA
J
OHS M. MATTHEWS.
A trouser at Law,
Danielsviile, fit.
Prompt tttention will be given to Any business on
tailed lo his cere. Mnrehl4.
E ngland & orr,
Wholesale and Retail Dealers,
and COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
Dupree Hall.Broad St, Athens, Ga
We are now prepared to store Cotton at 25 cents per
bale. sot! will advance cash when de.«ired. Oct2S.
IT'NGLISH & CLASSICAL SCHOOL,
|'I For Boys, cor. Wray and Lnlipkin ata., Ath
am. 0*. apS—3m LEE M. LYLE. Prin.
T H. HUGGINS,
(J . holeiale and Retail Dealer in
DRY GOODS, GROCERIES, HARDWARE, Ac.
F«bl6 Broad Street, Atbena, Ga.
TOHNH.CHRISTY,
J Plain and Fanoy BOOK AND JOB PRINTER,
Broad St., Athena, Ga.
OBoe corner Broad and Wall streets, over tbe store
Jatoti D. Pittard. tf
PAVILION HOTEL,
JT CHARLESTON, S. C.
This FIRST-CLASS notol is situated in the very
outre of the business part of thecity,and all who
atop there will Rod evory convenience and luxury that
can tie procured. Board, per day, $3.00.
R. IIauiltox, Supt. Mr*. L. H.BurrauriiLD,)
l>*c22 tf Proprietress. J
CUMMEY & NEWTON,
O Dealer* in
Foreign and Domestic HARDWARE,
Juno9 No. A,Broad street, Athens, Ga.
8 C. DOBBS,
. Wholesale aud Retail Dealer in
Staple and Fancy DRY GOODS, GROCERIES, Ae.
Febt No. 12 Broad Street, Athena, Ga.
TTM0RY SPEER,
Jjj LAWYER. ATHENS, GA.
An Solicitor Goneral of Western Circuit, will attend
tbs Courts of CUrke, Walton. Gwinnett, Hall Banks,
Jackson, Habersham, Franklin, Rabun and White,
aod give attention to collecting and other claims in
tboie counties. March 19, 1873.
K ELIAS, Attorney at Law,
. FRANKLIN, N. C.
Praetieea in all tbe Conrte of Weatern North Caro
lina. and in tha Federal Courta. Claima collected in
all parta of tbe State. aplS—ly
TT'DWARD R. HARDEN,
JLLi (Late Judge U. S. Conrte Nebraaka and Utah,
and now Judge of Brooka County Court)
Attorney at Law,
julyts ly Quitman, Brook* County, Ga.
T F. 0'KELLEY’S
t) . PHOTOGRAPH GALLERY,
Over Williams* Shoe atore, Broad street, Athens,
Otorgis. aepS.
B F.CAMP,
• A-tobubt ar Law,
CAKNESVILLE, GA.
Will givs prompt nttsntion to all bnsiness entrusted
to him. He will attend tbn Courts of Habersham,
Franklin and Hall. sepl7—ly.
c. tiitlis. a. p. noviLL.
PEEPLES & HOWELL,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
20 and 22, Kimball Home,
ATLANTA, GA.
PRACTICE in tha State and Federal Courts, and
a attend regularly all the Courts in Atlanta, includ
ing tbe Supreme Court of the State, and will argue
cuts upon briefe for absent parties, on reasonable
terms.
They also practice in the Courts of the counties con
tignons or accessible to Atlanta by Railroad, eepll ■
M.W.RIDEN,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
U. S. ClaiB A»it M Mary Public
GAINESVILLE, GEORGIA.
It* Ollice on Wilton stnet, below King A Bro’s
February 10,1871,
Jem a. anna. madisou bim..
ESTES Sc BELL,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Gainesville. Georgia
W 'ILL practieo In theeountleseompoiing the West
era Circuit, end Dawson and Forsjtb oonnties
of tbo Blue Ridge Olreatt. They will also' priotice in
tks Supreme Court of floorgia, and in the United States
Conn at Atlanta. mnyU
■A.. A.. EDGE)
Bool, Shoo and Harness
MAKER,
aprliu—ly WA TKINSVILLE, QA
JA8. L. LONG, M. D.
Surgeon, Accoucheur and Physician,
((^••<1 Hr. Tkomas Skcat*’ Store,)
Good Hope Dlatriot, Walton oo., Ga.
Otars his profowlonal services to tbo eitisens of tbo
sirronnding country.' ajg27
Livery, Feed & Sale Stable
ATHENS, GEORGIA.
GANN & HEAVES, PBOPBIETOB8,
UTIUbsIssalst their old stand, roar Franklin
Homebuilding, Thomas street. Keep always
ob band goad Torn-onts and ears ful drivars.
2. ? wmSfor when entrusted to onr oat
Block ea band for sale at all times. dec25—tf
WALTON HOTEL,
T m MONROE, GA.
HE aubseribtr would lespeetfully inform travelers
, v “". ,ho Pnbiie generally that be has taken ebtrge
.iYXL\ boT0 l , llot ?’> » nd *"1 spare nc pt.Ifs to make
aneantfAOible who may favor him with tneir patron
***• Ills charges will he reaaonablo. jan2S Im
From the Atlanta Herald.
UNWRITTEN HISTORY OP THE
HAMPTON ROADS COMMISSION.
BY B. H. HILL.
The Confederate situation ia the winter of
1864 was such as to excite the most anxious
solicitude in the mind of every one who sincere
ly desired our success in the struggle. Dnring
the year the Federal Army, under Sherman,
bad passed through tbo entire length of the
State of Georgia, leaving a truck of Ore and a
wail of sorrow behind, and was safely in the
City ol Savannah. The Federal army, under
Grant, though after losses almost unprece
dented, bad succeeded, for the lirst time since
the war began, in making a permanent en
trenchment almost within cannon shot ofRicb-
mond. The old year was passing atvay, bear
ing whole hecatombs of car brothers and sons;
and the new year was coming, bringing, we
feared, burial caskets for our hopes. There
bad certainty been no period in Confederate
history, and it may be doubted whether there
bad been one in any history, which was to put
the wisdom of leaders, and the courage and en
durance of soldiers aud people, to such a se
vere test.
Hut our enemies, too, had their troubles;
and they were serious. Gen. (grant's march
could almost have beeu causewayed with the
dead bodies of bis soldiers; the Northern
people were getting weary of such a war, as
Mr. Seward himself confessed ; their finances
were going rapidly ; and foreign governments,
us Mr. Stanton admitted, wero gottiug impa
tient for peace—they wanted tbe Southern cot
ton crop.
It was clear, too, from Mr. Lincoln's annu
al message to Congress in Decomber, that he
was too wise a man to conclude that a people
were conquered because they bad been defeat
ed in battles, and had lost cities aud territorv.
The trill to be free, was the citadel lo be taken,
before subjugation couid be complete. How
to conquer tbis will of tbo Southern peoplo
was, therefore, tbo great problem with him.
llis plitu to do tbis is plainly set forth in this
message. Ho represents tho neocessity of
war as existing between the Federal Govern
ment on the oueside. and Mr Davis, •• tho in
surgent leader,” on tho other, aud between
these forces be states tbe issue thus
“He," tbo insurgent leader, •‘caunot volun
tarily reaccept the Union ; wo cannot volunta
rily yield it. Between him and us tbe issue is
distinct, simple, aud inflexible. It is an issue
which can only bo tried by war and decided
by victory. If we yield, wo are beaten; if the
Southern people fail him, be is beaten." He
then used these remarkable words:
” Wlmt is true, howovor, of him who beads
tbo insurgent cause, is not necessarily true of
those who follow. Although bo cauuoc reac
cept union, they can. Some of them, we know,
already desire peace and reunion. Tbo number
' such may increase.'
Having thus stated that tbe will of the insur
gent leader could only be conquered by war,
but that the will of tho Southern Dcople might
bo conquered otherwise, ho proceeds to state
how:
" They can, at any moment, have peace sim
ply by laying down their arms and submitting
to the National authority untier the Constitution.
Alter so much the Government could not, if it
would, maintain war against The loyal
pooplo would not sustain or allow it.”
This method, he said, had been tried for a
year, with liberal uffersol pardon aud amnes
ty, and many had beeu won. Some bad ac
cepted and proven faithless, but the moans
were still extended and the door was still open.
It was generally believed in Richmond that
from tbe fall of Atlanta, Gen. Sherman bad
been active in efforts to encourage a movement
to win individuals and separate States from
their support of the Confederate leader and
cause. It was believed he wasso engaged from
his headquarters iu Savannah. There wore,
certainly known, sumo acts aud declarations
of Gen. Suerman in this direction, and Mr.'
Lincoln, iu bis tuessago, certainly announced,
officially, actual acknowledgement of partial
success, and hopes of further success iu induc
ing the followers of the ** insurgent leader” to
desire peaco and reunion.
During the month of December, 1864, the
whispers of a counter-revolution, at first faint
and thon a full year old, wero getting louder.
Several States, it was said, were to unite iu
calling a convention of all tbe Confederate
States, ostensibly to amend tbe Constitution
and get rid of Mr. Davis as commander-in-
chief of tbe army ; and a movement for peace
by negotiation through separate State action,
was publicly advocated by many iu State and
Confederate positions. Whatever might have
been tbe motives of such movements, (and I
am not now dealing with their motives,) every
reflecting man was obliged to know tbe only
possible effects must be disintegration and
subjugation. And wo knew these effects wero
already going on, not only from Mr. Lincoln's
message, but from a much more convincing
quarter—our army.
It was during tho month of January, 1865,
that Gen. Lee complained before a commitee
of Cougress (of which committee I was one)
that be was losing more from bia army by de
sertion than by tbe guus of tbe enemy. He
thought the discussions against tbe constitu
tionality of Confederate military laws, and the
clamor for peace through separate Stato action,
contributed much to tbis result. Deserters
bad been arrested with arguments, on these
subjects, from leading men in some of tbe
States, in tbeir pockets.
The hopes of Lincoln and the complaints of
Lee, united in a poworfnl appeal to every true
Confederate to do what ho could to promote
harmony, bring about good will, make sacrifi
ces of opinions and prejudices, and unite nil
in earnest and patriotic efforts to bring back
deserters, and reinspire the people to resist
subjugation, tbe evils of which no man could
exaggerate.
Tbe Georgia delegation in Congress, per
haps, more than any other, were embarrassed
and disturbed by tbe rumors and facta alluded
to. It was often said that Georgia was to lead
off in the counter-ravolntion, and invite other
States to follow; and, more than once in my
place in tbe Senate, I felt called on to repudi
ate each allusions with energy and emphasis.
A few days before or alter, I believe after,
the first day of January, 1865, the Hon. Wil
liam E. Smith, tbe excellent and true member
from tbe Albany district, received a iettter (I
think Judge Hansell was tha writer) giving
an account ofa popular meeting held at Thom-
asville, at which resolutions were passed re
questing tbe Governor to convene the Legis
lature in extra session with tbe view of calling
a convention of the people of tho State. He
also stated that similar meetings were called,
or spoken of, in other counties of Southern
Georgia, and tbe letter was a moot patriotic
one in deprecation of the movement.
It was generally believed in Richmond, and
confirmed by letters from Georgia, that Gov.
Brown was ready aod witling to convene the
Legislature and recommend tbe call for a con
vention ; that tbe Vice-President was in fail
accord with the Governor, and that bis broth
er, Judge Linton Stephens, on able member of
the Legislature, would take tho lead for tbe
movement In that body.
On the reception of tbis letter by Mr. Smith
a meeting of the Georgia delegation was called
to assemble at Mr. Stephens' loom in too after
noon alter the adjournment of tbe two houses.
Senator Johnson was not present. I Chink he
was absent from the city. I tbink one or pos
sibly two members of the House were also ab
sent.
At this meeting the letter referred to wa3
read, other information on the subject added,
R. B. ADAIR D D S | aD(1 the threatened movement in Georgia wm
[discussed. Tho result of the discussion, or in
0 _ GAINES V1LLE, QA. iterchange of views, was a unanimous request
■see, Southeast corner Public Square. mar27 | from the delegation that Mr. Stephens would
write to Gov. Brown, and urge him, in behalf
of tho delegation, not to convene the Legisla
ture, etc.
Mr. Stephens said be would not write the
letter, as matters then stood, but if he would
unite with him and aid him in getting up a
movement for a negotiation for peace from
Richmond, be woold write to Gov. Brown and
adviso aud request him to suspend tbe call
and movement in Georgia until the result of
the effort at Richmond should be known.
I once at said : What plan do you propose,
Mr. Steplieust
Ho then said that Mr. Atkins, of Tennessee,
bad a day or two before presented to him some
resolutions for bis review and revision, which
be (Atkins) proposed to introduce in the House
Committee ou Foreign Affairs for report to
tho House, aud that be (Mr. Stephens) had
drawn a set himself iu lieu of those of Mr. At
kins, which expressed his views on tbe subject.
•We asked him to read the resolutions be had
prepared, and fie did so,
Tho substance of theso resolutions was that
the Honso of Representatives, voting by States,
should elect commissioners, with authority to
prtgreed to Washington, and. in tho name and
behalf of the States, propse peace on the great
principles of 1776.
If the commissioners should not be received
at Washington, or if tbe offer of peace on tbo
principles proposed should bo rejected, then
we wore all Ui unite, fire the Southern heart
anew, and rally the people to tho struggle for
independence as the only resource left to avoid
subjugation.
I told Mr. Stephens I thought it would bo
more regu ar and proper for tbo resolution
to leave tho selection of tho commissioners to
tho President, but I would waive all objec
tions and agree to support his resolutions with
out auy change or ameudmunt if ho would
write to Gov. Brown to stop the movetuont iu
Geurgia, and ] moved that tho delegation
agree to Mr. Stephens’ resolutions as proposed.
After some discussion tho vote was taken,
each member expressing his views, and every
member voted to agree ou tho terms proposed,
except one. That exception, I think, was tho
Hon. James M. Smith, now Governor. He
stated that he voted nay because the resolu
tions did not meet the approval of his judg
ment ; hut ho appreciated tho motives of the
delegation, and in deference to their wishes he
would not oppose the resolutions in tho House,
but go with tho datamation. Thus we were
unanimous.
After this agreement was reached I said to
Mr. Stephens, that if tbe House elected com
missioners I did not doubt he would he chosen
as one of them. But if the House, as I thought
was proper and probable, should amend tho
resolutions, and leave the selection of the com
missioners to tlie President, I would insist that
ho bo placed at tho head of the commission,
and, therefore, he might make his arrange
ments, in either view, to go to Washington.
He said ho had no idea of going himself, and
did not suppose he would bo either elected or
appointed. He said, also, he did not believe
the commission would succeed, and ho doubted
whether it would ovon be received at Wash
ington, and be bad no desire to be ouo of the
commissioners.
But we insisted that he had made our peo
ple believe something could be done by nego
tiation—that the people looked to him more
than to auy one else in that raovemont—that
he was tho leader of it—that, therefore, ho
could not decline to go if elected or appointed,
and that if tho commission was not received,
or failed, and be was not on it, the people
would say it failed becauso ho was not chosen.
We then interchanged views in the delega
tion, as to other proper persons, to be as
sociated with Mr. Stephens, lie mentioned
several. Judge Campboll, Senator Graham,
and, I think, Gen. BetiDiug and Mr. Flournoy,
wero all discussed. Some of tbo delegation
suggested Mr. Hunter, but Mr. Stephens ob
jected to Mr. Hunter. It was at this meeting
that Mr. Stephens, also, gave us his views of
bow the war ought to bo conducted. Com
pulsory laws should be repealed—only volun
teers relied on—West Point generals removed,
aud civilian generals appointed. Tbe ideas
wero memorable.
I went directly from this meeting, across tho
street, to the Executive mansion, and, in a
8horttimo after my arrival there, was left
alono with tho President. I gave Mr. Davis
a full account of the reports from Georgia—of
tho meeting of the Georgia delegation, the
resolutions of Mr. Stephous, and ol all that
was said aud done in tbo meeting.
He was deeply pained at the movements in
Georgia. No iuau could be more anxious tban
himself to negotiate for peaco, if there was any
prospect of beiug met in that spirit by the
other sido. He greatly feared that such ir
regular movements would tend, more than any
thing else, to encourage the enemy aud de
stroy tbo hope of peace.
I told him I understood his views fully. I
knew he was willing to negotiate, if it could
be done. But bis cuemics wero clamorous in
making the people believe be was actually op
posed to it, aud were, by such means, causing
desertions from tbo army and divisions among
our peoplo, and something must be done to
silenco these clamors. That while there was
danger, as he suggested, that an effort to get
up negotiations on our part, without any indi
cation of a willingness to meet us on tbe other
side, and with Mr. Lincoln's message dis
tinctly repudiating all negotiations, might be
unfortunate iu tbo impression made on the
minds of the enemy, to onr disadvantage, yet,
to make no effort, and especially to oppose an
effort when proposed by tbe malcontents in
our midst, would continue to weaken our army
and divide onr people, and tbis would be by
far tbe greater evil of tbe two. 1 told bitu
that Mr. Stephens bad promised to write to
Gov. Brown at the instance of tbe Georgia
delegation, if we would agree to bis resolu
tions, and this would, we thought, stop Gov.
Brown, and now we must adopt a policy to
stop Mr. Stephens, and I believed tbis would
effectually silence the negotiation clamor.—
That if an effort at negotiation had to be made
and fail, it was better to make it in any form
by tbe Confederate authorities, than let the
agitation for such a movement by separate
State action go on.
After thus discussing tbe subject on its
merits for some time, I told tbe President I
bad three requests to make of him. Tbe first
was if the ffonse should not amend tbe resolu
tions, bat pass them os drawn by Mr. Stephens,
and elect commissioners under them, that the
administration would not opposo the move
ment, and would promptly furnish passports
to the commissioners through our lines.
H» said he would certainly respect the
wisbesof the House, and promptly famish
passports, through oar lines, to any person or
persons they might desire to send to Washing
ton.
The second request was, if the Honse should
amend the resolutions, as they ought to do,
and leave the selection of tho commissioners
with him, that be would select Mr. Stephens
and place him at tbe head of the commission.
This lod to a free disonssion of Mr. Stephens.
The President neither then, nor at any time,
said any thing to me personally unkind of tbe
Vice-President, thongh he greatly deprecated
bis coarse; bat was it wise to placo a man at
the head of such a commission who was not
only a known enemy of tho administration, bat
who was so constantly condemning the laws of
Congress as unconstitutional, and the conduct
bf tho war 33 oppressive and unwise t * I said
the object of this movement was to silence tho
enemies of the administration and stop this
bnrtfnl clamor about negotiation; that Mr.
Stephens had made himself the very head ot
this negotiation party—had made the people
beliovo much could be done in that way, and
that if be was not on tbo commission and it
failed, he and his friends would say it failed
because be was not on it, and thos we would
hazard tbe evil of tbe movement and not ac
complish the good intended.
The third request was that be would ap
point associates agreeable to Mr. Stephens,
and trammel tbe commission as little as pos
sible with instructions. My reason for tbis re
quest was, that, from my knowledge of Mr.
Stephens’ character, if the commission failed
and he could find any excuse for doing so, I
believed he would charge the fault of tho fail-
are on him, tbe President.
You ask a great deal, said Hr. Davis, smil
ing. Appoint an enemy of the administration
at the head of a commission. to make peace
with tbe enemy, allow him to choose his own
colleagues, and then give them discretionary
powers 1
I said I was aware I was asking a great deal,
and my requests were only suggestions to bo
weighed by him—that tbe disease we were
seeking to cure was great aud growing, and
needed a bold remedy, awLI believed there
was no way to cure it, and stop the demorali
zation caused by this negotiation clamor, but
by making the negotiation doctors take their
uwn medicine, mixed to suit themselves; and
that Mr. Stephens was under pledge, if the
commission failed, to unite with us to rally
the people to arms, and make a harmonious
fight for independence.
MK Davis said, he had entire confidence in
Judge Campbell, Senator Graham, and all the
gentleraeu named, but be would prefer to have
one "straight jacket” on the commission.—
There was no better or truer man tban Mr.
Hunter, and there was uo good reason wby
Mr. Stopheus should object to Mr. Quntor.
I agreed that tbe objection to Mr. Huntor
wus not reasonable. He was President, pro.
tern., of the Senate, but the Senate could easily
remedy this. I did not believe a better man,
every way, could be selected, and there was
certaiDly no good reason why he should not be
bur of the number.
This interview with the President lasted
several hours, and it was midnight when I left
him. I had not mistaken tbo great character
of this great man. While the President did
not make, nor I ask, any positive promise, yet,
the responsibility I bad assumed in presence
of tbe delegation, I was satisfied, before tbo
sun rose agarn, was not recklossly assumed.—
Other members of tbe delegation approached
the President on the satno business, as both
they and the President afterwards iuformed
me. It is fasbionablo with some to say Mr.
Davis was unreasonable and impracticable. I
did not find him so. Such men as Lee, Jack
son. Early, Breckinridge, Hunter, Howoll Cobb,
Sparrow and Henry, found no necessity to
quarrel with Mr. Davis during the war, nor
have tlioy abused him since tbe war ended.—
Those who were themselves notoriously im
practicable. or whose zeal, efficiency, or fidol
ity, iu any form, to tbe cause, was a matter of
debate, could not agree with Mr. Davis daring
the war, and, of writing books in tbeir own
defeuco sinco the war, there seems to be no
end. For mysolf, I never saw Mr. Davis until
he came to Montgomery to be inaugurated
President. Wo had belongod to different po
litical parties. For the first two years I know
him bnt slightly. Tho jeurnals of tbe Senate
will show I often differed with him. Bnt I
never decried the laws, nor weakened their
administration. As tbe strugglo grew harder
we drew closer together. I st udied bis charac
ter well. A truer man to the cause ho was
chosen to lead is not furnished by tbe history
of human struggles. Becauso I know him I
shall booor him while I have breath. It is
curious, too, that those who found so much to
quarrel with in Mr. Davis and tho Confederate
laws, have found so little to quarrel with
tho most strikiug usurpations of those who
were then our enemies, and are now our op
pressors. But tbis is not the time for com
ment, and I resume tbe narrative.
I was informed by members of tho Georgia
delegation, that, within a tery 6bort time—
only a day or two—after our meeting at Mr.
Stephens’ room, the identical resolutions then
read by Mr. Stopheus to us, were reported
from the Committee on Foreign Affairs to the
House in secret session. Mr. Rives, the chair
man of that committee, declined to report
them, not approving them, and they wero re
ported by Mr. Orr, of Mississippi. Somo in
decisive action was bad by tho House, and
little discussion, when a day about a wook, or
less, ahead was fixed for their consideration.
The morning after they wero so reported I met
Mr. Hunter on his way to my houso to see me
He seemed to be as much troubled as I ever
saw him. He expressed alarm at the resolu
tions, aud especially at tho rumor ho bad hoard
that the Georgia delegation, including myself,
bad agreed to them. Could it be that the
rumor was correct t I told him it was correct
and briefly repeated tbo reasons for our course.
Ho seemed a little better satisfied; expressed
great confidence in the Georgia delegation, and
said ho hoped it would come out all right, but
ho was afraid a movement, so irregular and
uninvited by the slightest indications from tho
cnomy, would do mischief.
In a day or two after this, and before tho
day fixed by tbe House to consider tberesoln
tions, Mr. Blair arrived in Richmond. His
mission was at ouce understood by the au
thorities, and was tbe general topic of con
versation by tbe people. He bad consultations
with tho President, and I soon called on Mr.
Davis to team from him what waa proper for
him to communicate on the subject. He show
ed mu tbe letter dated January 12tb, in which
Mr. Davis expressed his readiness to send
commission whenever bo had reason to sup
pose it would bo received, or to receive a com
mission if the United States Government
should be disposed to send one.
The visit of Mr. Blair opened the way for
getting up a commission in a proper aBd
regular way, aod rendered further action on
the resolutions of Mr. Stephens unnecessary.
Mr. Blair returned to Richmond again, bring
ing the letter dated January 18th, in which
Mr. Lincoln expressed his readiness to receive
aoy agent whom Mr. Davis, or any other in
fluential person resisting the National author
ity, might informally send. Tbis letter was
delivered to Mr. Davis about the 21st.
Mr. Davis also showed me this letter, and
we discussed the prospects. He now had some
expectation that an armistice, at least, might
be scoured, during which discussions might
spring op that might result in a final termina
tion of the struggle. Mr. Biair was careful to
disclaim all authority from Mr. Lincoln and
bis government, bat these disclaimers did not
greatly lessen tbe significance, of his mission
and his conversations. The situation, ill in
all, was well calculated to inspire hope and
even confidence. Tbeobangein the m&nner
of getting np the commission, was to work no
change in the persons who were to compose it
on opr part. We still insisted that Mr. Ste
phens should head.it. At this critical junc
ture. tbe proclamation of Gov. Brown conven
ing the Legislature of Georgia in extra session
on the 15th of February was issued and was
telegraphed to Richmond. It was dated the
25th day of January, and my recollection is it
reached Richmond the day, or the day before,
Mr. Blair left that city. Tbis' proclamation
created no little consternation. It was inex
pressibly unfortunate. Mr. Davis seat for me,
and expressed great surprise at its appearance.
I bad expressed'to him great confidence, in
deed no donbt, that the letter of Mr. Stephens
conveying to Gov. Brown the views of the
Georgia delegation, wonld stop this movemont
in Georgia. It did not occur to either of us
that Mr. Stephens had not written the letter,
and the appearance of tho proclamation was
wholly inexplicable upon any hypothesis that
Gov. Brown was willing to act in any accord
with tbo Confederate authorities. Nothing
was better calculated to destroy the prospects
of good results from the commission now about
to ho organized by the Confederate authorities,
than separate State movements in what was
believed to be a counterrevolution against the
Confederacy; and if Mr. Lincoln sbonld be
lieve that these separate State movements
weregoingon.it was certain be would abandon
the idea of serious negotiations with agents
from Mr. Davis.
The President also received a telegram from
a high military official in Georgia, giving ac
count of a deplorable demoralization in the
State, and urging that something should be
done, if possible, to arrest it.
At Mr. Davis’ earnest request, I agreed to
come to Georgia in time to meot the Legisla
ture on its assembling, and address that body
in opposition to the recommendations of Gov.
Brown for a convention, which it was well un
derstood he intended to make. It was tbe
very movement which the Georgia delegation
sought to prevent by the meeting at Mr. Ste
phens’ room, and we agreed to support a move
ment-even an irregular one—for a peace com
mission at Richmond, in order to get Mr. Sto
]>hens’ aid in arresting the movemont by Gov
Irown.
In the moantime, tho President having de
termined to propose Mr. Stephens to tbe Cabi
net as one of tbe commissioners,, it became ne
cessary for him to have an interview with tbe
Vice President, an event which, I believe, had
not occurred for a long time. Mr. Hunter
undertook to bring about that interview, and
it took placo on Friday, the 27tb. On tbo
afternoon of that day, Messrs. Stephens, Hun
ter and Campbell were proposed as commis
sioners to the Cabinet, and were appointed.
The President afterwards told mo that when
be proposed tho name of Mr. Stephans, it wan
objected to, and, I think, he stated it was
either rejected or was about to be rejected
Ho thon stated to the Cabinet the anxiety of
the Georgia delegation on the subject, the as
surances I had givon him, and especially my
speech that “ tho negotiation doctors must be
mado to take their own medicine, and allowed
to mix it to suit themselves,' and they ratified
his nomination. On Saturday, tbe 23tb. the
President and the Commissioners had the con
versational interview preparatory to their de
parture on their mission—a full account of
hicb conversation the President reported to
moon tho 3d of February, preparatory to my
departure for Georgia.
On Sunday morning, the 29th of January,
tho Commissioners left Richmond. Up to tbis
time we all expected they were going to Wash
ington City. This was desirable for many
reasons. It was thought they would have the
opportunity of seeing and conversing with
mauy prominent men. on tbe other side, and
the prospects for a successful mission and good
impressions would bo more favorable. But
they were unexpectedly delayed at Peters
burg, or Gen. Grant’s headquarters, and only
got an interview with Mr. Lincoln at last by
personal appeal for it from Gen. Grant to Mr
Lincoln. On the morning of tho 3d of Febru
ary, Mr. Davis received dispatches of tho day
before, announcing that our Commissioners
would uot be allowed to go to Washington, bnt
would meet Messrs. Lincoln aud Seward at
Hampton Roads. I spent much of that morn
ing with Mr. Davis at his house, and can never
forget it. Tho whole subject, from its begin
ning up to that moment, was gone over. He
bad not trammeled tho Commissioners with
any written instructions. Ho o ily inlcrcbang
ed views with thorn, iu conversation, leaving
them a broad discretion in tho light of tbo
circumstances as they would best understand
them when they should reach Washington
He thought it would be advisable, as far as
possible, to receive rathor than make proposi
tions. Tboy might avoid allusions to re-union
and independence, and agree to preliminary
terms of an armistice, to be perfected by an
other commission, even though they might see
that Mr. Lincoln, in agreeing to the armistice
was doing so under tho belief that it would
result in re union. But tboy would know bet
tor how to talk and act when they reached
Washington, and took a survey of tho situa
tion, aud be trusted with entire coufidenco in
their ability and discretion.
Tho main idea of this conversation, as re
pouted to me by Mr. Davis, is most strikingly
confirmed by Mr. Lincoln himself. In bis mes
sage to Congress giving an account of tbe coo
foronco, be uses tbis languago
* On my pun the whole substance of the in
structions to the Secretary of State, bercinbe
fore recited, was stated and insisted upon, and
nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while
by the other party, it was not said that in any
event or ou any condition they ever would con
sent to ro-nnion; and yet they equally omitted
to declare that they never would so consent. They
seemed to desire a postponement of that ques
tion and the adoption of somo other course
first, which, as some of them seemed to argae,
might or might not lead to re-union,’ etc.
It was evident to Mr. Davis, in the inter
view of the 3d, that Mr. Lincoln had changed
his mind since he wrote the letter of the 18tb
delivered by Mr. Blair. The refusal to tat onr
Commissioners go to Washington, the refusal
to let them see anybody but himself and Sew
ard, and tbeir hesitation in tatting them go
anywhere, to see anybody, all showed that Mr.
Lincoln had changed bis mind. Wbat had
changed him f Had Mr. Blair and the papers
carried nows to Mr. Lincoln of tbo separate
State movement in Georgia, of tho divisions
among onr leaders, of the probable counter
revoluti on by tbe States, of tbe continned de
sertions from onr armies, of which Lee himsolf
had complained, and of the consequent early
disintegration of the Confederacy t Had Sher
man informed him of movements in Georgia
for a State Convention to get rid of himsolf
(Davis) as commander of tbe armyf What
ever was the cause of the change in Mr. Lin-.
coin, he (Mr. Davis) was now satisfied tho
commission wonld accomplish nothing. Sew
ard was wily and treacherous, and would allow
nothing to bo done. Onr only chance now was
to realize that we had but one enemy, and
that enemy meant onr subjugation and utter
humiliation. He hoped, on reaching Georgia,
I would aid in arousing the people, and suc
ceed in stopping the movements proposed by
Gov. Brown. If, on bis return from Hampton
Roads, tbe Vice President would tell tbe peo
ple that no hope was left for them bat in arms,
and aid in rallying them to re-fill the ranks ot
the army, and we should all co-operate, Mr.
Lincoln and his government would soon be
brought to treat indeed, and independence
could and would be won. But if others chose,
in each a crisis, to coutinuo tbeir war on him,
he should not strike back^-he had but one
enemy, and all his blows were for him. He
should do his whole duty to the last, and if de
feat must come, the consequences must be
charged to those who will be responsible. I
said that one man con Id do bnt little, but I
should certainly aid him to the utmost of * my
never received the letter which Mr. Stephens
promised the Georgia delegation lie wonld
write, and that if he had received it he would
have respected the wishes of the delegation
and not have convened the Legislature.
Great aDxiety was felt in Richmond, and es
pecially with the tieorgiuns, as to the coarse
Mr. Stephens would pursue on bis return, if
the commission failed. Hia pledge was in the
resolutions which the delegation had agreed
to, drawn by himself.. I was not in Richmond
whon be returned. I am iuformed ho was ap
pealed to by Georgians, in and out of the del
egation, to join Mr. Davis at tbe African
Church in an effort to rally the people and fire
the. Southern heart anew. I believe be de
clined to do so and came homo.
The important facts of the Confedeiate Civil
Government, and tho reasons for them, trans
pired in the secret councils of the President
and Cabinet, and in tbe secret sessions of the
Congress. Those who banished themselves
from both daring tbe most important periods
of the struggle, are not fit to write Confederate
history. Tbo malcontents are uot tbe men to
pass judgmunt upon tho faithful. Tito facts
facts as they occurred, and by those who know
them, will be written, and when written tbe
true will bo vindicated and the faithless will
be made ashamed.
As soon as my professional engagements per
mit, I will give the public the "Unwritten
History of Gen. Johnston’s Removal.”
Agricultural flatters.
Southern Field Pea.
This common plant, cultivated by us at tbe
South, is a misnomer. It is no pea, bnt a bean,
and although extensively aud universally cul
tivated, is not half appreciated. I have seen
eighty varieties of this bean exhibited by J.
V. Jones, of Burko county, Ga., at one of the
fairs of tbo Alabama Stato Agricultural So
ciety. They were of all sizes and colors, and
but tbreo or four of them desirable as a table
bean (pea.) Among them tho white crowder,
(called crowder becauso tho fruit crowds each
other in the pods) is a delicious, nutritious
food for man. It contains a far greater pro
portion of nutritive matter tban tbe Northern
navy bean, and that has been so nutritious
that tbe soldiers and sailors of tbe army are
mainly fed on them. I find this bean selling
in our market at four and fivo dollars per
bushol. Their culture has become a source
of great profit to tbe Northern farmers. They
are cultivated in drills aud broad cast. Tho
average yield is about twenty bushels to tho
aero, and yet with good culture and tho right
kind of fertilizers, they have yielded fifty bush
els to tho acre. Now, can we uot with good
soil and culture get as great a yield of the
white crowder pea (bean) f I believe we can
and if wo can, there is no crop that grows on
Southern soil that pays as well. But, say tho
fogy croakers, we cannot pick thorn out If wo
succeed in getting the crop lo grow. We can
not get bands to pick more than two bushels
ai day at the best, and many will not pick
more than one bnsbel. Cultivate, cure and
save this crop precisely as they do tbe
Northern bean, and as in England they do
the English pea. Farmers, try one acre.
Plough the laud thoroughly, make it rioh and
mellow, open slight furrows two and a half
feet apart, nnd, either by band or a cotton
seed planter, drop tbe scod in tbe drill. One
bushol of seed will plant an acre, a half bush
el will plant it if care be taken not to drop too
thick. As the plants grow plough them twice
with a sweep or horse hoe.
If gypsum be sprinkled over the growing
plants it will give them astonishing; vigor and
promote their fruitfulness. When the pods and
stalks begin to turn yellow jnst bofere the
seed becomes bard, cut tbe vines with a weed
scytbe or sickle, and with a pitch fork or a
horse rake get them into maths or cocks, ands
then into stacks, until they are cared cuough
for thrashing. If tho weathor is unfavorable
cart them under shelter, where they may b.o
thrashed out with a flail. If tbe weather should
prove favorable, they may bo thrashed oat on
tho ground where cat and cared. Tho navy
bean is often thrashed ont by going through a
thrashing maebino. Tbe hanlon or stalk will
Btill be left to make good food for stock. This
is the way which English peas are cultivated
in England, from which we get onr split peas
at eight dollars per bnsbel. Now, the white
crowder pea will make a richer soup tban the
English split pea, and is more nutritious tban
the Northern navy bean, and there is no rea
son why we may not get as large or even larger
yield per acre. I have particularized the white
crowder because I know it to be as productive
as the speckled and darker varieties, and al
together saperior in flavor. Some may object
to making large crops of peas, as the pea wea
vil is sodestructive. Bat if the peas (or beans)
that are designed for the table are kiln dried,
they will keep for years without any sign of a
bug. It has been fashionable of late to talk
and write about raising our own supplies.
of wisdom.
Tbe Grangers have nlso contributed much
toward this result, and all honor is due them
for their patriotic agency in bringing it about.
They have preached until it has at last come
to be heeded, the grand economic maxim that
no agricultural people ever yet prospered who
failed to raise their own food. Reports gen
erally represent that two acres of corn and one
of cotton is tbe rule of our planters for 1874.
They will find it to work well, and have only
to stick to it to work out their complete re
demption. When Georgia comes to prodace
her own bread and meat, she will be the rich
est State in'tlie Union. To say nothing of
other articles of export, only think of her keep
ing at home annually the many millions brought
into tho State by the cotton crept What
would tbis money not do for horf Instead of-
being a community of debtors, nearly every
body would be owing us, while that portion of
our surplus invested at home weald cause the
old State to blossom like tbe rose, and her
people to be among tbe most independent of
the earth.
Millet.
Millet seems to succeed everywhere, with
any reasonably fair treatment. Itcanbosown '
early in tbe spring, nnd will produce a suc
cession ot crops, by continued sowings, up to
the middle of Jnly in this latitude. Scarcely
more tban six weeks are required for its growth
and tbe crop chonld be cut, if for bay, when
tbe tops of tbe seed begin to ripen; if saved
for seed, it may stand until tbe seeds become
brown. Millet requires a good soil, and aa
rich as may be mado. Deep ploughing is ef
fective in tbe cultivation of this erop against
drouth as as it is with almost all others. There
is nothing- hotter as a manurial application
tban a mixture of bone dust and Peruvian
guano or a good superphosphate. Barnyard
manure, when used, should be well rotted.
Four or five pecks of seed are sufficient to the
acre when bay is tbo object. When sown for
seed, which ground is nutricioos and fatten
ing, rather more seed sbonld be sown. There
are a number of varieties of millet; but our
remarks above apply to that commonly in use,
known botanically as Panicum milaceum. Of
its great valuo there can be no doubt, and we
hope all of our readers who can do so will sow
at least a small patch of it, if only as an ex
periment, to test its adaptability to thoir situ
ation. We only add that the bay it makes is
excellent in quality, mneb relished by cattle
and horses, and freqnently reaches three to
four tons to the acre in quantity.
... . . Now what constitutes supplies t Is not a crop
poor abilities, to the very end of the strugglethat will save one-third of tbe broad and one-
and of one thing he might be assured, and that
was, the Legislature of Georgia wonld refuse
to approve Gov. Brown's recommendation for
tbe call of a convention. U grieved me that
officials in and from Georgia were continuing
to givo so much trouble iu such a serious crisis,
but he would find tbo delegation in Congress
from Georgia true, ablo and faithful, and they
best represented the real views of the people
of tho Stato; - Ho expressed warmly bis confi
dence iu the delegation and tbe people, aud,
with expressions of thanks to myself for my
nniform support and encouraging assurances,
wa parted. The waves of sorrow and adver
sity had passed heavily over tho truest of lead
ers and noblest of causes, bofore wo met again.
Imagine my feelings, when, on my return to
ths Senate to got leave of absence, I found Sen
ator Orr, of South Carolina, on tho floor in
dulging in fierce, bitter abuse of Mr. Davis.
I replied to him, and closed with this sentence:
1 If those who hurried us into this revolution
would support the cause with half tho zeal they
exhibit in abusing Mr. Davis, there would be
third of tbe meat a good supply crop f Then
begin and improvo on the planting and cnltl
vation of tho common crowder. Plant them
early, aod for themselves alone, and my word
-for it, they will yield a richer return tban aoy
other crop ; on tho farm.—C. A. Peabody, Col.
Enquirer. __ '
Tho Cabbago Worm.
Mr. Poabody, in the Columbus Enquirer,
says gypsnra will kill the green worm now de
vastating the cabbago plants. Tho same gen-
tleman gives this rccipo for cooking greon
peas: “ Drop tho shelled peas into just boil
ing water enough to cover them. Fifteen min
utes constant boiling will cook them,; Just
bofore they aro done add salt enough to sea
son, with black popper and a lump of sweet
butter. Have somo slices of light bread toast-
' d, and made .in to soft toast, place this ia tho
Wayside Gatherings.
TEARS.
Is it rainy, little flower f
Be glad of rain.
*Too much sim would wither thee;
'Twill shine again.
Tbe clouds aro very block, ’tis true ;
But just behind them smiles the bine.
Art tbou weary, tender hsart t
Be glad of pain.
In sorrow sweetest things will grow,
As flowers in rain.
God watches, and thon wilt have sun
When clouds their perfect work have done.
..“ What is your name t" asked a census
officer.
‘ John Corcoran.’
‘ Your age V
‘ Twenty-one.’
• What nativity t’
* Well, that’s what bothers me. I’ll tell
you, and maybe you can make it out. My
father was Irish, my mother Eogiish.and I was
born on board of a Dutch frigate, under the
French flag, in Turkish waters. Now, how
is it t’
.. A no wapaner clerk some time ago sold fifty
papers to a negro, who promised faithfully to
pay for them very soon. The other day tho
clerk encountered and dunned him.
" Look here, you freedtnan, when are you
going to pay for those papers f”
Don’t trouble me, boy, don’t trouble me,”
replied Cuffee, assuming an air of basinesa,
and at the same time getting out of tbe way.
* I’ee taken with the bankruptcy—no use to
say nuffln more on dot subject.”
—The smallest post-office in the world is
kept in a barrel, which Bwings from tbe out
ermost rock of the mountains, overhanging
the Straits of Magellan, opposite Terra del
Fuego. Every passing ship opens it to place
letters in or take them out. Every ship un
dertakes to forward all the letters in it, that
it is possible for them to transmit. How mauy
homes have been made bright by these mes
sages, left in tbe barrel post-office. It hangs
there by its iron chain, beaten and battered by
tbe winds and storms, but no locked and bar
red office on land is more secure. It ie- not in
tbe track or reach of mail robbers.
..Acolored Mississippi legislator lately pro
posed a bill to make each member of tho legis
lature, present and future, a bona fide’ attor
ney and consellor-at-law. His reasoning was
direct: •’ For,” said be, “ if wo know enough
to makode la'wa, why don’t wo practieo um|t*
.. Referring to a statement of tbo New York
Graphic that Mr. Davis was ill in Loudon with
dropsy of tho heart, the Viokaburg Herald
says :. We nre satisfied that the statement of
the Graphic is erroneous. Lottcrs from Mr.
Dav(s have been recoived in tbis city since his
arrival in Europe, and they raako no mention
of such alarming symptoms. ' On the contrary,
those letters speak of a very great improve
ment in his health, and breathe an air of cheer
fulness utterly incompatible with the state
ment of the Grapuia. ' V.; e ■ : -
..Are blacksmiths, who make a living by
forging, or carpenters who do a little counter-
fitting, aoy worse than men who sell iron and
steel for :i liviugt
..A sure reoeipe to remove stains from
character—Get rioh.
JJV JOHN H. CHRISTY.