Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

_ ^ TlT 7 — rr ”™ a .. . “7 ‘T , n .IOHN H. CHRISTY. DEVOTED TO NEWS, POLITICS, AGRICULTURE, EDUCATION AND GENERAL PROGRESS. $3.00 pei* Annum, in advance. VOLUME XXL ATHENS, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, FEB’Y 24, 1875. NUMBER 46. the SOUThERN WATCHMAN IT IU.ISUKI* EVERY WEDNESDAY. r. i FALL ANDWINTER STOCK OF Millinery AND fancy goods MRS. T. A. ADAMS TERMS. TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, I N VARIABLY IN ADVANCE. advertising. lirartiJomeuL' will bo inserted at ONE DOLLAR pii i V CENTS por !*tiuare for the firstinaer- i SEVENTY-FIVE CENTS per square for 1 * utiauanee, for Any time under one month. Pot ' rf | >r rtoilai. » iibcral deduction will bo made. V \ liberal l« Inction >n yearly Advertisements. LEGAL ADVERTISING . s ilos per levy of 10 lines $500 S **.. :r» irtj*a^o sales, 00 days... 5.00 . i .« pi *vs, by Administrators, Executors, or dairdisns 6.50 ’ ition* ■: Vdmiuiftration or Guardianship 4.00 , ; . Debt.trs <*ud Creditors 5.00 « a j #> Vi.i. n«-r square, each insertion 1.50 l • sell Real Estate 4.00 (V,iti<»nf'*r iistniision of Administrator 5.00 • i •• Guardian 5.25 T > ascertain the uuinber of squares in an adrertise- a .at if ilnti.iry. count the words—one hundred being • laaltoten lines. Allfraetions are counted as full yroftssioial anl ^Business CatK 0 ■ UQ. | A. 8. F.RWIN. | IIOWBLL COBB,JR imill, EltWIX & COBB, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. ATHENS, GEORGIA. >«upree liilil4*i>g. I»ec21 \. EDGE, IT, SHOE AND HARNESS MAKER, Watkihsvii-lk, Ga. A B WKKITTOY.—Samuel P. Thurmond, Attorncy-at-Law. Athens, Ga. •f .»» flrontl ntrtrt,over the etore of Barry A Son, jjive special attention to canes in Rankruptcy. Al iy the collectior »f all claims entrusted i-. bis care. MliiKY ,Sl'EEB, J LAWYER. ATHENS, GA. . > ili it-ir General of We»t«<rn Circuit, will attend I' ,ur:s <>f Clarke, Walton. Gwinnett, Hall, Banks, v s• in. llah, : r?ham, Franklin., Rahun and White, iivc attention to collecting and other claims in e.-..unties. March 10, 1873. MBYAItl) It. HARDEN, j v l.,ic.lu Itfe II. S. Hour!., Nohraska and Utah, and now .lu l K e nf lir.mki County Court) Attorney at Ljiw, i!;2:i lv Quitman, Rrook* County, Ga. A NNOUNCES to the public that she ia now roceir- "• l“I * larco and ritried atock of Lsdio.* Bonnot,. Hnt, Lace,. Ribbon,, Trimming*, to., which ahe i» offering at low prieo*. Call, examine and b«convinced. N.xt door to Rank nf the Unircriity, Athini. ,tp30 E. A. WILLIAMSON, Practical fatcUer ani Mr. A T Dr. King’, Drug Store, Broad Street, will »xe- CX ento all work sntrosted lo bin in tbo boat atjD upd at reasonable prices. T.rm. po.itircly CASH. f*b4 dr. whither: Sa 617 St. Charles Street, St Louli, tie., 5L T ‘l!T. > *l”‘ l .l‘ tXnnmt In U. IMHI111. ™; n ' noaded u>4 hu beet uiibiei^ u ”**-?*■?*&.. yjeMaMt rtUef. Bala* a graSaau *t mwSnSSutS, 1 *«ai>w,M«M. XUpatlsmis ^TZZfSLr?. r. TStu, StS* MARRIAGE GUIDE, *-*£**&• a»nn Mir, or an arn amro i. do wttkMrttT It MtluiLT^T. ‘iL* “•woISSiw STw.? lpTKS ,t BELL, Attorneys at Law, lj GAINESVILLE, GA. L'OR »»J Sowing - Machine, ta “CLARK’S A 0. N. T./* especially that made for and bearing the name of the Singer Manufacturing Co. A word to the wise should bo sufficient. XSflf* Price, 75c. pei doaen Spool., at tbo office of tbo SINGER MAND FACTURING CO. G. H. HOPE, Agent, julyl—1 y Bishop’, Corner, AtLena, Ga. ''I.iiYD & SI I,MAX, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. oil I r.fii.e in tbo Counties of Wnllon and Jacket iJ.n • 1 Y l>. J. U. BILK 4 effer , Gn J. F. (FivELLEY’S iiioroi RAPII GALLERY, rc. Broad, street, Athens, *c)i3. li ;Y il. lit liltIXS, i .Icsilo a id Retail Dealer in )l»'. GKOCEitlES, HARDWARE, Ae. Ilr«»ad Street. Athens, Ga. JOHN II. CHRISTY, U Plain and Fauey BOOK AND JOB PRINTER, Rroad St., Athens, Ga. Office corner Broad acd Wall streets, over the store Junes D. Pittarii. tf Wagon Yard in Athens. T HE subseriberhas fitted up and opaned a safe, com fortable and commodious Wagon Yard, op Rivet street, in the neighborhood of the Upper Bridge, where CORN. FODDBR, and all other neeessery supplies an b«* purchased on reasonable terms. Charges moderate. The highest market price paid for Country Produce, an Rank hills r«e«ived in exebangefor Goods. t* WTLRV P HOOP THE8REAT REMEDY for Burns, Scalds, Cams, Poison Oat, Sits of Insects aoJ Cutaneous Inflammations Cm rail;, DISCOVERED BY URS. L. E. DISH, JUG TAVERN, WALTON CO., GA., \\J AS eutered against the World, at the late State ’ » Fair at Macon, and isdaily effecting THE MOST ONDEKFUL CURES, and has become an indis- nsahle household necessity. No family should be tbou: it! If, after trial, a family is willing to live witbontthia preparation for Ten Dollars, agents are authorised to refund the money. FOB SALE, In Athens—At Dr Wm King's Drug Store and at the Store of Judge J D Pittard. In Watkinsville—At the Store of Booth A Durham. In Monroe—At Dr Galloway's Drag Store. At Princeton—By Mr Russell. Address all orders to WJLEY H. BUSH, novlD Jug Tavern, Walton co., Ga. j AMES LYLE, Attohxkv at Law, WATKINSVILLE, GA. JOHN M. MATTHEWS. O Attorsey at Law, Ranieluviilc, Ga. Prompt mention will bo given to »ny business on- •»>!ol lo his care. Marcb14. JAMES L. LONG, M. D. O SCKGEOX, ACCOUCHEUR A PHYSICIAN, (Ojfice at Mr. Thomae Shente* Store,) Goml Hope District, Walton county, Ga. Offcr> hu professional services to the eitisens of the lurrounding Ci»untry. sug27 Use the Great i For all Diaex.e, of the Bowel,, such a, CHOLERA, DYSENTERY, Diarrhoea, Colie, FAINS IN BACK, SIDE & JOINTS, Toothache and Neuralgia. TV LI-1 AS, Attorney at Law, J v. FRANKLIN. N. C. Hrnctii'cs in all the Courts of Western North Caro lina. and in the Federal Courts. Claims collected In all part- of the State. aplfi—ly f IVERY, Feel and Sale Stable, AJ ATHENS, GA. GASSX REAVES, HroprUtar*. kt-'Viil be found at tbeir old stand, rear Frank- uo Uon,e building, Tbotnoo street. Keep always ea hand tjuod Turn-out, and careful drivers. Mook well eared for when entrusted to our care. »t6ck on hood for sale at all time,. d«c25—ti Tbe efore ill enre ail tbe above diseases it il raeommendad to ura. All we aak is a fair trial, iftbi, MEDICINE doee not perform wbat waclaim for it after a fair trial, according to tba directions then M W. RIDES, ATTORNEY AT LAW, U. S. Claim Agent and Notary Public, (Jainkhvili.k, Ga. ’4^ on WiUon street, below King A Bro’s. «t*ru*r> 1 y, 1 s>73. •PRrPLr K. P. BO WELL. Peeples & howell, X ATTORNEYS AT LAW, 20 ami 22, Kimball House, Atlanta. Ga. URACT1CE in the Staieaml Federal Courts, and ^ sitead regularly nil the Courts in Atlanta, includ the Supreme Court of the State, and will argue ***** u P" n briefs for absent parties, on reasonable Tbej also practice in the Courts of the counties con juou* or ac<*ea«ible to Atlanta by Railroad, sepl 1 R IL ADA IK, I). 1). S. Gaixrsvillr, Ga. ithcm li ADAMS, M. D„ ^tkC.KON, ACCOUI HBPR AWn PhTSICIAW. e •t refidence. Mountain District, Walton coun 8 T^i* offer# his protesaiooal services to t *** tbe surrounding country aug2R—ly ft C. DullliS, Wholesale nat t.id Retail Dealer in at)<! Fancy DRY GOODS, GROCERIES. Ac No. 12 Hroad Street, Athena, Ga pl-AIN and Fancy Job Printing, Southern Watchman Office. ^POOL. SILK! (Jj I HE BEST U„d CHEAPEST! Gittbatmrn ‘O Mach F r ,, 1# **.'TFAC1 pe-ialiy adapted for use on all kinds of Sew lvsale and retail, by the SINGER Af'TURING COMPANY. JU *y»—ly G. H. HOPE, Age<it, Athens, Ga p - G. THOMPSON, attorney at law, Afftpw a THENS, a A. U , lLho . ver Carry’s More. Spacitil attention given Go, ij mn *> 1 >‘ , l practice. For reference, -;>ply to Ex- «6iB.I? 0 ?, M ®’"^* U8 * n AHon. David Clopton, Mont Alabama. fabS CLOSE HOTEL, AUGUSTA, CiA. Corner of Broad and Jackson streets. 1 Hotel baa juat bean refnrniabad and r*. Taoi«,. ’ W1,n *h» modern improvemantaandeon 'ogetber with the addition of a naw varan. “ °M of tbe moat eomplate liotala In tba lit ?.■" '• “»* ready for tba accommodation al Cnpaid Taxes for 187" Jjl ^by the 25th instent at furthest. I 4« |a * T * r *«sued executions—I do not Irish tu Tax Colleetor. SPEECH OF BON. H. P. BELL, On the Louisiana Question, in the House of Re presentatives, United States, Feb. \ lth, 1875. Mr. Speaker : Tbe people of this coun try were startled at the announcement of tbe events that transpired on tbe 4tb day of Jan uary, 1875, at tbe capital of tbe State of Louis iana. On that day, at that place, in a time of peace, tbe soldiers of tbe Uoited States Army, with fixed bayonets, entered tbe sovereign State of Louisiana and broke up and dispersed by armed force the representative branch of her General Assembly. This outrageous act of tyranny and military despotism was com mitted upon tbe order of tbe person who claimed to be tbe governor of tbe State, and was approved by tbe President of the United States and bis Cabinet ministers. Tbe soie pretext for this high handed usur pation was that in-tho opinion of William Pitt Kellogg ibe House of Representatives was an illegal assembly. Tbe members were chosen by tbe electors of Louisiana at tbe time and place and in tbe manner prescribed by law Tbe House of Representatives bad assembled at tbe time and place fixed by law for tbe meet ing of tbo Legislature under a written consti tution, which provides, among other tbings, that “ Each bouse of tbe General Assembly shall judge of tbe qualification, election, and return of its members.” Tbe returning board failed to pass upon the election of five persons claiming to bave been chosen, and expressly referred tbe question of their election to tbe House of Representatives. Tbe House, in tbe exercise of a plain Consti tutional right, adjudged that they were enti- tied to seats, and adopted a resolution seating them as members subject of course to any con- lest tbat might be filed. And this is tbe ground of alleged illegality upon which Kellogg based his order or request to the military to disperse tbe House. What law made Kellogg tbe judge of the qualification, election, and return nf the members of the House of Representatives f Tbe Constitution of Louisiana made the House itself the judge of that question; and the as sumption on the part of Kellogg the question of who were or who were not qualified, elected and returned as members was a plain and palpable violation of tbe constitution which he had sworn to support. Claiming to bo the chief magistrate of tbe great State, the guar diaii of her rights and the defender of her Constitution, he tramples that Constitntion into the dust at the expense of bis official oath and saciifices the rights and liberties of the people to peisonal aggrandisement and party supremacy, and thus embalms himseir in his toric infamy as a usurper anti a tyrant. There are not e so stupid as not to know that Kd logg invoked the arm of military power to<ii« perse the House of Representatives, not be cause it was illegal, hot because the five mem bets were improperly admitted, but because that majority of the members were not in po litical sympathy with him and the party with which he is allied, and of which he is the fit representative and exponent ia the South. The incipient 3tep, therefore, in all this trouble on the 4th of January was a usurpation. Thp whole difficulty arose from the claim of that burlesque upon the idea of a Governor to judge of tbe qualification, election and return of tho members of the House of Representatives, a right which tbe Constitution secured to tho House itself, and a right about which there could not possibly be any doubt. Tbo American people begin to understand and history will faithfully record, the extent to which tho irresponsible carpet bagger has ox hausted Southern patience and fatigued South ern indignation. And by whom was this judgment of illegality pronounced 1 By a man who held the office of Governor by virtue of an order issued er parte at the dark hour of midnight by a judge who resigned to avoid impeachment by bis own party, for granting that order, upon tbe ground that he had no jurisdiction in the matter. If Durell had no right to grant the order, for the want of juris- diction, that practically kept Kellogg in office, then tbe judgment was a nullity and Kellogg took nothing by it. If Kellogg held tbe office by virtue of a popular election, and in accor dance with the popular will, why was it ne cessary for a corrupt judge to draggle the ju dicial erranie in the mire of party politics to eustaiD him f Tbe d6x^ step in this drama of usurpation and outrage waa tbe invasion and dispersion of tbe House of Representatives by armed Beta it aid pt lour Money. Prepared and put up by J. E. ROSS, At DR. W. R. D. THOMPSON’S, 2S5 East Fair street, ATLANTA, GA. 9-AND FOR SALE BY ALL DRUGGIST8.-^ PRICE, 50 CENTS. July 8th, 1874. ?i-.J ATHENS MARBLE ANDGRAHiTE YARD. A. R. Robertson D EALERio Monument,,HeeiiStonea.CradleTomba, Marbleand Granite Box Tombs. Alao, Vaaeaand Marble Tops for Furniture. Persona deairing work of tbia kind will do well to examine my design, before purchasing elsewhere. Prieea modera'e. Work shop adjoining old cemetery. jnly22—ly HORSES & MULES. r UE undesigned have established,' in addition to their Livery, n regular SALE STABLE, An«l will, from thin date, keep •* hand, at all time*, fall suw'lv of HORSES & MULES. Those in want 'e 8t«ek can be supplied at Reasonable Figures. GANN * REAVES. Proprietors, in putting this GREAT REMEDY u * »epre«cuu»ivee uy arm™ tbe public, do an wilh the ffrnrhelief that it Federal soldiers, supplied by the Federal Go • vernment upon the application of Kellogg. Tho ground upon which this interference is based is not that there was an invasion of Louisiana, not that.Democratic violence exist ed, but.tbat in hi* opinion the House of Re preseatatives was an illegal assembly. And the Federal authorities coincided in judgment with Kellogg.and granted his request, dispers ed tbe Representatives chosen by tbe people- according to tbe Constitution and laws of Loaisiana. and mstalled in power those whom- the* people bad rejected but whom the return- ing board, by the most stupendous fraud de clared to have been elected. But concede tbat it was an illegal assembly; concede tbat the five men sworn in as members under the reso lution of the House were improperly, were il legally admitted; what law constituted either Kellogg or the armed military the judge of the qualification, election, and return of these members t Wbat Constitution authorized them or what law. State or Federal, authorized them to break up and destroy one branch of the General Assembly or a State of tho American Union t Whether tbe House of Representa tives waa an illegal assembly or not ia not the question. But the question is, by virtue of wbat authority tbe Federal Government took it upon itself to judge of tbe legality of tbe Assembly, and by virtue of what authority of law tbe Federal Government enforced with the relentless arm of military power tbe judg ment which it,pronounced adverse to its le itality. These are the questions which the law abiding and liberty-loving people nf tbe United States, in a thousand tor ms ami through a thousand instrumentalities, are pressing with Give us a call. Athens, Nov. 4—tf Brackets! Brackets! B RACKETS. Wall Pockata, Book-Shalvea, Clock- Sli6lve*,TnHst-Ca*a*. Mateh-Safes. Hanging Bas kets, lo—the largest anti hxndaomeat assort want ever brought to Athena. For ante »t ____ n nv25 BURKE’S BOOK STORE. Notice in Bankruptcy. I N theDlatriet Conn of tb. Dnlte-l States. Northern District of Georgia, in the •»M«WD|44 A.Grif- felh, in.bankruptey. J • .. — Thi* iato give nolle., one. > w««k for three weeks, that I bar. been appointed Assign** of the estate of David A Griffeth, of Clark, county, who has boon ad judged a bankrupt upon his own petition by tho Dio. trict Court of said District. fabS H. N. HARRIS, Assignee. the earnestness of alarm upon the Chief Mag istrate and his Constitutional advisers. Fait iug to show tbo authority demanded, the act stands a naked usurpation Is there no cause for alarm when the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, clothed by law with vast power and patronage, the chief of .powerful party distinguished for military pro* ess anti achievements, destroys by tbe fiat of power tbe Legislature of a State and strikes down at one blow tbe Constitutional liberty of tbe people t Tbe question still recurs, by what aulhori ty of law can this interference be justified Section 4 of article 4 of tbe Constitution is in vqked That Save Your Money! I HAVE this dny waived • fall stock of .vary kind of materfe], lo insure » superb Boot or Sboe A11 cdABSE BOOTSW SHOES, sewed or pegged, mxde or r^nired.^ J»nl7—Jm No. 9 Broad street, Ar MARTIN INSTITUTE. Jefferson, Ga., T HE Spring Term of thi. institution will open Monday, Jxo. 25th, 1375, with a f 0 R c °fP\ of teachers. dee23 J.W. GLENN, Principal, 'U ** oi 4SIHVU- •* V»l lUU VUllflllUUtMl 13 Hi . in vain for this purposo. It provides H . ,.„t the United States shall guarantee to lWO i (every State in this Union a Republican form Hof Government, and shall protect each of them against, invasion, aud on application of the Legislature, or of tho Executive, (when the Legislature cannot ho convened,) against do mestic* violence.” This section neither binds nor authorizes tho President of tho United States to guaran tee to each State a Republican form of Gov eminent. Tbe usurpation of this power by i Republican President was one of the grounds of impeachmeut alleged against him by a Re publican House of Representatives. • fl Id the case of Luther or. Bonlen Chief Jus tice Taucy said r’ Mrestij with Congress to decide what gov] republican form of government. Congress must necessarily decide wbat government is established in tbe State before it can deter- mice whether it is republican or not; and when tbo Senators aud represeutatives are ad mitted iDto the councils of the Union, the au thority of the government under which they are appointed, as well as its republican char acter, is recognized t>y tbe proper constitu tional authority, and its decision is binding on every other department of tho Government, and could not be questioned ia a judicial tri bunal. But no question is made upon the form of the government of Louisiana. All concede tbat her government was republican in form. If tbe question were involved. Congress aud not tbe President would be the judge. Does the provision of the section under considera tion, which guarantees to each State protec tion against invasion and domestic violence, justify tbe dispersion of the House of Represen tatives by tbe armed military t Unquestion ably not, because there was no invasion and no domestio violence, and for the addi tional reason tbat tbe Lewelatare must make the call, if it can be convened. The Legisla ture was convened, and did not make the ap plication for the interposition of tbe militai?. The state of facts upon which alone tbe .Gov ernor was autnorized to call for Federal as sistance did not exist. This call for Federal troops was made by Kellogg when the Legis lature could bave been convened, when it was actually convened, and for that reason Kel logg bad do constitutional right to make it, nor any other power except the Legislature. Tbe application of Kellogg was itself a viola tion of tbo Constitution. It was tbe exercise of power which depended upon the happen- ing of a contingency, when the contingency upon which the right attached bad not hap pened. Again, domestic violence did not exist in Now Orleans at tbe time. If it is said that white men were armed, or that white-leaguers were armed, tbe reply is tbat tbe Constitu tion protects white men and white-leaguers in tbe right to keep and bear arms. And tbe truth is that they were compelled to bear them iu New Orleans to prevent tbe armed police from stealing them. Tbe exercise of a constitutional right by the people of Louisiana, or any other State, cannot justify the dispersion- and destruction of tbe House of Representatives by armed power The American people thoroughly understand the reason why Kellogg appealed to force, and the alacrity with which tbo force was supplied, and the vigor and promptness with which it was used. It was not to protect tbe State against domestic violence, because domestic violence did not exist, in the sense in which that term is used in tbe Constitution. Tbe expulsion nf a legal, and the induction of a fraudulent House of Representatives was not protection against domestio violence. The plea of domestic violence is a pretext, a sham. The aim nf the Federal arm was invoked to dissolve the House of Representatives because that House was adverse to Kellogg in politcal sentiments and party affiliation. It was in- voketl to maintain a usurpation, in defiance of the popular will, originating in fraud and up held by the midnight order in chancery nf a judge driven to resign by an impending im peachment, aud a government that is still maintained by the unconstitutional interfer ence of armed Federal power. I have characterized Kellogg as a pretend ed Governor, and I have tbe very highest of ficial authority for insisting tbat he is not and never was the rightful Governor of Louisiana. The President of tbe United States, in his special mossago to the Senate upon tbe ques tion of Kellogg's election, says : “ It has been bitterly and persistently al leged that Kellogg was not elected. Wheth er be was or not is not altogether certain, nor is it any more certain tbat his competitor. Me- Eoery, was chosen. Tbe election was a gi gantic fraud, and there are no reliable returns of the result.” Tbe President’s recognition of Kellogg as tbe Governor is not based upon the fact of bis election, for the election under which he claims to have been chosen ia pronounced to be a gigantic fraud. And it is expressly de dared tbat there are co reliable returns of the result of that election. From these two facts it would seem to be impossible tbat Kellogg should be the Gorer nor. If the election was a gigantic fraud. theD, nobody was elected. Fraud vitiates elections as well as contracts. No person ev er did or ever can rightfully exercise tbofunc lions of an elective office when the election it self is a gigantic fraud. The President says bat ” there were no reliable returns of the result.” Then there is no evidence of bis election; because tbe only legal evidence of his election is reliable returns of tbe result, and tbat evidence the President declares does not exist. Tbe Presidential recognition is based upon tbe ground tbat ” Kellogg obtains possession of tbo office and in bis opinion bad more right to ittbau McEnery." But hew did Kellogg obtain possession of tbe office f By reliable returns of the result of the election, tbe only way in which he could rightfully ob tain it f Not at all; but virtually aud prac tically by tbe midnight ex park order of a Fed oral Judge, who was compelled to resign to avoid impeachment by a Republican House because be granted tbat illegal erder in the exercise of a usurped jurisdiction. And this is tbe Governor who appealed to bayoDets to determine a question tbat tbe Constitution of Louisiana declares the House of Representa tives shall decide! Tbe Constitution of a sovereign State of this Union has been trampled into tbe dust in tbe capital of tbat State beneath tbe ruthless tread of aD armed soldiery, and tbe patriotic citizens of the Republic, East, West, North aud South, in alarm demand to know by wbat authority of law the deed was done, and with united voice and earnest hearts they press the question. The leaders of tbe Republican party bave shrewdly attempted to divert the public attention from this thrilling inquiry by tbe oft-repeated and threadbare cry of outrag es, proscription, murder and insecurity of life and property iu tbe South. Is this a manly meeting of the issue t Do they suppose tbat the American people will accept this old story, repeated a thousand times and as often rofut fd. as a justification of this wrens’ done to Louisiana T Crimes always have been and always will be perpetrated by all classes in every form of government and iu every tpye of civilization. Lawlessness, crime eud blood *bed exist to a greater or less extent in every State in the Union. This is to be deplored, it canuot be prevented; it can only be pun ished. If crimes are not punished io tbe States of Louisiana and Mississippi, who are to blame for it f The Republican party , has had control of these State governments in all their departments, Executive, Legislative and Judicial, ever since they were reconstructed whether rightfully or by usurpation, they have had control. Why has orime not been punished f ..Where is tbe judicial arm of those States under tbe denomination of tbe colored Republican officials t ' Why does it not afford protection t Tbe admission that crime can not be punished is a confession that tbe Re publican party is incapable of governing in those States at least. In every State under Democratic role and government in the Sonth crime is punished, rights are 1 protected, law enforced, and poaoe and order assured. This difference does not arise, from a difference in tbp people to be governed, but from the differ ence in the capabilities and methods of tboso who govern. , ; u . Everybody-knows that the lamentable state of affaire in Loaisiana has resulted from the ef forts mado to secure power and plunder by tbe miserable rival factious of tho Republican party Beaded respectively by Warmouth and Kellogg. Yet this wretched abortion of a State Government, brought into being at the dark hour of midnight by the order in chan- cerv of a Judge then drunk aud since abhorred, confessedly unable to protect life or puuiah ■--Ci leWB;:;Z-jL .:■&?/ JiCClit crime, is the Government which Federal sol diers overthrew the Constitution of Louisiana to perpetuate over a people that have the right to be free. Wbat ageDcy Gen. Sheridan bad in this affair does not appear. The President informs ns tbat he ” Requested him to ge to Louisiana to observe and report the situation there, and, if in bis opinion necessary, to as sume tbe command; which be did on the 4th instant, after tbe legislative disturbance had occurred, at 9 o'clock, p. m„ a number of hours after the disturbance.” Whether he was sent down with the view of hurting somebody we are left to conjecture. It is clear be was on tbe ground at the time, and deemed it necessary to assume command and “ report.” He reports as follows : W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War, Washing ton. D. C. I think tbat the terrorism now existing in Loaisiana. Mississippi and Arkansas could be entirely removed and confidence and fair deal ing established by the arrest and trial of tbe ringleaders of the armed White League. If Congress would pass a bill declaring them banditti, they could be tried by military com mission. Tbe ringleaders of this banditti, who murdered men here on the 14tb of last September, and also more recently at Vicks- burg. Miss., should, in justice to law and order and the peace and prosperity of this Southern tart of the country, be punished. It is possi lie that if the President would issue a procla mation declaring them banditti no further ac tiou need be taken except tbat which would devolve upon me. P. H. Sheridan, Lieutenant-General U. S. Army. To which report the Secretary of War re- tlied : “ Your telegrams all received. Tbe President and all of us hare full confidence and thoroughly approve your course.” The simple proposition in this suggestion is tbat Congress suspend the writ of habeas cor pus in Louisiana, Mississippi and Arkansas, and turn tbe destinies, rights, liberties and life of the citizens of these States, in a time of peace, over to tbe tender mercies of a military commission appointed by General Sheridan But reflecting tbat Congress might not see it in that light, and might still bave some little regard for the Constitution and the liberties of the people, he recommends a shorter and more summary method of disposing of tbe white citizens of three States : “ Let tbe President issue a proclamation declaring them banditti, and no farther action need be taken except that which would devolve upon me.” That would settle the question truly. Tbat would put a quietus to strife ; that would protect law and suppress terrorism; that would give peace to these States ; the peace that Hastings gave to Hiodostan ; tbe peace tbat Austria gave to Hungary ; tho peace that Russia gave Poland—the peace of death. Yet this advice'is given by tbe second officer in rank in the United States Army, coolly, deliberately, in a time of peace, to tbo Repub. lican President of the United States, and tbe lightning flashes back the Presidential expres sion of confidence and approval. And all this under a Government whose written Con stitution declares that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion tbe public safety may require. Mr. Speaker, it is singular that so much horror is manifested at tbe White Leagues of tbe South and none against the black leagues It is notorious that almost the entire body of colored voters in tbe South are members of oath bound leagues, meeting in darkness, and many of them armed and incited to the most deadly hostility to white men by bad men of the republican party for selfish partisan ends. But no word of complaint or rebuke escapes Republican lips, no Republican press teems with denunciations of them, and no arm of Federal power is bared for their suppression. Tbe midnight heavens blush in redness with the flames nf burning dwellings and gin- houses in South Carolina, and tbe Lieutenant General of tbe Army advises no suspension of habeas corpus that he may snmmarily try the incendiary and punish the arson. Why is thist Is it because tbe turpitude of crime consists iu the color of the perpetrator; or is it because it is done by those who maintain a negro despotism over the people of that suf fering State 1 Why is there no condemnation of tbe black leaguers in the South f Is it be cause they were organized by adventurers in the iaterest of the Republican party that they are not condemned t Why are not the armed organizations and hostile demonstrations ef the negroes in the South denounced f It was this state of affairs that created the necessity for White League organizations. It is because the negroes bave been armed and incited to hostility to the whites by Republicans to secure power and plunder iu defiance of tbe popular will. This denunciation of tbe White Leagues, this cry of lawlessness and insecurity of life aud property is raised to evade tbe issue and divert the pub lic attention from the true, the vital question involved. That question is by virtue of what authority of law the armed soldiers of the Uni ted States dispersed the House of Representa tives of tbe State of Louisiana. It is no an swer to this question to say tbat lawlessness, violence, aod intimidation exist in Loaisiana. This is the answer of the Lieutenant-General of tbe Army. Three bishops of different branches of tbe Christian church, and the pastor of the synagogue caveat the truth of tbe allegation in these words: We, the undersigned, believe it oar duty to proclaim to the whole American people tbat these charges are unmerited, unfounded, and erroneous, and can have no other effect than that of serving the interest of corrupt politi clans who are at this moment using the most extreme efforts to perpetuate their power o^er the State of Louisiana. I do not care to discuss the issue of fact thus joined But I will bo allowed to state tbat the very able report of the committee of this House, a majority of wbom are distiu guisbed republicans, explicitly and unequiv ncally sustains the bishops and contradicts tbe general. But admit tbat disorders exist io Loaisiana; who is responsible for them f If crime is unpunished ; it life and property are insecure; if business is deranged and tuined if property is depreciated in value; if taxation amounts to confiscation, in tbe language of your ooromittee, and if the people are disenn tented, who is responsible for it all f This deplorable state of affairs is tbe legitimate result of tbe misrule of rival republican fac tions utterly unworthy of public csnfideuce and wholly incapable of securing tbe objects for which government was instituted. And it was to sustain those in power, thus unwor thy, thus incapable, and of whose election there were no reliable returns, tbat the Fed erat soldiers broke up the house of represen tntires. It is tbe duty of tbe State governments to pnhish orime, to enforce law, and to protect right. And that government tbat fails in these objects, fails to execute the high trusts with which government Is invested for the pgblio good* Id the State of Georgia, nndeir republican rule, crime was not punished; but it is due to the courts of that State to say that it was no fault of theirs. A. republican gov ernor, himself '.a fugitive from justice, par- doned the most outrageous teases of murder, both before and after conviction, and in many cases after convictions bad been affirmed by the supreme court. The corruption of tbe exec utive palsied the arm of the judiciary, and the criminal went free. It is true, and the peteple of this country know that it is true, tbat crime is punished, right protei ted, and order maintained in every southern State iu which tho democracy are in authority. Why I Because democrats have been placed in power by the popular will The people govern themselves. If disorders exist in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas, fllMH logniMMUNi they were produced by the struggle for power by rival republicau factious in Louisiana and Arkausas, and by a carpet-bag, negro govern ment in Mississippi tbat was incapable of dis charging the functions of government. I cauuot relieve my mind from the convic tion tbat there is method in all this madness. think that Kellogg discloses the secret when in his communication to tbe President at Long Branch of August the 19th he despondingly- says tbat Louisiana is now the last State in the Southwest, except Mississippi, that re mains true to the republican party. It would seem, then, that the supremacy of the repot*, lican party after ail was the great question. If Loaisiana remains true to tbe republican party, why is not tbe republican party able to govern Louisiana 1 A distinguished I eader of that party in high official position says, speaking of the southern people: What they want is to be let alone, and then they will take possession of Louisiana, and they will take possession of Mississippi, in the same way, and they will take possession of Florida in tbe same way, and they will take possession of South Carolina in the same way aod thus tboy intend to secure a solid demo cratic South. Can it be possible! Is it credihje tbat peace, quiet, law, and order in these States are to be sacrificed to party supremacy; and still who doubts itf It is boldly proclaimed by one of tbe first men iu ability and position iu the republican party tbat if the white people of tbe South, are let alone it will secure a solid democratic South. And tbat is literally true. If let alone by tbe Federal Government, if left to exercise the constitutional Tight of local self- government, there would soon be a solid dem ocratic South. This is tbe reason why the Federal soldiers did not let Louisiana alone. When let alone, tbe people are opposed to usurpation ; when let alone, they are iu favor of tbe subordination of the military to the civil authority; when let alone, they are ca pable of puDisbing crime, or preserving peace, and of enforcing law. Tbe trouble with Louisiana has been that she was not let alone. Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and other States were let alone, Aud they recently went solidly democratic, and leave the South alone, and every State willsoon be solidly democratic. And this is the reason why the armed soldiery of the United States did not let tbo house of represeutatives of Louisana alone. It was if let alone de mo- cratic. It may soon become necessary to ap ply the method adopted in Louisiana to Mas sachusetts and New York. It is a very effec tive way to convert democratic States ioto military despotisms. But just now a un iversal demand comes up from the people to be let alone. They are honest, they are capable, they are patriotic, and when let alone they will maintain public liberty, they will preserve free institutions, aud transmit unimpaired to pos terity tbe blood bought heritage ofcostitution- al government. The complaint they make is that they are not let alone ; that the armed soldiers of the United States determined question by forco which under the constitution tbe house of representatives alone had the right to determino. Our fathers intended that they should be let alone iu tbe Federal Govern ment ; hence they said in article 9 of amend ments to tbe Constitution that “ The enumera tiou in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.” And in article 10 of amendment tbat ” The powers not delegated to the United States by tbe Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reservod to the States respectively, or to the people.” The people of this country have the right to be let alone in the exercise of all tbe rights and powers which wore not surrendered by them iu the Constitution to the Federal Government, and this is the difference between the creeds of the democratic and republican parties. Tbe democratic doctrine is tbe freedom of tbo people to exercise those rights of local self- government not surrendered in the Constitu tion to tbe Federal Government'; while tbe republican party maintains tbe supremacy ot the Federal autbority.over tbe local affairs of the States, even to the installation aud main tenance in power of a governor never elected and the dispersion nf a house of represeutatives duly elected, and tbat this power may be right fully exercised by tbe executive through tbe arm of the military. This issue is fairly aud squarely made. Louisiana is tbe illustration. It cannot be evaded Tuis usurpation must be sustained orrepudiated. If sustained, con stitutioBal liberty in this country is dead; if repudiated, tbe supremacy of tbe republican party is ended. It remains for tbe American people to decide it. No graver question ever engaged tbe attention of any people or tbe deliberations of any assembly. The number of public meetings throughout tbe country shows with wbat intense anxiety the great heart of tbe American people throbs at its con templation. Tbls question of usurpation cannot be an ewersd by charges of treason and rebellion in tbe late deplorable war. Tbat national ca lamity is past. The issue it involved was sub- milled to tbe arbitrament of tbe sword, aud the apard against tbe South. The people of that section accept tbe situation and abide the resalt. They pressed their bleeding lips to tbe oath of allegiance which you preaentod, and repledged their fidelity to the Constitution and tjte Union. By that pledge they stand, aud ia its maintenance they would perish 1 he brave men of tbe South will defend tbe dag of the Union with tbe same heroism that bore it on the bloody bill sides of Buena Vista aud Cerro Gordo. But they want liberty with the Union. They re-echo the immortal senti ment of New Eogland's greatest statesman “ Liberty and Uuion, now and forever, one and inseparable." When tbe people of this great Republican meet at the approaching centennial, they want no State crushed beneath the iron heel of mili tary despotism, bound by the cruol chains of slavery, bleeding in the dust from wounds in flicted by Federal bayonets. They wish to meet the people of this country on that occa sion from tbe East, North, aud West as broth ren, indentified in interest, sharing tbe same hopes, animated by the same patriotism, aud involved in acommon destiny, and in the spirit of magnanimity and fraternity forget and for give tbe bitter and uufortunate past; and draw ing inspiration from the spirit of our fathers, on that hallowed ground, rekindle on the altar of a common country the flame of freedom. The institutions of this country cannot be per petuated by force. They rest for support upon the hearts and affections of the American peoplq. Then let justice be done to safferiug, down-trodden Louisiana. Let the Federal soldiers be withdrawn from her soil; leave her ruined yet patient people ufgovern themselves. And let os inaugurate an era of equality among tb»8tatesandofdevotiontothe Constitntion; an erajof peace, of justice, of friendship. And let us maintain aud trausmit to posterity unim paired! the aaored; trust of free hutitutioDS and constitutional liberty secured to us by the bero ism and blood of our fathers. . ES^tbe election^ tbs‘Hob. ! A. S. Paddock as Uoiteil States senator in Nebraska, is re garded there as a serious blow ‘to Grantism. was accomplished by democratic votes, and affords great satisfaction to the democrats as well as to moderate republicans, who ar* disgusted with the corruption and usurpation of the administration. The new senator !• represented as an able man, who possesses in an unusual degree tbe confidence of his con* stituentsof all shades of political opinion. The Bate of Intereet**A Word of Financial Philosophy for Money Lenders. The usual rate of interest in the west is tea >er cent., aod it is generally believed tbat this * tbe correct taeaeure nf the value of money. If tbe measure of tbe value of a commodity ia what it will bring, this is true; but if tbe trae measure of value is what tbe article can be made to yield, it ie not truo. Experienced capitalists and business men give it as their mature opinion that there is on kind of proper ty as profitable as money loaned at ten per cent.—which is tantamount to saying tbat tba average yield of industries, enterprises and speculations is less than ten per cent, on tho amount invested, or in other words, tbat money is not really worth ten per cent There are several considerations that strengthen this eon elusion. Money loaned at ten per ceht. will double itself iu seven and a half years; ten thousand dollars will grow into twenty thou sand in tbat time, and twenty thousand will into forty thousand. Tbat tbe average invest - ments in bnsiness ventures and industries will not do this is too well known to need a demon stration. While a hundred men who loan money at ten per cent, compounded, will, with prudent management, double their for tunes io seven aud a half years, one hundred men who borrow money at that rate will fail, in spite of all tbe prudeuoe and foresight they may exercise, todouble theirs. So far from it, fifty of them, if not more, will break. There is nothing more clearly established by tb* experience of business than the fact that a man who conducts his enterprises on borrowed capital—whose only resources, orohief resour ces, are the products of hills drawn on bis ship ments will, in four cases out of five, oome to bankrupey, and a farmer who mortgages bis farm for half its value to secure money at ten per cent, in hope that its net yield will pay the interest and principal, will, in four cases out of five, be sold oat. These plain and well known facts appear to prove that the average annual product of money invested in com merce, speculative industry and agrioaltnre is not ten psr cent., and that, while it may bring that price, it ie really not worth it If all classes of borrowers in the west oonld be brought to appreciate this important fact, it would be worth millions te this region. There is a world of financial philosophy in it. Noth ing is more absnrd, and, in tbe long run, mere disastrous than the delusion that a man caa get rich by borrowing money to speculate ou; it is the secret of four-fifths of the cases of bank ruptcy that occur in busiuess and of the Sheriffs sales that take place in the country. —St. Louis Republican. garded there as a serious blow to Gran Mr Pailtiock ts a republican of liberal olivities; indeed, bis independence of parti san influences wm bS^ well known that the Grantites distrusted, and refused to support him. The‘Linteoiu : 8py says that the only time ho over ran for office before the people, heran'ou the democratic ticket Air Congress . aiud was defeated. His eleoticu as senator i kisses among your other lady frreuil*,” deleft Ipstrllirog. General James Longstreet. It is not generally known that this distin guished officer—distinguished both favorably and unfavorably—has abandoned the scene of bis troubles in Louisiana, and become a citi zen of Georgia. He has recently purchased * desirable farm in White county, and proposes to engage largely in ths rearing of sheep, a bnsiness for which that section of tho State is admirably adapted. General Longstreet’s res idence will be in Gainesville. Notwithstand ing General Longstreet’s sins against the South are most grievous and never to be for gotten, we must nsf forget that there is a large credit side to the account. No man served tbe South more brilliantly aod wi'th more self- sacrifice during her strangle for independence and despite bis blunders—call them sins if you will—the people of the South can never wholly forget or cease to respect one who baa led her armies to glory on many a bloody field, and willingly offered bis own life in the purchase of their liberties. We have never been able to convince ourselves that Long- street was a bad man, or a traitor at heart to his people. He made a terrible mistake in his ignoranoe of politics and aodue appreciation of Radical power, but one from which some equally distinguished aud still high in tbe public esteem, bave been rescued only by the persistent intervention of frient^ If he has transgressed, he has deeply suffered for the fault, and now that he has retired from the strife of war, and, to him, tho most serious strife of pnbiio civil life, it wonid be magnani mous for the entire South, and particularly of the members—both officers and privates—of his old army corps to draw the mantle of char ity over his eareer in Louisiana, which has cast so mach shame on him; and deal kindly towards the prodigal who has returned to tbe home of his father. If we oanuot fall on his neck and kill the fatted calf to weloome his return, we can at least bnry in oblivion tbe past few years of his career, and believe It was an error of his head aod not of his heart, of which he is now repentant.—Sac, Adoer. C?A Washington correspondent of the Au gusta Constitutionalist reports the following as the reply of Mr. Stephens to a citizen of Georgia, who called on him, and in tbe coarse of conversation remarked: Mr. Stephens, some of our Georgia people want to know why yon don't speak on the Loaisiana question; and whether yon are going to speak on it f” Said Mr. Stephens: ” Say to them I never attempt to cross a river nntil 1 come to it. The Loaisiana question hasn’t reached tho House yet; and when it does, it will be time enough to speak upon it. And even then I shall not speak upon it unles* in my judgment I can see some good to be ac complished by so doing. If I don’t know when to speak and what to say for tbo welfar* of our people, better than they far away flram the scene of action possibly can. I’ve no busi ness here. And if my past record and life d* not give assurance of my integrity as well as judgment in snob matters, I havo no bnsiness here." He went on to Say in conversation, in substance, that he was deeply anxious for the condition of the country; tbat be regarded tbe re-election of Graot by the Radioal party to the Presidency as the greatest possible ca lamity which could befall tho country; and that it would be his utmost endeavor now, a* It had been for two years past, to prevent that state of things which would bring it about. Imprudent‘speaking did much mis chief sometimes. Tboro are occasions in the life of a great party When silence and master ly inactivity are its highest policy, because then the opposition is allowed to develop its pernicious'schemes and show its hand fully, and then can find no shelter from the storm of popular indiguatiou certain to come upon Uv; : — ..A suspicious Fort Wayne giri *nid to h«r lov r: " l liavi" no il- ni>> >*>u jpfl-'i • cut my