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(KoitmvbiauMtfcmn & isaoarma!) 3(smtiscf ,y j y A H, —Published os T-jesuav and Friday, by POWERS & SEYMOUR, corner of St. Julian Street, ottos it fnu Church: where Advertisements, an® NECIS Oi INTEL LICENCE ARE GRATEFULLY RECEIVED, AND ALL ORDERS EXECUTED WITH ACCURACY AND rUNCTUALITVyy VOl. I. 11. C. JONES. .j,/) Imported front LONDON, per the 11A.R ----3 3 MO NY, Capt. MARSHAL L, A HANDSOME ASSORTMENT OF Seasonable Goods, And now opening for Sale, at his Store on Mocre’s Wharf: — Among which are, SUperfine Broad Cloths and Cafiimers, Fine Elallic Cloths, strouds Bath Coatings and Negro Cloths, g gandio-4ths Role Blankets, Dulfills, y’ine and coarse Hats, Irish Linens and Cambrics, line Romalls and Marlelles Quillings, Durants, Oznabufgs and Sewing Twine, Shoe and Oznaburgs Tread, jleftfteel Corn Milis, Rice and Flour Seivcs, Padlocks and Sickles, An Invoice of Cutlery, Paints of different kinds, dec. Sec. Sec. ‘ Savannah, October 4. 62-ts. ‘ _ Juft~LA NDING, f>cm 0:1 hoard the Brig Welcome ‘Return, from Philadelphia; AN D FOR SAI. E, Superfine FLOUR. Bottled PORTER, in Calks. CRACKERS, in Kegs. Pickled OYSTERS, and A few thousand BRICKS. ALiO, on Conlignment, an Invoice of Dry GOODS, Confiding of Seasonable Aricles. JAMES ALGER. % vannah, July 8. 37 _t l Thomas Smith, Has just received in addition to his former A/Jvrt xent, by the CHATHAM, via New-York : AN elegant fine toned FORTE TIANO — A quantity of GUN POWDER of the fined quality, in kegs of 251 b. each—Brass, desk, and trunk Locks—aquantyol Princes Mettle, Nails of the bed quality, 6d, Bcl, tod and 20d Englidi Nails—Mill, whip, 7 feet crois cut and hand Saws, of the bed deel plate—an sffortment of Plains and other Carpenters Tools —a large qnantity of Rice Hooks and Planta tion Tools—Loaf Sugar, frefli Hyfon and Sou chong Tea—the bed London Particular Madei ar Wine, in half Pipes and quarter Calks. Savannah, Sept. 13. 56 -ts Adrian V. Sinderen j Has for SALE, at his Store on the Bay, A Valuable Assor. r m e n t of Frefli Imported GOODS , Amongd which are the following Articles DRY GOODS. ELEGANT tamboured, checkered, ftrined, and plain muffins ; muffin (bawls, aprons, and handkerchiefs; cravats, muflincts, dimities, chintzes, callicoes, ginghams, white and black mantua, coloured peifians and farcenets, black mode and crape, silk shawls, black florcntinc and satins, fupeifine broad clotlis and eaffimer.s, 9*4ths to ia-4ths cotton counterpanes, table cloths, diapers, bcdticks, Irifli sheetings and linens, cambricks, long lawns, laces and edg ings; plain, clouded, and twilled nankeens; silk striped ditto ; (balloons, durants, calliman coes bombaiins, and bombalWs ; fine hum hums, ‘brown holland, oznabrigs, mens and ■♦.• omens silk and cotton hose, black and co loured beaver hats, silk and leather gloves, rib bons, lans, threads, tapes, bobbins, pins, silk and twilt; gilt, plated, Reel, anu mohair but tons, Sic. Sic.. JEWELLERY, PLATED AND HARDWARES. Gold, silver, and enamelled watches; chains, seals, and keys ; gold rings, ear-rings, and lock ets ; gold and silver epaulets, silver tea spoons; plated coffee, tea, and milk pots ; caltors, I‘alt ccllars, goblets and porter mugs, knives and forks, penknives, fcilfors, razors. Morocco pockctbooks and thread cases, spy glades, fpec taclcs ; japannid tea trays, bread balkets, Iruit ditto, knilc trays, candlesticks, and lamps ; eoony cruet frames, inlaid varnished mahogany knilecaies, poriable defies, paint chclls, lilvcr and camel hair pencils, and a variety of fancy articles. BOOKS and STATIONARY. Large and small Bibles, Watt’s Hymns, Larvey’s Meditations, Dictionaries, Morse’s geography, Buchan’s Domestic Medicine, •ranklin’s Works, Enfield’s Speaker, Scott’s , Ddons, Pleafmg Inltrutlor, Thompson’s Sea- Milton’s Puradifc Loft, Young’s Night thoughts, Shakespeare’s Works complete, s. erne s ditto, Rambler, Adventures of a Guin ** Isabella, Sorrows of Werter. Lady Mon ■ gue’s Letters, Misses Magazine, Ladies Pock- Library, Fordycc’s Addrelles to Young Monitors, Fisher’s Companion, Dil- Arithmetic and Spelling Books ; large ITyal, letter, and common writing paper; ank books, Holland quills, wafers, India bber, & c . PERFUMERY. flair powder, bell feented pomatum in rolls . P otß > violet and Wind for soap, waihballs, j ca and gentlemens drclfing cases, lavender ,• effenfe of mulk, lemon, and bergamot; u n ge nt f me ii; n g bottles, patent blacking, ‘■nos, too h brulbfs and tooi.ii powder. Savannah, June 17. gx REASON and TRUTH impartial guide the zvay. FRIDAY, October 7, 1796. To the PEOPLE of the UNI TED STATES : Friends and Fellow Citizens, THE period for anew election of a citizen* to adininifter the executive government of the United States, being not far dillant, and the time aflually arrived, when your thoughts mull be employed in delignating the perion who is to be cloathed with that important trull, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more diilinttexprellion ofthc pub lic voice, that I ftiould now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being con sidered among the number of thole, out of whom a choice is to be madci I beg you, at the fame time, to do me the julliccto be allured, that this resolution has not been taken without a ilridl regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of lervice, which liiencc in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interefl ; no deficiency of grateful refpefl for your pall kindness ; but am sup ported by a full convitftion that the ilep is com patible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your iuffrages have twice called me, have been a untiorin lacrifice of in clination to the opinion of duty, and to a de ference for what appeared to be your delire. I conilantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, confidently with motives, which I was not at liberty to d.ll're gard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. ‘The flrength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of anaddrefs to declare it to you ; but mature re flection on the then perplexed and critical pos ture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice, that the Rate of your concerns, ex ternal as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety ; and am per suaded, whatever partiality may be retained for services, that in the present circuinitanees of our country you will not dilapprove my determination to retire. The imprelfion with which I firll under took the arduous trull, were explained on the proper occasion. In the difeharge of thistrufl, I will only fay, that i have with good inten tions contributed towards the organization and adminiilration of the government, tkc belt ex ertions of which a very fallible judgment v/as capable. Not unconlcious, in the out-let, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps If ill more in the eyes of others, has llrengthened the motives to dif fidence of myfelf ; and every day the increa sing weight of years adinonifhcs me more and more, that the. fbade of retirement is as necei fary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumltanccs have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary. I have the confutation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the po litical feene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to lufpend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; Hill more lor the lteadtall confi dence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifclUng my inviolable attachment, by fervi ccs faithful and per levering though 111 ufeful nefs unequal to my zeal. It benefits have re liilted to our country from thefc services, let it always be remembered to your pratle, and as an irdlrublive example in our annals, that under circuml : M ces in which the paflions, agitated in e, • direction, were liable to mis lead, air .'inces sometimes dubious, vieixfi’ ic often diicouraging in fin not unfrequently want of fi need the spirit of criticism, t ir support was the essential ’ and a guarantee ot the plans were ettefcled. Profoundly V this idea, I shall carry it with ‘e, as a ilrong incitement to un that heaven may continue to you t oxens of its bcnificcnce—that your .j- -othcrly affe&ion may be perpetu . e free constitution, which is the iur hands, may be sacredly main ,nat its adminiilration in every depart iy be {lamped with wisdom and virtue n fine, the happiness of the people of tes, under the auspices of liberty, may ,e complete, by so careful a preservation prudent a use of this blelling as will ac o them the glory of recommending it to pp.aufe, the affettion and adoption wf ev aiion which is yet aftranger toit. re, perhaps, I ought to ilop. But a foli * for your welfare, which cannot end but my life, and the apprehension of danger, •ft to that solicitude, urge me, on an occa ike the present, to offer to your solemn mplation, and to recommend to your *nt review, fome fentiinents, which are fiiltof much rcflcttion of r.o inconlidera bfervation, and which appear to me all tant to the permanency of your felicity •opie. These will he offered to you with >rc freedom, as you can only ice in them ntcrcfled warnings of a parting friend, m pofftbly have no personal motive to s couniel. Nor can I forget, as an cn ment to it, your indulgent reception ol iments on a former and not difftniilar . rwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommen dation of mine is neceffaty to fortify or con firm the attachment. 1 he unity of Government which conflitutej you one people, is alio now dear to you. It is jullly so ; lor it is a maiu pillar in the edi fice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad ; of your lafety ; of your prosperity ; of that very Liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is ealy to forefee, that from different caus es and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortrefs againll which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be molt conilantly and a£lively (though often covertly and inlidi oufiy) diredled, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly eflimate the immense value of your national Union to your collec tive andindividuai happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable at tachment to it ; accutioming yourfclves to think Rind fp< ak of it as of the palladium of your political faiety and prosperity; watching tor its preservation with jealous anxiety ; dil countenancing whatever may fugged even a luipicion that it can iriany event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the firit dawn ing of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the facrcd ties which now link together the vari ous parts. For this you have every inducement of sym pathy and interclf. Citizens by birth or choice, ol a common country, lhai country has a right to concentrate your affe£lions. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, mull always exalt thejull pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived lrom local diicrimimuioii.s. With iligiit lhadcs of difference, you have the fame religion, manners, habits and political princi ples. You have iua common cauie fought and triumphed together ; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint coun cils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, fuf ierings and fuccclfes. But thclc considerations, however powerful ly they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by thole which apply more immediately to your interefl. Here eve ry portion of our country finds the inofl com manding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North, in an unreflraincd intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in trie produc tions of the latter great additional rcfources of maritime and commercial enterprize, and pre cious materials of manufadluringinduflry. The South, in the fame intercourse, henefitting by the Agency of the North, fees its agriculture growand its commerce expand. Turning part ly into its own channels the fcamcnof the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourilh and increafc the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the pro tection of a maritime flrength, to which itfelf is unequally adapted. The Lajl, in a like in tercourie with the Wefh , already finds, and in the progrelfive improvement of interior com munications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The IVeJI derives from the Eajl fup plics requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of llill greater consequence, it muff ol neceflity owe the ftcure enjoyment of indifpenfible outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime flrength of the Atlantic fide of the Union, di re£tcd by an indissoluble community of inter cll as one nation. Any other tenure by which the \\ cjl can hold this essential advantage, whe ther derived from its own feparatc itrength, or from an apoflate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, muff be inlrinfically pre caiious. While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interefl in Union, all the part* combined cannot tail to find ia the united mats of means and efforts greater flrength, greater relources, proportiona bly greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of ineftimabie value*, they muff derive from Union an exemption from thofc broils and wars between themlcivcs, which so frequently afflffl neighbouring coun tries, not tied together by the fame govern ment 5 which their own rivalfhips alone would be fufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence like wile they will avoid the neceflity of thofc over grown military ellabliffimcnts, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to li berty, and which are to be regarded as particu larly hoflile to Republican Liberty ; inthisfenle it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the pre servation of the other. Thefc considerations speak a persuasive lan guage to every relieving and virtuous mind, and exhibt the continuance ot the Union as a primary objeft of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, w’bcther a common government can embrace so large a iphere ? Let experience solve it. To liffcn to mere {peculation in luch a case, were criminal. We arc authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the refpeflive subdivisions, wifi afford a happy issue to the experiment. ’Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful ■md obvious motives to Union, affecting all pans of our country, while experience lhall not have deroonllnued its impracticability, thfire will always be rcafonto diftrufl the pat riotism of thofc who in any quarter may en deavour to weaken its bands. In contemplating the caufcs which may dis turb our Union, it occurs as matter of ferioua concern, that any ground should have been turniftied for characterizing parties by Grogrz jlffoWdifcriminations—Northern and Southern—‘ Atlantic and Wejlern ; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local intcreils and views. Oncol the expedients of party to acquire inllu cuce, wiihin particular diftritts, isto mifrepre feat the opinions and aims of other diitridls. \ oucannot shield yourtelves too much agaiult the jcaioufics’ and heart-burnings which fipring from these mifrepreientations : they tend to render alien to each other, thofc who ought to be bound together by fraternal aftc&ion The inhabitants ol our western country have lately’ had a ufclul lei Ton on this head': they have icen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and inthe universal fatis ladlion at that event, throughout the United States, a decilivc proof how unfounded were the lufpicions propagated’among them of a po licy m the general government, and in the At lantic Hates, unli iendly to their interclfs, in re gard to the Millifippi : they have been wit nefies to the lonnation of two treaties, that with Great-Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every’ thing they could desire, in rcfpcfct to our foreign relations, towards con firming their prolperity. Will it not be iheir wildom to rely tor the preservation of these advantages on the Union, by’ which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to thole .advisers, if such they are, who would fever them from their brethren, and conncft them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your U nion, a government for the whole is indifpen liblc—No alliances, however ftridt, between liie parts can be an adequate substitute ; they mult inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Senlible of this momentous trulh,you have improved upon your firfteffay, by the adoption ot a constitution of govern ment, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and lor the efficacious man agement of your common concerns. This go vernment, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced andunawed, adopted, upon full investigation and mature deliberation, com pletely free in its principles, in the distribu tion of its powers, uniting security with ener gy, and containing within itfelf a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Relpcdt for its authority, compliance with its laws, acqui etcence in its rneafures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis ot our political fyltem is the right of the people to make and to alter their* coriftitutions of government—But, the constitution which at any time exists r ’till changed by an explicit and authentic a£t of the whole people, is lacrcd ly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, preluppofes the duty of every in dividual to obey the established governrnent. All obftruttions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and aftociations, under what ever plaufiblc character, with the real design to dirett, controul, counteract, orawe the regular deliberation and aftion of the conftfiuted au thorities, are deftruCtive of this fundamental i principle, and of fatal tendency. They lerve to organize la£tion, to give it an artificial ancl extraordinary force—to put inthe place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a linall but artful and enterprizing mi nority of the community ; and, according to the alternate triumphs ol diiFerent parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projefts of faction, rather than the organ of confident and wholefomc plans, digefled by common coun cils, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or alTociations of the above defenption may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the courlc of time, and things to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to ulurp for themfelvei the reigns of government ; deilroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your govern ment, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you refill with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pre texts, One method of assault may be toeiFett in the forms of the constitution alteration* which will impair the energy ot the fyllcm, and thus to undermine what cannot be dirett ly overthrown. In all the changes to wjfich frou may be invited, remember that time and labit are at least as ueceffary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human inllitutions—that experience is the surest llandard, by which to test the real tendrncy of the rxifting constitution of a country—that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the cndlefs variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, efpecwiiv. that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country to extenliva as our’s, a government of as much vigor as is confident with the perfect security of liberty, is indif pcufible. Liberty ilfell will find in such a government, with powers properly dillribut dand adjuft'-d, its furcll guardian. It is, in deed, little ellc than a name, where the go vernment is too feeble <o withll n l the enter- No. 63.