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250 prizes of faction, to confine racli member of llie society within the limits prcfcribed'by the laws, and toynaintain all m the frcure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the flare, with particular refmencc to ihe founding of them on geographical dis criminations Let me now take a compre hensive view, and warn you in the moll folernn manner against the baneful effedls of the ipirit of party, generally. l his ipirit unfortunately, it inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest pas sions ot the human mind—lt rxills under dif ferent ftiapet in all governments, more or less liiti ‘d, contvouled, or repressed ; but in thofc ol the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rtnkncfs, arid is truly their word enemy. The alternate domination of one fa&ion over another, (harpened by the spirit of re venge, natural to party diflentions, which in” different age* and countries has perpetrated the <noll horrid enormities, isitlelfa frightful def potilm.— But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent dclpottlm. The disor ders and nnifeiics, which result, gradually in cline the minds of men to frek security and rrpofein theahfolute power of an individual : and looner or later the chief of fome prevail ing fail ion, more able or more fortunate than his competitor*, turns his disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public l.iberty. Without looking forward to an extremity •f this kind (which neverthclefs ought not to be entirely out of light) the common and con tinual mifehiefs of the spirit of party are fuffi cientto make it the interest and duty of a wile people todilcourage and reflrain it. It serves always to diftradl the Public Conn* cils, and enfeeble the public adminiflration. It agitates the community with ill founded jraloufies and falfe alarms ; kindles the antino my of one part against another, foments occa sionally riot and infurreftion. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, w hich finds a facilitated access to government itfeif thro’ the channels of party pallions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjec ted to the policy and will of another. Thete is an opinion that parties in freecoun tries are ufcful checks- upon the adminiflration of the government, and Ibrve to keep alive the spirit ot liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Mo narchical call, Patriotism may look with indul gence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in thole of the popular charader, in governments purely ele&ive, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From theii natural ten dency, it is certain there will always be enough ot that Ipirit lor every falulary purpose. And there being constant danger of excels, the ef fort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and afluage it. A lire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its burlling into a flame, lelt, inllcad ol warming, it fliould consume. It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, fliould infpi're cau t’-on, in those entrulled with its adminillvation, to confine themlelves within their refpeftivc -onftitution.il Ipheres, avoiding in .fie exere.il'e of the powers ol one department to encroach upon another. The'fpirit of encroachment tends to confelidate the powers of all the de partments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A jull elliinate of that love of power, and prone ttefs to abuft it, which predominates in the human heart, is fiifficient. to fatisfy us ot the tmth ot this pohtion. The necefiuv of rici procal chocks in the exercile of political pow er, by dividing and dillributing it into dill-r ----ent depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the public weal againll invasions by the others, has been evinced bv experiments ancient and modern; fome of them in our own country and our own eyes. To preserve them mull be as neccfiary as to institute them. 11, m the opinion of the jieople, the dillribu tton or modification of tire constitutional pow ers be in any particular wrong, let it be cor lected by an amendment in t he way which the. constitution driignates.— But let there be no change by tilurpation ; for though this, in one inllance, may be the instrument of good, it is ihc cttllomary weapon >by which free govern ments are destroyed.— The precedent mult al ways greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or iranfient benefit which the ufc an at any time yield. Os all the difpolitionsand habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality •re tndelpenfible supports— In vain would i t haL man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who Ihould labour to subvert thefc great pillars of nuinan nappinefs, theft firtneft props of the duties of men, and Citizens.—The mere Poli tician, equally with the pious man, ought to relpetl and to cherilh them—A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be alked where 1% -c U V P ro P ert >b reputation, tltf,rrf C .l ls l | lC C P fc religious Obligation • c oaths, which are the inilruments of invdhgauoH in Sour.sol ] u ftice ? And let us wiUi caution indulge the luppofition, that mo rfll ty can be maintained without religion. \\ hatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar ftruc- V*'!™ 3ud cx J sCrifn r.e both forbid us to exped that national morality can prevail in rxtlulion of religious principles. Tis lubftantially true, that virtue or morali ’V s a fpring of popular government, the rule indeed extends with more or less hsice to every species of free government. . lhat 15 a hnccre friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foun dation of the fabric ? Ptomote, then, as an obje£l of primary’ im ponauce, mftuutions for the general ditlufion of *" ow,ed S---In proportion as the llrudure it iISS”? 11 8' V C S f° rcr to public opinion, lightened * 1 *** opinion- should be en- WnV’ e cUl POrt Kr f ° Ur r ° f ftren B th and of pubh r C crcd,t ’ One method fibl . e i avoidmg occtfions'of * <pann S l )’ PPf vating peace but r* l °\ cx P e nce by culti- p alf ° prevent much greater difll frc< l u< ‘ nt, y it ; avoiding l,kewifl b fc, ? CnU to l? P cl not only bv flium!;, accußlu lationof debt, btU bv vieornu, , . ‘ 8 occ *fions of expence, o ‘Whi CACtuou# ta time of peace to Columbian itlufcum, &c. difebarge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throw ing upon poilerity the burthen which wc our selves ought to bear.—The execution of thefc maxims belongs to your reprelentatives, but it is neccflary that public opinion should co operate. —To facilitate to them the preform* ance of their duty, if. iseffential that you fliould practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there mult be Revenue ; that to have Revenue there mull be taxes; that no taxes can be deviled which are not more or lels inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intriiific rmbarraflment inseparable from the feleition of the proper objeds (which is al ways choice of difficulties'ought to be a deci fivc motive lor candid confti ufclion of the con duft of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquielcence in the meafurcs for ob taining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time didlate. Obfcrve good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; Religion and Morality enjoin this con du6l, and can it be that good policy docs not equally enjoin it p It will be worthy ol a free, enlightened, and at no ditlant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the courle of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be loft by a fleady adherence io it ? Can it be, that Providence has notconnefted the perman ent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which enoblcs human nature. Alas! :s it rendered impofuble by its vices?- In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more eflential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and pal fionate attachments for others fliould be exclu ded ; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated The Nation which indulges towards another an ha birual hatred, or habitual fondnefs, is in fome degree a Have. It is a Have to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is fufficicnt to lead it affray from its duty and iis interest. Antipathy in one nation againll another dilpo feseach more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of flight caules of umbrage, and to be haughty and mtrafticable, when accidental or trifling occaiions of dilpute occur. Hence frequent collitions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contcfts. ‘ihc Nation, prompted by ill w’ill and relentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best cal culations ot policy. The government some times participates'in the national propensity, -and adopis through paflion what realon would rejecl ; at other times, it makes the animofitv of the nation lubfervient to projetts of hostili ty, instigated by pride, ambition, and other iinifter and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Na tions has been the viftim. bo likcwiie, a pallionate attachment of one nation tor another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, fa cilitating, the iilulion ot an imaginary common • interest, in cases-where no real common inter ‘ est exilts, and mfuiing into one the enmity of the other, betrays thefonner into a participa tion in the quarrels and wars of the latter, w;‘th oui adequate iuducernciu or juitificauoni It leads a!Io to concefiions to the favorite Na tion, of privileges'denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concefiions ; by unneceflfarily parting with vyhal ought to have been retained ; and by ex citing jealouiy, ill will, and a difpolitionto re taliate, in the parties from whom equal privi leges are withheld : And ilgives to ambitious, coirupted or deluded citizens (who devote themlelves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or facr the interefls of their own country, without odiunij sometimes even with populariiy ; gilding with llic appearance of a ■\iituoiis lcnlc ol obligation, a commendable i deftrencc for public opinion, or a laudable ■ z-al for public good, the bale or foolifh com pliances ol ambition, corruption or infatuation. ‘j , avenues to foreign influence in. iitumcra ble ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and indepen dent Patriot. How many opportunities do they affordi to tamper with domeflic fadions, ■to practice the arts- of iedublion, to -mi(lead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils ! Such an attachment of a frnall or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be- the iattcllites of the latter-. Against the infiduous wiles of foreign influ ence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow ci tizens) thejealoufy of a free people ought to be con/iantly awake ; Ijnce hillory and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the moll baneful loes of Republican Government But that jealousy, to be ufcful, mu ft be impartial; elle it becomes-the instrument of the very in fluence to be avoided, inflead of a defence h a 6 ain ft it.—Exceflivc partiality foroue foreign nation, and cxceffive dtftike for another; cause thole whom they afluate to lee danger only on one fide, and serve to veil, and even second the arts ol influence on the other—Real patriots, who may refill the intrigues of the favorite, are I.able to become fufpetted and odious: while us tools and dupes usurp the applause and confluence ot the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduft for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commer cial relations, to have with them as little boliti. cal connefhon as poflible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be ful filled with perlett good faith. Here let us flop. Europe has i set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she inuft be engaged in frequent contro versies, thecaufesof which arc cirentially for eign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it mull be un wile in us to implicate ourfclves, by arti ficial ties, in the ordinary vicifiitudcs of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and col- Itfions of her friendfliips, or enmitiej.< Our detached and diilant situations invites end enables purfue s different comfe. If we remain one people under an eflicicut govern ment, the period is not far otf, when we may •defy mateiial injury .from external annoyance; when wc may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time re fold upon, to L'C taupußjuil y relpracd ; when belligerent nations, under the impoflibil ity of making aequifitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, fhallcounlel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own, to Hand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our ’ dclliny with that of any part of Europe, en tangle our peace and prolperity in the toils of European ambition, rivallhip, interest, humor, or caprice ? ’ I is our true policy to ftear clear of perma nent alliances, with any. portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liber ty to do it for let me not be underllood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements, i hold the maxim no lels ap plicable to public than to private affairs, that honefly ft always the bell policy. I repeat it, therefore, let thole engagements b< observed in their genuine lenfe. But in my opinion, it is unncccffary, and would be unwise to extend them. laking care always to keep ourfclves, by suitable eilablifhments, in a relocatable defen fi\e poilure, we may lafely trull to temporary alliances tor extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, liberal intercourle with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and inteieft. But even our commercial policy fliould hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences ; conlulting the natural courie ot things; diftufing and aiverfifyingby gcntL means the firearm of commerce, but forcing nothing ; eilabhfhing with powers so difpo led, in order to give trade a liable courfc, to dehne the rights of our merchants, and to ena ble the government to support them, conven tional rules of intercourle, the bell that pi cleat circuxnftances and mutual opinion wall permit, but temporary, and liable to be irotn time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumilanccs {ball didlate ; constantly keeping in view, that ’tis folly in one nation to look for difintcrefted favours from another ; that it mull pay with.a portion of its independence, for,whatever it may accept under that cbara&er j that by. such acceptance it may place itfeif in the condition ot having given equivalents lor nomi nal favours, and yet of being reproached with in gratitude for not giving, more. There can be no greater error than to expeft, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. ’Tis-an il lusion which experience mull cure, which ajuft pride ought to dilcard. Irf offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affe&ionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the flrong and lalling impreflion I could wilh ; that they will controul the ulual current of the pallions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the deltiny of na tions : hut it I may ifven flatter inylelf, that thv*y may be produhlive of fome partial bene fit, fome occaiional good.; that they may.now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn againll the mifehiefs-ot foreign intrigue,, to guard against the impostures of prelcnt patriotism ; this hope will be a full leco.npence for the folicitudc for your welfare by which i?ley have been diftated. How iar, in the difeharge of my. official du ties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the publsc records and other evidences of my conduit, mull wit neis to you and to the world. To mylelf, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed mylelf to be guided by them. In relation to the Hill fubiiiling war in Eu rope, my proclamation of the 2zd 4>f April, 1 79d> ls l -f iC mdex to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your re prelentativcs in both Houles of Congress, the tpirn of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well fatis fied that our country, under all the circamilan ces of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral polition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmnefs. The considerations with refpedl to the right to hold this conduil, it is not necessary op this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my underloading of the matter, that right, so far from being.denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually ad mitted by all.. The duty of holding a neutral conduil may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impole on every nation, in cafesfin which it is free to a£l, to maintain inviolate the relat’on* of peace and-amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that ccndttft, will beft.be referred to your own reflections and experience. Wilh me a pre dominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and confillency, which is neccflary to give it, humanly fpcaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though in reviewing the incidents of my adminiflration, I am uiiconlcious of intention al error, lain nevertheiefs too lenfible ot my defetls not to think-it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they .may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope chat my country will never cease to view them with indulg'-nce ; and-that after forty-five yearsi of my life dedicated to itsfcrvice, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as mylelf mull soon be to the mansion of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in ot her things, and aftuated by that fervent love to wards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native foil of himiclf and hts progenitors for several generations. I ant ici pate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which.l promise myfelf to realize, without al loy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the mtdll of ray fellow citizens, the benign influ ence of good laws, under a free governmei u— the ever favourite objeCt of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual c-’res, labours and dangers. G. WASHINGTON. United Sutcs, tythSept. 1796, IRISH LINENS By the PIECE or BOX, 25 P ‘ r C< VoT”u C At Mr. Dillon’s on the Bay 1 . Toy? Coji,from 13 i. to a/ 5 per ’ Y ar and Savannah, Oel. 7. ‘ X33.n1, }no. Orccnc, Informs his Friends and the Public, that he ha. Commenced the ’ Fadoiage cincl C guiwijji Bufmefs , On Clarke’s Wharf-And flatterzhimfelf, from his attention and punctuality, to merit a share of public favours in that line. OClober 7. c - Arrived from Gambia, The Schooner Nancy, Captain HARRIS, with 100 Prime Slaves, MnvrfA’' E ° f r h ' ch L Wdl Commence on MON DAT next., the 10th inst. at 12 o’clock For Terms, apply to Caig, Mac 1 cod er Cos. Savannah, OClober 7. t j- Mr. BELZONS, RESPECTFULLY informs the Laflics and Gentlemen of Savannah , that he has removed to a convenient Apartment at the corner of Dravton Street, near the Old Coffee-Houfc.— Req w [l S those Ladies and Gentlemen who io?fh to have their , T. ILLNESSES taken, to apply hi time, as his Ba, ■ finefs wi Ilf pec dily cull him to C harUjion. October 7. p 3 . t f_ S3” This is to give Notice to the Public, that no Person is to be Credited on my Account, without my written Order. P. Daugherty. Savannah, OClober 7. Wanted to Hire, BY THE YEAR OR OTHERWISE , C)ne or Two Negro Fellows, Who understand the Shoe-Making Bufineis; for whom reasonable Wages will be given.— Enquire of tlie Printers. October 7. 63*6’. Win. & Robert Mein ? BEG leave to inform- their Friends and the Public, that they have Imported per the HAR MONY, Capt. Marshal l, a Largeani com plete Cargo of FALL GOODS, Which they arc determined’ to fell upenths moll reasonable terms for ready payment, by the Piece or Package. Savannah, Sept 30. 61-ts. just Received. By the HARMONY , Capt. MARSHALL,from LONDON, An Assortment of SeafonLle G O O D S, Which will be fold-on reasonable terms, bv’.hft Piece or Package, ccnfifting of White, brown, blue and green Plains, 6-4ths and 7-4UIS Blankets, Checks, Irifb Sheeting tnd brown Linens, Nails, Glass-ware, Window Glaft, Manchester Goods, Oznaburgs, Cotton Bagging, Cloth Cardinals, Printed Goods, Writing Paper, Brown Stout in Hhds, ar.d a number of other Articles. Kenedy G? Parker. Savannah, Sept. 30th. 61-ts. E O R S A L E, 2,000 Buflreb best ALLUM SALT. 1 Mahogany DESK, and 1 do. BI.AUREAU, BEDSTEADS with Packings and Laths, Madeira and Port WINE in pipes, Fay all, in ditto. An Elegant Riding CHAIR* with Plated Harness, made in Philadelphia. A Georgia Audited Certificate,. iffited December 1794, for supplies to the Continental Armv, October 1777, for Tw* Thousand Pounds.— * Also on hand, About 49 NEGROES, Which will be fold low, in order to close Sales.— Robert Watts. Savannah, 16th Sent. re-ts 1 i \J I FOR SAL E, Superfine FLOUR in Barrels, Madeira WINE in Pipes & Qr. Pipes, Mould CANDLES in Boxes. Cii/g Macleod & O?. Savannah, August <7. r.. , FOR SALE. ! SUGAR in Hhds. and Barrels, Best Green COFFEE, By BORDMAN & HILLS, Savannah, March 28, 1769. FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICF, , Fools Cap Writing Paper, of 3 superior quality., By the Ream ,r Srft. JO., No. 63.