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r * • —m I ,m mmm.m i. . . ■■ ■ m * tencri take place, an hereditary or exe cutive, is not fardillant. Caelar had no for* to inherit his ill-gotten pou'tf, but he had a nephew. 11 we pay due atten tion to the conduft of thole two men, We lhall find how much we have todread as a republic. The firft Caesar with the molt exalted abilities, wanted policy ; he did not conftder that the people were seduced, though they would not bedriv >en into llavery. After repeated at tempts to get his tyranny fanflioned by the senate of Rome; he fell by the hands rs the lalt patriots of his country. The fccond Caesar, the interior of the firft, in every virtue which can cither ornament or dignify humanity, was pollellcd of that deep-ton’d dilfimu ation, which enabled him to triumph over the liberties of his country. He aimed at power, he disregarded the title wndei which he was to adminittcr it; the Romans were prejudiced against a King ; he would not be a King or an Emperor, but he would be a perpetual dictator. The senate of Rome bad long been the .defenders of their countries rights; to this senate he appeared to xeiign his power every ten years, when he was again compelled by their accla mations to rc-allumehis dignity. Thus are men beguiled by baubles, while re alities areftolen irom them. Let us reflect how many oi the monarchies o 1 Europe were once elective ; how lew ol them arc now so. As the Prefluent of the United States, from the importance he will acquire in his office, will generally hold it lor life, or as long as he willies ; so the son, if a inan of abilities, will have a greater op portunity of being chosen to fucceedhim, than any other individual in the govern ment. This once done, there will be an ’ end of elections. The term of time for which a man is chosen to ad as the firft servant of the people, is not material, provided it docs not extend beyond fix years. The constitution of the United Government, if it then absolutely pro hibited his reappointment, for the fame term of years that he had been in office, would do all that laws could do. We might fee a man at the head of the exe cutive department today, and fee the fame individual to-tn rrow, in a private and retired Ration of hie. The repub lic of Rome,preferred itlelf free, longer than we have ever known any govern ment ofafunilar kind ; herconqueits were made by Cunluis chosen for a year, and no longer ; they could not be reappoint ed. As her Consuls generally comman ded her armies, the had no regular exe cutive to lupply this want on any emer gency ; a dictator was chosen ; he had no precile time limited, as he generally gave up his dignity in a tew days. Yet to this imperfection, fmallas it appears, may we attribute the lacriiice of Roman liberty. Caeiar could not be a Conlul for more than a Angle year, but he could be a dictator for life. The freedom of America was dearly paid for ; our lieids have been died with the blood of our citizens. The adfors in this fcenc ill soon have palled away, but I trust that thole who succeeded them, will inherit their virtues. WARREN. Meftrs. Powers oc Seymour, APIECE having been published in your last Tuclday’s paper, under the signature cl Gracchus, which appear ed to have for its only object, illiberal language and perjonal inveftive. A ttton g a variety ofperfons therein abided, I cou riered my reputation implicated ; and as the author of this Jcurrilous compoftion, was generally believed to be General Jackson, I held myfelf jullified in call ing on him, by my friend, Captain Ro bertson, for this wan on and unprovoked attack on my reputati m ; but this man tmly added intuit to the injury he medi tated, and ultimately refufed to receive 3 Ch .7 nge, or give me that fatisladion due from one gentleman to another. .1 have mentioned that the attack was wanton and unprovoked ; and 1 conceive it to be so, because I had been absent from the State for upwards of two months, . and had not even read, much less wrote, or been concerned in the various publica tions which have appeared in the public prints. I therefore pronounce General James Jackson, an AJfafmof reputation , and a Coward. JACOB WALDBURGER. April 24, 1796. IDO hereby certify, that in the morn ing of Wednesday the 20th inst. I waited on General Jackson, and deliver ed him a Note from Jacob Waldburger, Esq. which hepromiled me should be an swered in the course of the day.—ln the evening of the fame day, I again waited m General Jackson, with an open note Columbian Jfclufeum, from Mr. Waldburger, which the Gene ral refufed to receive, faying that he would receive no letter, or hear any thing from Mr. Waldburger; who had in ftruded me, ifhis note was not received, to deliver a Verbal Challenge from him to General Jackson ; of which I infor med him, and whilst I was repeating the particulars of the fame, he hastily withdrew, nor would lie pay any atten tion to my call after him, to compleat the delivery of my mefl’age. JAMES ROBERTSON. Savannah, 2?th, April 1796. j?or tlje Columbian flpufmm. M.-JTrs. Powers & Seymour, CM VIS has perused your last paper J and takes this opportunity ol con gratulating his fellow citizens, that our modern illujlncus Gracchus has been rout ed, and is difeovered to be the identical character Civis supposed him to be. The only weapons left him are his small arms, such as oyster wenches generally wear. It may nevertheless be proper to re capitulate the various windings he has been traced through, and to dole with fome ftridures on the artful manoeuvres of our hero, during the campaign, in order that he might avoid detection, “ Every citizen (faysour Gracchus) of common perception, mult plainly difeover that the eauic he (Civis) is en gaged in, has little to lupport it where so much paper has been waited on quib ble, noise and nonfenle.” Civis has no pretentions to infallibili ty, but freely submits it to the judg ment of the impartial public to deter mine which of’ the two, Gracchus or Civis, has quibbled molt—wafted molt paper or illued moil nonsense. Is it mere “ nonsense” to analize the characters of men by the teit of experi ence ? Can there be a truer criterion to measure the adions of our Gracchus, than by comparing him with such in flammatory unprincipled dilturbers of society, as it appears lie has been hum bly imitating, anil by such means, to put the citizens on their guard against the baneful consequences that mult inevita bly result to the community, should a ftopnot be put to the career of this fac tious deflgmng demagogue ? Is it mere “quibbling” to demon strate how, when and by whom, the fun damental laws of our country have been wantonly sported with ? Is it mere “ noise” to ihew that this Gracchus of ours, milled a number ot the 1 -ouifviile aflerilbly, who had placed a reliance on las . pretended candor and judgment ; and that by doing To, they have been induced to do that, which of t erwife they would not have done ? Is it mere nonienfe to ihew that that aflembly afiumed powers not warranted by the constitution or our country ? Is it mere noise to diferiminate between theditferent departments of government and to illullrate that an interference with each other, or an alfumption by one branch of the authorities belonging to another, is not only a violation or those institutions which the people oi this country agreed on, as the basis of their political happinels, but has eier been the curie ui republican govern ments: and that whenever theie inter ferences have taken place, tyranny and defpntifm have been the result ?■ .s it mere sophistry to prove that cer tai r opinions, principles and fads which were Rated to the public as true (in or der to millead) were diredly the re verse ? And that a bold attempt had been made by this demagogue, to undermine tiic very principles which the virtuous ci tizens of America were seven years ftrug ling to cßabiilh, and on which their in dependence was finally eroded? I fall this be mere quibble, noise, non fence and sophistry, then indeed Civis will beg pardon of the public for having obtruded his remarks upon them ; but fell con vision and that regard which Civis bears towards his country, com mand him (as far as he is capable) to op pole such wicked seditious attempts. And here Civis begs leave to remark, that no one is more ready than himfelf to concur in endeavoring taurocure such amendments, or alterations in our funda mental laws, as may seem belt for the whole : but that until such mealures be taken in a regular and conititutional manner, he feels himfelf bound by his oafrh, and warranted by the tyrannic pernicious effects, which have ever been the result of lawless intemperate inter ferences w’ith existing institutions (which were the choice of the people) to do all he can to oppose such attacks whether they be open or Jecret —And particularly so when he is apprifedof the lource from whence they iiiue. Has it not been proven, (nay has it not been acknowledged by Gracchus, in the course of this correspondence) that the constitution of the United States was intentionally violated, in the at tempt to “ impair the obligation of con tract ” ? Does it not appear from Gracchus’s own Brewing, that he caused that alfem bly to ered themselves into a court, and tyrannically to alfume powers against this and all other free governments ? Has it not been -dernonftrated that the controversy alluded to, is altogether of a judicial nature, and not of the le giflatiie kind ? Has it not appeared that Gracchus af iumed the molt unwarrantable steps under the function of authority, indifcriniinate ly to vilify the characters of a large number of refpeCtable citizens, that he might bring theirs on a level with his own, contrary to jußice, to law—and contrary to all order and good govern ment ? Is it not a fad he infulently and pub licly exults in, that he mutilated and committed to the flames, the sacred re cords of the Bate—which was an arbi trary alfumption of power forbidden him by-the constitution, and a precedent the molt dangerous that can be conceived to the rights and liberties of the goodciti zens ot this state ; -and which, if it had not been done under colour of authority, would by the laws of this, and every other country have brought him to the gallows ? . Does it not appear from the letters of Sicilius, (which Gracchus has not pre tended to deny were his offspring,) that he therein fupprelfed the truth, in his quotations from Vattel’s law of na tions, in the moft palpable manner, in order to deceive and millead the un guarded ; and that those letters were cir culated in a secret clandestine manner, throughout the interior] counties, just before the last election for that express purpole ? Has it not been (hewn that he has re peatedly attempted to prejudice the minds of the citizens, by aliening in the public prints, that the allignees of the grantees, could fell the lands to the King of Great-Britain, the Dey of Al giers or to any other power they pleased, notwithstanding it has been proven they could not do 10, and when the ad itlelf expiefsly prohibits such a sale. Had not this daring demagogue, the consummate effrontery to tell Civis in a paper of the Sthinftant, that his aifer tion was falfe, as to the members of the Louisville Aflembly being paid out of rhe Yazoo money ? Did not Civis in’ his lalt, difeover the deception attemp ted to be pradifed by G racchus in this particular, and also fay that he had it not in his power at that moment to refer to written proofs ? Civis now exhibits those written proofs to Anew that the members of that house were paid out of that identical money.* Does not'Grac chus fan l fairly convicted before the public ? Did not Civis premise fome time ago that the person who Could be guilty of deception in one instance, weld no.t hesitate at a second trial ? D;d you not, Gracchus, v : r\te a piece under the signature of a Suhfaiber, in last weeks paper, in which are the fol lowing expreiiions—“ Had the repre sentatives in the leoiflature returned • -5 without that reiteration, as the mem bers of the convention in May last did, they would have been laughed at by the Yazoo holders, and hooted at by their condiments.” Can any other rational influence be drawn from these words than this—That after the promises you had made, and the artifices you had pradi fed to accomplifn your vindictive sedi tious pur poles—you would sap the prin ciples on which our independence was bottomed—rend asunder the government of our country, and fvvallqw up all pow er in your person, rather than he g laugh ed at ? Gracchus supposes he knows Civis, and in order to reflect on him for the want of health, arraigns the great Author of our ex fence for the dispensa tion of his Providence. Would such a man halt at the commission of any crime, which the depravity of the hu man heart is capable of perpetrating ? Would he who thus dares to insult the will of his Maker, hesitate to disturb the quiet of a country —or to fee an archy or tyranny beltride the land, so that he could but gratify his vindictive pafiions, or his lawless ambitious pro jects ? To what pitch of insolent dominion must he with to arrive at, who being actually a foreigner himfelf, will dare to proclaim others to be so, who together with their kindred and connections in every direction, are natives of the coun try ? How, (Civis would alk) has this state increaled in population, [twenty fold i n \ ten years ? Has it not been almost total ly from the emigration of natives from our filter states ? But all are foreigner? let them be here ever so long, who will have an opinion of their own, or will bat dare to differ from or refill the seditious projects of this upfiart. Gracchus speaks of treason and in gratitude towards himfelf. We read of treason against states, and against kings, emperors and dictators—but not by one citizen [againft another. This prove* what Civis had in part been contendinw to eftablilh, that our Gracchus wishes to aflume one of those characters, doubtless that of Difiator, no wonder then that he confiders the lead disobedience to hi# will, an instance of treason against his sa cred person. Ingratitude Civis takes to be an at tribute belonging to the enemy of that omnipotent dicing, whoie providential difpeniations Gracchus ‘jnpioufy calls in question. As he therefore appears to be a friend of the former, andas ingratitude is one of his attributes, he must nccef iarily partake of any thing that the for mer delights in. Let us fee if we can not prove that Gracchus receives plea ■ Jure in being ungrateful to his patron and friend. Judas we are taught to believe be trayed our Saviour , and had him nailed to across, but for this he had been re warded, afterwards however he repent ed, and at last hung himfelf. What must we think of our Grac chus’s voluntarily betraying his patron and friend, after having been fofterel and supported by him, and causing his patron to be superseded in the firft coun cil of the nation, almost at the com mencement of a fellion. But our Grac chus did rot flop here—his patron’* friends after this, proposed placing him on the bench at home, which feat he had filled fevtval years, with honor to him felt and to his country, yet Gracchus’*/ companion ingratitude ituck close to him, 3- and the bench was filled with a perion of whose intentions Civis has the lUgheft opinion, but whose qualifi cations todilcharge the important duties of a judge, before whom alone the lives and properties of the citizens are ulti mately to be determined—-Civis enter tains great doubts indeed. With this Angle instance of depravi ty and ingratitude before you, let your good sense determine on the merits of judas and our Gracchus. It will hardly’- now J>e denied, but that our tllufinoiis Gracchus has fome of the ingredients of j uias in him, only of a higher tincture, the latter had been rewarded, but at Jaft hung himfelf for his villainy ; but Gracchus volunteer’d it, and finally exults in it. Gracchus charges Civis with others, in corrupting the members of the legiila ture. Tlerej Gracchus, not only your own confidence (if you have one) but the tellimony of the moll ltrenuous op pofers of the sale, and fome of them who acted from principle, and were your colleagues, will give the lie to the af ferlion. ’They know and doubtless have informej you, of the part the person you luppofe Civis to be, took in that bufi uciS, and will do Civis thejullice to lay that he never even mentioned the fubjeCl to them during the fellion, although if there was a member in that house to whom Civis could have spoken, one of those alluded to is that person. No Gracchus, this is not the charac ter ol Civis. He does not interfere with the political opinions of constitu ted bodies—nor does he ever draw up inflammatory presentments, and fend them through the country —nor does he publish seditious pvapers m order to cre ate jealoufics ainongll his fellow citi zens—nor does he ever aflume an over bearing insolent deportment, insulting to his neighbours—nor did he ever pai ry the attack of his personal enemy, biy (bidding himfelf under the cloak of pß triotifm, andfecretly attempt to ftabthje reputation of others, in order to reaejh his enemy, that he might thereby £- void chastisement—nor did he ever g o secretly armed with deadly weapoi ;* as if troubled with a guilty confcieno Can you, Gracchus, fay r as much, andte 11 the truth ? Gracchus’s aftertion, that Civis a] <- plied to him in a fubmiftive manner, t > procu re an admiifion to the Bar, the men - bers ofthe'legiliature of 1785 will di - credit : You, on that occasion, and lon j before (if I have been rightly informed ) were a warm opposer of those who ap - plied for admiifion to the bar, but find - mg yourfelf unable to keep the doo r ihut, you attempted to make a merit olf necelfity ; and as soon as you had vered that you were an ignoramus i# in the profeflion, you applied to the pelj fon you take Cm* to be, to aid yoojr No. 16