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Speech of Uon« Henry Clay of Kentucky* Delivered Jurr* 27,1840. On the occasion of a Publit Dinner, given in com yliment to him, at Taylorsville, in his native county of Hanover, in the Slate of Virginia, The sentiment in compliment to Mr. Clay was' received with long continued applause* Tha* gen tleman rose and addressed the company substan tially as follows: I think, friends, and fellow-citizens, that, avail ing myself of the privilege of my long service in tbe public councils, just adverted to, the resolution which I have adopted, is not unreasonable of leav ing to younger men, generally, the performance of the duty, and the enjoyment of the pleasure, of addresfing'tbe People in their primary assemblies. After the event which occurred last whiter at the Capitol of .Pennsylvania, I believed it dqe to my self, to the Whig cause, and to the country', to an nounce to the public, with perfect truth and sin cerity, and without any reserve, my fixed deter mination heartily to support the nomination of William Henrj Harrison there made. To put down all misrepresentations, I have, on suitable ©occa sions, repeated this annunciation ; and now declare jnv solemn conviction that the purity and security' of our free institutions and the prospeiity cf the country, imperatively demand the election of that c.:izen to the office of Chief Magistrate of the U. States. But this occasion forms an exception from the rule which I have prescribed to myself. I have come hme to tiie county of my nativity in the spi iir of a pil ;rim, to meet, perhaps for the last time, tbe companions and the descendants of the com panions of my youth. Wherever we roam, in whatever climate or land we are cast by the acci dents of human life, beyond the mountains or be yond the ocean, in the legislative halls of the Capi tol, or in the retreats and shades of private life,oui } n art' turn with an irresistible instinct to the cher ished spot which ushered us into existence. And w? dwell with delightful associations on the recol lection of the streams in which, during our boyish days, wn bathed, the fountains at which we drank, iho pmey fields, the hills and the valleys where wq sported, and the friends who shared these en joyn-. uts with us. Alas 1 too many of these friends of mine have gone whither we must all shortlv go, and the presence here of the small rem nant left behind attests both our loss and our early attachment. I would greatly* prefer, my' friends,to employ the time which this visit affords in friend ly and familiar conversation on the virtues of our departed companions, and on the scenes and ad venture of our younger days; but the expectation which prevails, the awful state of our beloved country, and the opportunities which I have en jove 1 in its public councils, impose on me the ob ligation of touching on topics less congenial with the feel in ;»s of my heart, but possessing higher pub lic interest. 1 assure you, fellow-citizens, how ever. that I present myself before you for no pur pose of exciting prejudices, or inflaming passions, but tn speak to you in all soberness and truth, and to testify to the things which 1 know, or the con victions* which I enteitain, as an ancient friend, who has lived long, and whose career is rapidly drawing to ado e. Throughout an arduous life, I have endeavored to make truth and the good of our country the guides of my public conduct; but in Hanover county, xor which I cherish sentiments of respect, gratitude, and veneration, above all other places, would I avoid saying any thing that 1 did not sincerely and truly believe. Why is the plough dcjcrtcd, the tools of the mn dianic laid aside, and all are seen rushing to gath erings of the people ? What occasions those vast and unusual assemblages which we behold in every State, and in almost eveiy neighborhood ? Why those conventions of the people, at a common cen tre, from all the extremities of this vast Union, to consult together upon the suTeringsof the commu nity, and to deliberate on the means of deliverance? Why' this rabid appetite for public discussions r W'hat is the solution of that phenomenon, which wo ooserve, of a great nation agitated upon its whole surface, and at its lowest depths, like the ocean when convulsed by' some terrible storm ? There must be a cause, and no ordinary cause. It has been truly said, in the mo?t mefhoraMe document that over issued from the pen of man, that “all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are spffer nldc,. than to right themselves by'abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.” The recent history of our people furnishes confirmation of that truth. They'are active, enterprising, and intelli gent ; but are not prone to make groundless com plaints against public servants. If we now every' where behold them in motion, it is because they fed that the grievances under which they are writhing can be no longer tolerated. They feel the f solute necessity of a change, that no change can render their condition worse, and that any eh. T must better it. This is the judgement to which they have come; this the brief and com pendious logic which wc daily hear. They' know sh In all the dispensations of Providence, they have r, .ison to be thankful; and if they had not, they v aid be borne with fortitude and resignation. But there is a pervading conviction and persuasion • hat, in the administration of Government, there h is h en something wrong, radically wrong, and that the vessel of has keen in the hands of stilish, fdthless, and unskilful pilots, who Jiave conducted it amidst the breakers. In my deliberate opinion, the present distressed and distracted state of the country may be traced t > the single cause of the action, ♦lie cnc’oach rn. n’s and the usurpations of the Executive branch of the Government. I have not time* here to ex hibit and to dwell upon all the instances of these, as they have occurred in succession, during the last twelve years. They have been again and again exposed on other more fit occasion**. But I have thought this a proper opportunity to point out the enormity of the pretensions, principles, and practices of that Department, as they have been, from time to time, disclosed, in these late years, and to show the rapid progress which has : een made in the fulfilment of the remarkable language of our illustrious countryman, that the Federal Executive had an awful squinting towards monarchy. Here, in the county of his birth, surrounded by' sons, some of whose sires with him were the first to raise their arms in defence of American liberty against a foreign monarch. And may I not with out presumption, indulge the hope that the warn ing voice of another, although far humbler, son of Hanover m iy no? pass unbeetled ? The late President of the United States advan ced certain new and alarming pretensions for the Executive Department of the Government, the effect of which, if established and recognized by the People, must inevitably convert it into a mon archy. The first of these, and it was a favorite princip’c with him, was, that the Executive De partment should be regarded as a unit. By' this principle of unity, he meant and intended that all the Executive officers of Government should he bound to obey' the commands and execute the or ders of the President of the United States, and that they should be amenable to him and he be responsible for them. Prior to his Administra tion, it had been considered that they were bound to observe and obey the Constitution and laws,sub • ct only* to the general superintendence of the ’.'resident, and responsible uy impeachment and to the tribunals of justice lor injuries inflicted on pri vate citizens. But ;1 c annunciation of this new and extraor dinary principle was not of itself sufficient forth 6 purpose of President Jackson ; it was essential That the subjection to his will which was its ob ject, should be secured by some adequate sanc tion. That he sought to effect by’ an extension of another principle, that of from office, beyond all precedent' and to cases and under cir cumstances which would have furnished just grounds of his impeachment, according to tbe so lemn opinion of Mr. Madison and other members of the first Congress under the present Coustilu tio;?. Now, if the whole official corps, subordinate to the President of the United Slates, are made to know and to foci that they hold their respective offi ces by the tenure of conformity and obedience to his will, it is manifest that they must look to that will and not to the Consitmion and Jaws, as the guide vff their official conduct. The weakness of hu man nature, the love and emoluments of office, per haps the bread necessary to the support of their families, would make this result absolutely cer tain. The development of this new character to tire power of dismission would have fallen short of Hie •aims in view, w ithout the exercise of it were held to be a prerogative, for which the President was to be wholly responsible. If he were compelled to expose the grounds and reasons upon which he acted, in dismissals from office; the ol public censure would temper the arbitrary na ture of the power and throw some power and pro tection around the subordinate officer. Hence the new and monstrous pretension has been advanced t at although the concurrency of the Senate is ue c. sserry by’ the Constitution to the confirmation of an appointment, the President may subsequent ly dismus the person appointed net only without communicating the grounds on which he has acted > the Senate, but without any such communica te n to the People themselves, for whose benefit ill offices are created! And so bold and daring uas the Executive branch of the Government U ■ •vme, that one ui it< Cabinet Ministers, himself a subordinate officer,has contemptuously refused to members ol the House of Representatives to dis- iose tae grounds on which he has undertaken to • iis-iiiss from office persons acting as deputy post nustcis in his Department. v-4 to Hie gratuitous assumption, by President Jackson, of responsibility for all the ‘subordinate Executive officers; it i»the merest mockery that , was ever put forth. They will escape punishment by pleading his orders, and he by the hardship of being punished, not for his own acts, • but for theirs. We have a practical exposition of ? his principle in the case of the 200,00 u militia. The Secretary of War comes out to screen the Pres !* ident, by testifying that he never saw what he rc . commended; and the President reciprocates that . favor by retaining the Secreatry in place, notwith standing he has proposed a plan for organizing . the militia which is acknowledged to be unconsti i rational. If the President is not to be held re i sponsible for a cabinet minister, in daily inter . course with him, how is he to be rendered so fin a f receiver at Wi-konsin or lowa ? To concentrate f all responsibiliy in the President, is to annihilate all icsponsibiiity. lor who ever expects to see > the day arrive when a President erf the United . Mates will be impeached ; or, if impeached, when . he cannot command- more than one -third of the . \ Sena te to defeat the impeachment ? Hqt to construct the scheme of practical despo f tisrn, whilst all the forms of tree Government re i mained, it was necessary to take one further step. . Uy the Constitution, the President is enjoined to" ■ take care that the laws be executed. This injunc tion was merely intended to impose on him the du > ty of a general superintendence; to sec that offi t ces were filled,officers at their respective posts in the discharge of their official [functions, and all obstructions to the enforcement of the laws were ! removed, and, when necessary for that purpose, • local) out the militia. No one every imagined, . prior to the Administration of President Jackson, that a President of the United States was to occu • py himself with supervising and attending to the i execution ofail the minute details of every one of the host of offices in the U. states. Under the constitutional injunction just mentipn ■ cd, the late President put forward the most extra ordinary pretension that the Constitution and laws of the United States were to be executed, as he 1 understood them; and this pretension was attempt • cd tc be sustained by an argument equally ex tra i ordinary, that the President, being a sworn officer, , must carry them into effect according to his sense of their meaning. The Constitution and laws were to he executed, not according to their imp; >rt as 1 handed down to us by our ancestors,as interpreted I by contemporaneous expositions, exprmndeat by • concurrent judicial decisions, as fixed ty an unin terrupted course erf Congressional legislatioi i, hut i in that sense which a President of the U. States happened to understand them ! To complete this Executive usurpation, ot efur • flier object remained. By the Constitalioi i, the command of the Army and Navy is cunfern rd on 1 the President. If he could unite the-purse to the • sword, nothing would he left to gratify -the insa tiable thirst for power. In 1833 the Pre: .ident i seized the Treasury of the United States, am Ifrom that dty to this it has continued substantial ly un der his control. The seizure was effected loy the removal of one Secretary of the Treasury, under , stood to he opposed to Ihe measure, and i y the dimissal of another, who refused to violate th e law of the land upon the orders of the President. ■lt is, indeed, said that not a dollar in-the T reas ury can tie touched without a previous appropria tion by law,nor drawn out of the Treasury \ vilh out tire concurrence and signatures of the Sec rota ry and Treasurer, the Register and the Camp* .roil i cr. But are not all these pretended securitio: -.idle 1 and unavailing forms ? We have seen that, by the operation of the irresponsible power of ' dis mission, ail those officeis are reduced to .mere ■ au tomata, absolutely subjected to the will ot th€ President. What resistance would any of them make, with the penalty of dismission suspr -ndcc over their heads, to any orders of the Prcsidi -nt tc pour out the treasure of the United States, w helh er an act of appropnaton existed or not ? IN ) noi mock us with tire vain assurance of the bonoi' • anc probity of a President, nor remind us, of the c onfi denee which we ought to repose in his -iznaj three virtues. The pervading principle of oqrsysfij -mol government —ofall free governments —is-cot n. tere ly tire possibility, but the absolute cettami y ol infidelity and treachery, witli even the hip ;hesl functionary of the state; and hence all thef res trictions, securitir s and guaranties, which the t- wise dom of ohr ancestors, or the sad experiem -e ol history had inculcated, have been devised ami thrown around the Chief Magistrate. Here, friends and fellow-citizens, let -us y r»usc and contemplate this stupendous structure of Ex ecutive machinery and despotism, which Jias beer reared in our young Republic. Tbe Execi itivc branch of tire Government is a unit ; throug bout ail its arteries and veins, there is to be hut one heart, one head, one will. Tire number of j Jon subordinate Executive officers and depeßdentjpJn the United States has been estimated in ao oflf cial report, founded on public documents, made f y a Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoai, ) at one hundred thousand. Whatever it may fie, all of them, wherever they are situated, bound implicitly' .hr obey the orders us mb President. Ami absolute obedience to his wit) is secured and enforced by the power of dismUsiag-thcm at his pleasure, from .their respective places. ■Jo in ake this terrible power of dismission more certain and efficacious, its exercise is covered up in rayrter ious secrecy, without exposure, without the lest resronsi! ilily. The Constitution and laws of the I nittd States .ire to be executed in tbe sens' : in winch the President understands them, although that tense may. be at variance with the under standing of every other man in the United St ales. It follows, as a necessary consequence from the principle deduced by the President, from the con stitutional injunction, as to the execution o f the laws, that, if an act of Congress, be passed, in his opinion, contrary to ’he Constituiion, or,if A de cision be pronounced by the courts, in lus opinion, cftitrary to the Constitution or the laws, that act, or that decision, the President is not obliged to en lorce, and he could not-cau-c it to be qnfoaqf, wi'is. out a violation, as is pretendeffiinfis qjficiai oatie Candor, requires the admi-sion, that tire principle has not yet been pushed in practice to these cases, but it manifestly comprehends them; and who doubts that, if tne spirit of usurpaUonjiuit r -sted and rebuked, they The march of power is ever onward. As times and seasons admonish, it openly and boldly, in broad day, makes its progress; or, if alarm be ex cited by the enormity of its pretensions, it silently, in the dark of the night, steals its devious way. It now storms and mounts the ramparts of the fort ress of liberty; it now saps and undermines its foundations. Finally, the command of the army and navy being already in the Pies ident. and hav ing acquired a perfect control over the Treasury of tire Unilcd Stale.!, he has consummated that fright ful union of purse and sword, so long, sj much, 'o earnestly deprecated by all true lovers of civil lib erty. And cur present Chief Magistrate stands solemnly and voluntarily pledged, in the face of the whole world, tc follow in the footsteps, and carry out the measures and the principles of his Illustrious predeces: or. Tire sum of the whole is, that there is but one power, one control, one will in the State. All is concentrated in the President, lie directs, orders, and commands the whole machinery of the State. Through the official agencies, scattered through out the land, and absolutely subjected to his will, he executes, according to his pleasure or caprice, the whole power of the Commonwealth, which has been absorbed and eugros-ed by him. And one sole w ill predominates in, and animates the whole of this vast community. If this be not practical despotism, I am incapable of conceiving or defining it. N antes are nothing. The existence or non-ex istence of arbitrary government does not depend upon the title or denomination bestowed on the chief of the State, but upon the quantam of the power which he possesses and wields. Autocrat, sultan, emperor, dictator, king, doge, president, are all mere names, in which the power respect ively possessed by them is not to be found, but is to be looked for in the Constitution, or tire estab lished usages and practices of the several States which they govern and control. If the Autocrat of Russ a were called President of ail the Russias, the actual power remaining unchanged, his author ity under Iris new denomination, would continue undiminished ; and if the President of the United States were to receive the title of Autocrat of the United States, the amount of his authority would not be increased wit out an alteration of the Con stituiion. Gen. Jackson was a bold and fearless reaper, car rying a wide low, but he did not gather the whole harvest; he left.some gleanings to his faithful suc cessor, and he resolved to sweep clean the field of power The duty of inculcating on the official corps the active exertion of their personal and offi cial inlluencc was left by him to be enforced by Mr. Van Huron, in all popular elections. It was. not sufficient that this obedience was coerced by the tremendous power of dismission. It soon be came apparent that the official eorp£ was bound im plicitly to obey the will of the President. It was 1 not sufficient that this corps might me beneficially employed to promote, in other matters than the business of theirofficcs; the views and interests of ihe President and his party. They are far more efficient than any standing airay of equal A standing army would ue separated, and standout from the people ; and being always in corps or in detachments, could exeit no influence in popular elections. But the official corps is dispersed throughout the country, in .every town, village and city, mixing with the people, attending their meet -1 ings and conventions, becoming chairmen and 1 members of committees, and urging and stimula ting p-'rtizans to active and vigorous exertion. 1 Acting in concert, and throughout the whole Un ion, obeying orders issued from the centre, their influence aided by Executive patronage, by the I Post Office Department, and all the vast other ! moans of the Executive, is almost irresistible, t 'To correct this procedure, and to restrain the ; I subordinates of the Executive from all interfer- I ence with popular elections, my colleague (Mr. Crittenden,) now present. Introduced a bill in the Senate. He had the weight of Mr. Jefferson’s opinion, who issued a circular to restrain Federal officers from-intermeddling in popular elections. He had before him the British example, according to whidh place men and pensioners were not only forbidden to interfere, but were not, some of them,- even allowed, to vote at popular elections. But his bill left them free to exercise the elective franchise, prohibiting only the use of their official influence. And how was this, bill received in the Senate ? Passed by"those who profess to admire the character and to pursue the principle's of Mr. Jefferson ? No such .thing. It was denounced .as a’seditioivbill; and the just odium of that sedition 1 til, which was intended to protect office-holders ~ *ri|rfflihf wfa Successfully used to defeat a measure of^ ‘ protection of the people against the office-holders ! Not only were they left un restrained, but they were urged and stimulated by 'an oifi isl re;>ort to employ their influence in be- Salf of the administration at the elections of the r heople. Hitherto, the Army and the Navy have remained . unaffected by the power of dismission, and they • have not been called into the political service of the i Execu ire. But no attentive observer of the pfin- L ciples and proceedings of the men in power could . fail to See that the day was not distant when they, , too, would be required to perform the partisan offi , ces of the President. Accordingly, the process of , converting them in'o Executive instruments, has - commenced in a Court Martial assembled at Balti ; more. Two officers of the Army of the U. States I have been there put upon their solemn trial, on the charge of prejudicing the Democratic party, by - making purchases for the supply of the Army from members cf the Whig party! It is not pretended i that the Ulilted States were prejudiced by those • purchases; on the contrary, it was, I believe, es -' tablished that they were cheaper than could have been made from the supporters of the administra , tion. But the charge was, that to purchase at all e from the opponents, instead of the friends of the b administration, was an injury to the Democratic s party, which required that the offenders should be i put upon their trial before a court martial! And f this trial was commenced at the Instance of a com mittee of a Democratic Convention, and conducted t and prosecuted by them! The scandalous specta s cle is presented to an enlightened world, of the Chief Magistrate of a great people executing the orders of a self-created power, organized within e the bosom of the State, and, upon sin han accnsa n tion, arraigning, before a military tribunal,gallant e men, who arc charged with the defence of the hon or and the interest of theircountry,and withbear t ing its eagles in the presence of an enemy! n But the Army and Navy are too small, and in composition are too patriotic to subserve all the e purposes of this administration. Hence the recent proposition of the Secretary of War, strongiy re e commended by the President, under color of anew v organization of the mi[Ma, to create a standing force of 200,000 men, an amount which no con i- ccivable foreign exigency can ever make necessary. It is not my purpose now to enter upon an exami i- nation of that alarming and most dangerous plaq i- of the Executive Department of the General Go -- Temmeot It has justly excited a burst of general le indignation; and no where has the disapprobation y of it been more emphatically expressed than in ;- this ancient and venerable Commonwealth, i- The monstrous project may be described in a few ie words. It proposes to create the foice by breaking r) down Mason and Dixon’s line, expunging the id boundaries of States, melting them up into aconflu ;o ent mass, to be subsequently cut up into ten milita i- ry parts, alienates the militia from its natural as >t sociation, withdraws it from the authority and d command and sympathy of its constitutional offi i- cere, appointed by tbe States, puts it under the -d command of the President, authorizes him to cause it to be traitfrfd, in palpable violation of the Con ' stitution, and subjects it to he called out from re >f mote amfdistant places, at his pleasure,and on oc it casions not warranted by the Constitution! j- ’ Indefensible as this project is, fellow citizens, do i- not be deceived by supposing that il has been or >f will be abandoned. It is a principle of those who d are now in power that an election or a re-election of the President implies the sanction of the people ie to all the measures which he had proposed, on - public affairs, prior to that event We have seen n this prindpl* applied on various occasions. Le e Mr. Van muren be re-elected in November next, it and itwill be claimed that the people have there e jgtrffpprnved of this plan of the Secretary of War. e All ehtertain the opinion that it is important to n train the militia and render it effective; and it will il he insisted, in the contingency mentioned, that the a people have demonstrated that they approve of tt that specific plan. There is more reason lo appre- II hen J such a consequence from the (act that a com d mil Ice ol' the Senate, to which this subject was re t. foiled, instead of denouncing thesdicine as uncon d stitutional, and dangerous to liberty, presented a s labored apologetic report, and the Administration e majority in that body ordered twenty thousand co d pics of the apology to be printed for circulation s among Ihe people. I take pleasure in testifying t that one Administration Senator had the manly in e dependence to denounce, in ids place, the project n as unconstitutional. That Senator was from your h own State. I have thus, fellow-citizens, exhibited to you a i, time and faithful picture of Executive powers, as e it has been enlarged aniLexpanded within tbe last . few years, and as it has been proposed further to b extend it* Tt overshadows every other branch of s the Government. Tbe source of legislative power . is no longer to be found in tbe Capitol, but in the , , palace of the President. In assuming to be a part , of the legislative power, as the President recently sfid, contrary to the Constitution, he would have i. . Jkfll Iff >lll tbe actual fact if he had alleged that - be tgas the sole legislative power of the Union. : How/ia it pjwible for public liberty to be pre served, and tke constitutional distributions of pow "eSj-tlmoag tlyLßcpattfiieiits of Government, to be tbe Executive career be checked that two securities exist.- first that tne Presidential term is of short duration; and,secondly, the elective franchise. —But it ha been already shown that whethei a depository of power be arbitrary or compatible whh liberty docs«rft depend upon the duration of the official terln, but uptn the amount of power invested. The Dictatorship'in Rome was an office of brief exist ■cnee, genera-ly shorter than the Presidential term. Whether-the elective franchise be an adequate se curity or.net, is a problem to be solved next No -vcrabeV. d hope and believe it yet is. But if Mr. Van Huren ■ should be re-elected, the power already acquired by the Executive be retained, and that -which tis ji progress be added to that department, it is my deliberate judghient that there will be no hope remaining for tire continuance of the iiber -ties of .'hi country. * And yet the partizans of this tremendous Execu tive power arro.ate to themselves the name of Democrats, and bestow upon us, who arc opposed -to it,.tbe-denominatioo oT Federalists! In the Fen ate of -.the United Stales there are five gentlemen ■who -were members of the Federal party; and four •of them have been suddenly transformed into Dem ocrats,.and are now warm supporters of this Ad ministration, whilst I who had exerted the utmost •of my.tumble abilities to arouse the nation to a vindication of its insulted honor and its violated lights, and to the vigorous prosecution of the war against Great Britain, to wnich they were violent ly opposed, find rryself, by a sort of magical influ ■enceueonverted into a federalist! The only Amer ican Citizen that 1 ever met with, who was an avowed monarchist, was a supporter of the admin • istration ofGenctal Jackson ; and he acknowledged to roe that this motive was to bring ahou; the sys tem of monarchy, which Ins judgment preferred. There were other points of difference between the Federalists and the Democratic or rattier Re publican party of 1798, but the great, leading,! prominent discrimination between them related tol the constitution of the Executive Department off tne Government. The Federalists believed that J ! in its structure, it was too weak, and was in dan-1 ger of being crashed by the preponderating weigh! of tbe legislative branch. Hence they rallied a! round the Executive and sought to give toitstrengtfl and energy. A strong Government, an energetfl Executive was among them, the common languagH and the great object or that dav. The cats, on the contrary, believed that the real ger lay on on the side of the Executive ; mg a continuous and uninterrupted was always on the alert, ready to defend the cr it had, and prompt in acquiring more; and |Hb i the experience of history demonstrated tlm; the encroaching and usurping department. therefore, rallied around the People and ths lH| laturc. What arc the positions, of the two great of tire present day ? Modem democracy duce.l the federal theory of a strong and Fixecutive lo practical operation. It has Tram the People, the natural aliy ol r mocracy, to the F-xeculivc, and instead ofH|||| jance, jealousy, and distrust, ha? given to partment all its confidence, and made to it a surrender of all the powers of recognized maxim of royal infallibility planted from the Briti-h monarchy t-rn Amcri an oeinocracy. and I* - -1 resident i ; no wrong ! This new school adopts, Bounce?,’renews opinions at the pleasure HH Executive. Is the Bank of the United useful and valuable institution ; Yes, ly pronounces the democratic Legislature of syivania. The President vetoes it as a and dangerous cs-ta! lishment. The majority in the same Legislature > be pernicious and dangerous. The democrat^B|||| ——l joiity of the House of Representatives of the Uni ted States, declare the deposites of the public mon ey in the Bank of the United States to be safe. '1 he President says they are unsafe, an I removes them. The democracy say they are unsafe, and approves the removal. The President says that a scheme of a Sub-Treasury is revolutionary and disorganizing. The democracy says it is revolu ■ tionary and disorganizing. 'J he President says it is wise and salutary. The democracy says it is wise and salutary. The Whigs of 1840, stand where the Republi cans of 1198 stood, and where the Whigs of the Revolution were, battling for liberty, for the Peo ple, for free institutions, against power, against corruption, gainst Executive encroachments, a gainst monarchy. We ate {poached with struggling for offices and their emoluments. 1f we acted on the avowed and acknowledged principle of our opnonents, “ that the spoils belong to the victors,”wc should indeed be unworthy of the support of the people. No ! fellow-citizens; higher,nobler, more patriotic mo tives actuate the Whig party. Tbeii object is the restoration of the Constitution, the preservation of liberty, the rescue of the country. If they were governed by the sordid and selfish motives acted upon by their opponents, and unjustly imputed to them, to acquire office and emolument, they have only to change their names, and enter the Presi dential palace. —The gaieis always wide open, and the path is pa narrow one which leads through it. Xhe last comer, too, often fares best. On a resurvey of the few past years, we behold enough to sicken and sadden the hearts of true pat riots. Executive encroachment has quickly fol lowed upon Executive encroachment; perrons honored by public confidence, aud from whom no thing but grateful and parental measures should I have flowed, have inflicted stunning blow after blow in such rapid succession that, before the people could recover from the reeling effects , of one, another has fallen heavily upon them. Had either of the various instances of Executive I misrule stood opt separate and alone, so that its . enormity might have been seen and dwelt upon ! with composure, the condemnation of the Exeeu , tive would have long since been pronounced; but i it has hilhCrtd found safety and impunity, in the bewildering tiler s of the multitude of its mis- I deeds. The nation has been in the condition of a man who having gone to bed after his barn has been . consumed by fare, is aroused in the morning to wit > ness his tiweUjpg bouse wrapped in flames. So , bold and presumptuous had the Executive become, that penetrating in its influence the Hall of. a co t ordinate branch of the Government, by means of a . submissive or instructed majority of the Senate, it . has caused a record of the country to be etfaced and expunged, the inviolability of which wasguar , amied by a solemn injunction of the Constituiion I . And that memorable and scandalous scene was en t acted only because the offensive record contained . an expression of disapprobation of an Execuljvc r proceeding. r If this state of things were to remain—if the I progress of Executive usurpation were to contin ue unchecked, hopeless despair would seize on the , ‘public mind, orthe People would be goaded to acts . of open and violent resistance. #ut thank God, the power of tße President, fearful and tapid as | its stiides have been, is not yet too great fi r the i power of the elective franchise ; and a bright and i glorious prospect, in the election of William Hen* ry Harrison, has opened upon the country. The r necessity of a change of Rulers has deeply pene ; trated the hearts of the People; and we every • where behold cheering manifestations ol that hap . py event. The fact of his election alone, without . reference to the measures of his Administration, - will powerfujjyeontrihute to the security and hap -1 piness of the People. It will bring assurance of . the cessation of that long scries of disastrous cx > periment’s which have so greatly afflicted the Peo ; pie. Confidence will immediately revive, credit be restored, active business will return, prices of ■ products will rise; and the people will feel and • know that, instead of their servants being occupied in devising measures for their ruin and destruction > they will bearduously employed in promoting their • welfare and prosperity. i But grave and serious measures, will unques i tionably, early and anxiously command the earnest i attenten of the new Administration. I have no i authority to announce, and do not pretend to an i nouncc, the purposes of the new President. I have no knowledge of them other than than that which , is accessible to every citizen. In what I shall say ■ as to tne course of a new Administration, therefore . I mean to express my own sentiments, to speak i for myself, without compromittiug any other per- I son. Upon such an interesting occasion as this is, s in the midst of-the companions of my youth, or f their descendants,! have felt that it is due to them - and to myself explicitly to declare my sentiments. - without reserve, and to show that I have been, • and, as I sincerely believe, the friends with whom - I have acted ItoVßthecn, animated by the disinU-r --i ested desire to advance the best interests of the i countiy and preserve its free institutions. The first, and in my opinion, the most important 1 object, which should engage the serious attention ' of a new administration, is tiiat of circumscribing • the Executive puwer,and throwing aiound it sucli I .limitations and safe-guards as will render it no r longer dangerous to the public libci ties. What is the work of man that does not neecs i sarily partake of bis imperfections; and it was i not to be expected that, with all the acknowledged t wisdom and virtues of the framers of our Constitu i tion, they eouli have set forth a plan of Govern s ment, so free from all defect and so full of guaran r tees, that it should not,io the conflict of emhiltcr ! ed parties and of excited passions, be perverted and misinterpreted. Misconceptions or erroneous ■ constructions of the powers granted in the Consti ■ tution, would p obably have occurcd, after the i lapse of many years, in seasons of entire calm, and with a regular and temperate administration -of the Government; but, during the last twelve ■ years the machine, driven by a reckles charioteer • with frightful impetuosity, has been greatly jarred 1 and jolted, and it needs careful examination and a thorough repair. With Jhewfta?, therefor?, to the fundamental character of me Government itself, and especial ly of the Executive branch, it seems to me tint, either by amendments of the Constitution, when they are necessary, or by remedial legislation, when the object falls within the scope of the pow ers of Congress, there should i e, Ist. A provision to render a person inclligible to the office of President of the U. S. after a ser vice of one term. Much observation and deliberate reflection have satisfied me that too much of the time, the thoughts, and the exertions of the incumbent, are occupied during his first term, in securing his re-electiou. The public business, consequently suffers; and measures arc proposed or executed with less regard to Hie general prosperity than to their influence upon the approaching election. If the limitation to one term existed, the President would be exclu sively devoted to the discharge ofhis public duties; and he would endeavor to signalize his ’adminis tion by the beneficence and wisdom| of its meas ures. 2d. That the veto power should be more pre cisely defined, and be subjected to further limita tions and qualifications. Although a large, per haps the largest, proportion of all the acts of Con gress passed at the short session of Congress since the commencement of the Government, were p: s sed within the three last days of the session, and when of course the President for the time being had not the-tea days for consideration allowed by the Constitution, President Jackson availing him self of that allowance, has failed to return impor tant hillS When not returned by the President within 'he ten days, it is questionable whether they they are laws or not.—lt is very certain that the next Congress cannot act upon them by deci ding whether or not they shall become laws, the _£l££id£atlS_sbjections notwithstanding. All this —the union of the sword and the purse iu the | h hands of the President effectually secured and — ; c farewell to American liberty. 1 n The Sub-Treasury is the scheme for effecting i o that union—and, lam told,that of all the days in o the year, that which gave birth to our Nationalex- z istence and freedom, is the selected day to be dis- a graced by ushering into existence a measure, Im c minently perilous to the liberty, which on that an- -a niversary, we commemoiate in joyous fes’ivafs.. y Thus, in the spirit of destruction which animates s our rulers, would they convert a day of‘£lkdness j a, d of glory, into a day of saduessarfdpfgpourfling. Fellow-citizens, there is one divorce utgftitlvjJjH s manded by the safety and the highest interest* at t the country —a divorce of the President fromthe J Treasury of the United States. .. -•* 4 And sth. That the appointment of membersierr 1 t Congress to any office', or any hot a few specified ■ fi offices, during their continuance in office; aAf JtmM one year thereafter, be prohibited. This is a hackneyed theme, hut it is not less A serving serious consideration. The now interdicts the appointment of a member Congress to any office created, or the of which had been increased whilst he was iigHgß fire, in the purer days of the republic, striction might have been sufficient—but in thiHP more degenerate times, it is necessary, by an 1 ment of the Constitution, to give the principle t greater extent < These are the subjects in relation to the penn»- nentcharacter of the Government itself, tvhich, it i seems to me, are worthy of the serious attention of the people, and of a new administiation. There are others of an administrative nature, which re quire prompt and careful consideration. Ist. The currency of the country, its stability and uniform value, and, as intimately and indisso lubly connected with it, the insurance of the faith ful performance of the fiscal services necessary to the Government should be maintained and secured by exercising all Hie powers requisite to those ob jects with which Congress is constitutionally in vested. These are the great ends to be aimed at — the means are of subordinate importance. Wheth er these ends, indispcnsible to the well being of both the people and the government, are to be at tained by sound and safe State hanks, carefully se lected and properly distriauted, or by a new Bank of the United States, with such limitation?,'condi rtons and restrictions, as have been indicated by experience, should be left to the arbitrament of en lightened public opinion. Candor and truth require me to say, that in ad judgment, whilst banks continue to exist in the country, the services of a bank of the United States cannot be safely dispensed with. I think that the power to establish such a bank is a sett.ed question; settled by Washington and by Madison, by the people, by forty year’s acquiescence, by the judicia ry, and by both of the great parties which so long held sway in this country. I know and I respect the contrary opinion, which is entertained in this State. But in my deliberate opinion of the mat ter, view the power to establish such a bank being settled, and being a necessary and proper power, the only question is as to the expediency of its ex ercise. And on questions of mere expediency pub lic opinion ought to have a controlling influence.— Without banks, 1 believe we cannot have a suffi cient currency; without a Bank of the United States, I fear we cannot have a sound currency.— I But it is the end, that of a sound and sufficient currency, and a faithful execution of the fiscal du ties of Government, tha: should engage the dis passionate and candid consideration of the whole community. There is nothing in the name of a Hank of the United States which has any magical charm, or to which any one need be wedded. It is to secure certain greatobjects, without which so cieiy cannot prosper; and, if contrary to my ap prehensions, these objects cah be accomplished by dispensing with theagmey qf a Bank of the United States, and employingthatof State banks,allought to rejoice and heartily acquiesce, and none would more than I should. 2d. That the public lands, in conformity with the trusts created expressly or by just implication, on their acquisition, he administered in a spirit of liberality towards the new States and Territories, and in a spirit of justice towards all the States. The land bill, which was rejected by President Jackson, and acts of occasional legislation, will ac complish both these objects. I regret that the time docs not admit of my exposing here the nefarious plans and purposes of the administration as to this vast national resource. '1 hat, like every other great interest of the country, is administered with the sole vi w of the effect upon the interest of the party in power. A bill has passed the Senate, and is now pending before the House, according to which forty mil ions of dollars are stricken from the real value of a certain portion of the public lands by a short process; and a citizen of Virginia residing on the southwest side of the Ohio, is not allowed to purchase lands as cheap by half a dol lar per acre as a citizen living on the northwest side of that river. 1 have no hesitation in express ing my convii tion that the whole public domain is gone if Mr. Van Huron he re-elected. 3d. That the policy of protecting and encourag ing the productions of American industry, entering into competition with the rival productions of for eign industry, be adhered to and maintained on the basis of Hie principles and in the spirit of the com promise of March, 1533. Protection and national independence are, in my opinion, identical and synonymous. The principle of abandonment of the one cannot be surrendered without a forfeiture of the other. Who with just pride and national sensibility, can think of sub jecting the productions of our industry to a!) the taxation and testiainis of foreign Powers, without effort, on our part, to counteract their prohibitions and burdens by suitable countervailing legislation? The question cannot be ought not to be. one of principle but of measure and degree. I adopt that of the compromise act, not because that act is ine pealable, but because it met with the sanction of the nation. Stability, with moueiate and certain protection, is far more important than instabi ity, the necessary consequence of high protection.— But the protection of the compromise act will be adequate,.in most, if not as to all. interests. The twenty per cent which it sHpulales, cash duties, home valuations, and the list of free articles in serted in the act forlho particularadvantage of the manufacturer, will ensure, 1 trust, sufficient pro tection. All together, they will amount probably to not less than thirty per cent—a greater extentof protection than was secured prior to the act of IS2S, which no one stands up to defend. Now, the ■ valuation of foreign goods is made, not by the American authority, except in suspected cases, but by foreigners, and abroad. They assess the value, and we tne duty; hut, as the duty depends, in most cases, upon the value, it is manifest that those, who assess the value, fix the duty. The home valuation will give our Government what it right fully possesses, bo’.h the power to ascertain the true value of the thing which it taxes, as well as the amount of that tax. 4lh. That a strict and wise economy, in Hie dis bursement of the public money, be steadily enfor ce!' ; and that, to that end, all useless establish ments, all unnecessary offices and places, foreign and domestic, and ali extravagance, eitherin the collection or the expenditure of the public revenue, be abolished and repressed. I have not time lo dwell on details in the appli cation of this principle. 1 will say that a pruning knife, long, broad and sharp, should be applied to every department of the Government. There is abundant scope for honest and skilful surgery. The annual expenditure may, in reasonable time, be brought down from its present amount of about fort* millions to near one third of that sum. sfo. The several States have made such great and gratifying progress in their respective systems J of Internal Improvements, and have been so aided ( by tne distribution under the deposite act, that in J future, the erection of new roads and canals should , be loft to them with such further aid only from MBBeneral Government as they would derive from rt-the last-instalment under that act, an absolute relinquishment of the right ol to call upon them to refund the previous and from their equal and just quotas, 1 received by a future distribution of the nett from the sales of the public lands. 6rh. That the right to slave property, he- ( by the Constitution, and recognized of the compromises incorporated in that in- I by onr ancestors, should be left where I Constitution has placed it, undisturbed and i by Congress, fellow-citizens, are views both of tjie of the government and of its administq^. H®!, which appear to me worth} of cominandHfe*.: grave attention of the public and its new»*r» Li BKts. Although, 1 repeat, 1 have neither auti purpose to commit any body else, I beliettia SHst. if net all of them, are entertained friends witn whom I have.acfed. I ''JB ' ’ salutary reforms which they include wnMjei| or considered, depends upon great struggle which Is now going on tbfqugfi- '} |Ht the countiy. This contest has had no parallel ( the "period of the revolution. In both-fn- 1 there is a similarity of object. That was' - achieve, this to preserve the liberties of the Let us catch the.spirit which animated, imitate the virtues which odqrncd our noble Their devotion, their constancy, their - artlv-ly. their pe:spvcrai.cc. their uulomi- ' 1 Hilc resolution, their sa lidci s. their valor! If i fought for liberty or death, in Hie memorable r of one us the most illustrious of them, let t never forget that the prize now at hazard is I |Heitj or slavery. We should De encouraged by I fact that the contest, to the success of which l solemnly pledged their fortunes, their lives, c their sacred honor, was far more unequal than < in which we are engaged. But, on the other ——————————l -I hand, let us cautiously guard against too much conlidcnce. History and experience prove that more has been'lost by sell confidence and contempt of enemies, than won by skill and courage. Our opponents are powerful in numbers, and in organi zation, active, insidious, possessed of ample means, and wholly unscrupulous in the use of them. They cctmf.upon success by the use of two words, De moejity and Federalism—Democracy, which, in violation .of all truth, they appropriate to them- aiat Federalism, which in violation of all justicefttey apply to us. And kilo wine to conjure you not to suffer your selves .to' be :diverted, deceived or discouraged by the false rtfmbrs which will be industriously circu ited between the present time and th- period of dire',election by our They will put thrtnjtoth in .every vajqgfrrr^Moulir^gftWmber, 1 ";V‘.V , \V feor *■ i duty; if ", ‘ V>’.v 1 r ’*„• celV.atej hilt s',^;l. V.- l whole nation ■ 'J&’.y/' ’.v,-ay' v -s sole exertions ince c at the in salvation the of the have detained too longAF and profound acknowjf of this for your tee"t and conlidcnte to wards me, and lusion, to propose a sentiment: _ Hanover County— ]tf‘ was the first, in the com mencement of the devolution, to raise its aims, under the lead of Patrick Henry, in defence of American liberty ; it will be the last to prove false or recreant to the holy cause. COMMERCIAL. Charleston, August 8. Cotton —Uplands still remain ■ juiet. The sales for the week amounted to 376, as follows;—13 at 6i; 21, 6s; 37, 7i; 2,7 s; 3,8; 51, Si; 25, B}. 158,9; 12,9|; 15,9 j; 26, 9i; and 13 at 9). In Long Cottons we have nothing to record. Rice —The sales for the week amounted to 190 tierces at from $3 to 3$ (p cwl.| Flour —3so bbls Richmond brought SSJ bbl; and 100 bbls Baltimore Howard street ats6 |p hbl. Grain —One cargo Baltimore Corn arrived this week and brought 58c bushel. No Oats, Peas or Hay came id hand —piires as heretofore. Groceries —Little has transpired during the week except a retail. 50 nags Cuba Colfee sold at 10J, and 30 hbds Muscovado Sugar, prices of which did not transpire. Bacon —We have no wholesales of the article to 1 notice —prices stationary. tail —No sales of any extent were effected du ring the week—prices nominal. Exchange —On England, 8i 09f cent prem; France, of. 15c 0 of 25c. New York and Boston sight checks arc taken at 2 j 0 3 tp cent prem; 60 days at 1 0 IJ. Richmond, 6 cent, and time di count. Bank of Charleston rales of Ex' hangeon the North: New York, 3 <p cent premium. Philadelphia, par. Savannah, 5 (p cent discount. Columbia par; Camden, 4 cent prem. Savannah Bank notes, 5 cent discount. Spanish Doubloons, Mexican, Freights —To Liverpool t> lb for Colton; to Havre, If; for square bales, dull. We quote lates to Northern ports as nominal. STATEMENT OF COTTON. S’. Isl'd. Ujiland. Stock on hand Ist Oct. 1839, 1973 2733 Received this week, 2 500 Do previously, 17934 277550 19909 280783 Exported this week, 361 2590 do previously,. 19229 276423 On shipboard, 00 0 19590 279013 Stock on hand, 319 1770 Savannah, August 7. Cotton —Arrived since the 31st ult., 1356 bales Upland and 4 lra.es S I cotton, and cleared at the same time 2816 bales Upland and 20 do 8 I cotton, viz: to Liverpool 1710 bales Upland and 20 bales 8 I; to New Yoik 633; to Boston 154; to Baltimore 71; and to Philadelphia 343 bales; leaving a slock on hand, inclusive of all on shipboard not cleared on the 7lh inst., of 2234 bales Upland and 10 bales 8 I cotton. Our cotton market has been entirely without animation this week, and prices are with difficulty supported. A scarcity of coastwise ves sels operate much against holders of Upland.— The sales of the week are 264 bales, viz: 13 at 7, 24 at 7j; 31 at 7J; 12 at 8$; 59 at 9; 32 at 9j; 24 at 9jf; 9 at 94; 56 nt Os. Rice —The market since our last has been quite languid, without change in price, the (sales made have been for city consumption at sSjj 0 34, at which prices holders ate firm. We quote j. 3 j <i s3j. Flour —Has advanced 25 cents since our last. — Sales of 200 bkls Howard street at s6^. Corn —A cargo of 3500 bushel* from Baltimore sold at cts. Retails Horn store at 75 cents. Groceries —In Coffee, Mjg.ir and Molasses, the demand is chiefly confined to small parcels to sip ply the immediate wants of the trade. Hay —Sales of 300 bundles on the wharf at 75c. Bacon —The sales aid confined to small parcels at previous rates. Spirits —ln domestic liquors the sales are limited without any variation in prices. Exchange —On Europe and the North arc very dull. On Engand II (ii> 12 t> cent premium, nomi nal. Drafts on New York, at sight, 7 (a) 8 cent premium. Freights —To Liverpool no vessel loading. To New York sls bale. BURKE sTTeri FF’S SALE. WJ ILL be sold, on the first Tuesday in Sep v v lember next, at the Court House in the town of Waynesboro, between the usual hours of sale, one hundred and sixty three acres of Land r adjoining lands of John A. Parsons, Eii McCroan and others, levied on as the property of John Dukes, to satisfv four executions from a Justice’s Court, in favor of Thomas Willi ims vs John Dukes. Levy made and returned to me by It. W. Daniel, constable. 8. W. BLOUNT, D. Sii’ff. July 27, 1840. SCUIVEN SHERIFF SALES. WILL be sold on the first Tuesday in Septem ber next, between the usual hours of sale, before the court house door in Jacksonboro, one tract of Land, adjoining lands of John M. Lucas and others, levied on as the property of John taug horn, to satisfy a fi fa in favor of Solomons & Smith. Levy made and retained to me Ly a con stable. Also, one tract of Land, containin': two hundred and sixty nine (269) acres, more or less, adjoining lands of John M. Lucas, Ann Parmer and others, levied on as the properU of Simeon 11. Conner, to satisfy sundry fi fas in favor of William Ivy and others. Levy made and leturned to me by a con stable. Also, six hundred acres of Land, more or less, adjoining lands of John S. Manoi, Lewis Conner and Richard M. Williamson,levied on as the proper ty of In Boston, to satisfy sundry fi fas in favor of Richard Herrington. Levy made and returned to me by a constable. Property pointed out by security. LEWIS M. STRICKLAND, Shff. August 1, 1:40. COLUMBIA SHERIFF’S 8A WILL be sold, at Columbia Court House, on the first Tuesday in September next, be tween the usual hours of sale, four negroes, viz: a negro man Reuben, about forty five years of age, ar negro w man Chany, about twenty seven years of age, ano her two children, Willis, four years of ag- 3 , and May, two years of age, to satisfy afi fa from Columbia oupeilor Court in favor of John M. Cooper & Sou, vs. Robert Jones. Proper% pointed out by STURGl9^tt|ff. Ml . SALK. T Tuesday in-fep tW. house door in VV -be tween the usi;a; > Ylz: oll< '‘ Mpd one ( lies old, levied to satf>o; t Sallis, security. Property pointed out by these* a .curity. JEREMIAH PERRYMAN, D. Sh’fl- July 30,1840. c ADMINISTRATRIX’S SALE; a WILL be fold on the first Tuesday in, >ovem- I her next, within the usual hours, 11 * s £ ,e > a * 1 Appling, Columbia county, 160 acres of oak; and t hicuory iand, adjoining land? of ,leal * an <i others. Also, 1K) acres pine lan ), a« : j*' imn £ Bow dre. Yarbrough and others, and four to wits Judea, about 50 yeais of ngr’» Duniel, about 19 years of age, Henry, about loy* al J °, Dennis, about 8 years of age. All sold as the I property of Martha Magruder, Gie °* Columbia \ county, deceased, for the henerit ol the heirs and a creditors. VERLINDA .MAGRUDER, t August 6, 1840. rx * OAKLAND FOR SALE. fIIHE subscriber offers for sale his Plantation in JL Jefferson county, containing between one thousand and eleven hundred acres of oak, hickory 1 and swamp land. The improvement* are superior and its nearness to the Central Rail Road, together with its fertility, make it a desirable place. Per sons wishing to purchase are invited to come and see the growing crop. Corn and fodder, neat cat tle and h;gs, amongst which la-R are Berkshire and Philadelphia Whites, can be had by the purchaser. July 14-wtf J. W. M. BERRIEN. tO’ The Savannah Republican will copy weekly for one month. a Bargain. Ta*Oß sale, 100 seres of good Land, well im- I? proved* a healthy situation, about 3 miles On the plnC« Is a good crop, good well supplied with vegetables, good or clwids ot fruit, an! every thing like convenience and comfort about the premises. It will be sold low, and on time, —one and two years credit for good endorser. Also the Furniture, which is good and new. Title good, and possession given on the day of sale. For further paiticnlars enquire of the Editors of this paper. Augusta, July 18, 1840. wlOt NOTICE. —All persons are cautioned against trading for two promissory notes made by Henry Smitn, on the eighth day of January last, one for twenty do.lars, and the other for twenty five dollars and fifty cents, payable to Wm. B. Dyreoi bearer, as the notes were fradulently ob tained, the consideration having failed in every re spect whatever, I am determined i ol to pay them until compelled. HENRY SMITH, aug 3 w3t I AW.—The undersigned having removed to J Starkville, Lee county, will practice m the several courts of the counties of Lee, .Sumter, Stewart, Randolph, Macon, Early, # Bakcr, Dooly and Marion. References —Col. Joseph 11. Lumpkin, Lexing ton, (ia.j Benning B. Moore andCapl. Peter Lamar, I.incoJntun, Ga.; A. J. Ai T. W. Mi Her, Augusta, Ha.; J. Lamkin and Dr. Miles K. Harman, Travel lers Rest, Ga. RICHARD F. LYON, oct 25 1 y Cl ACTION.—The public is cautioned against J trading for a promissory note, made by Samuel Howell, on or about the third day of April last, payable Ist of January last, for One Hundred DoF lars, interest from date, in favor of J. W. Kitties and by him endorsed —the same having been lost or mislaid by the subscriber, to whom eltlcment has oecn made by the drawer. THOS. BARNES. marG w'tf j, a HOWARD HOUSE. mThe Proprietor respectfully informs the public that this Hotel is now completed and ready for the reception of visitors The house is large, the rooms are well finished and furnished and well adapted to the accommodation of families and others The beautiful scenery that surrounds the village of Marietta, together with the excellent water, and a climate not to be surpassed in the United States,together with the best exertions oi the proprietor to furnish every delicacy of the season, and enforce such order a? will give entire satisfaction to his visitois and make them comfor table, it is confidently hoped, will ensure to the establishment an increase of the favors heretofore so liberally bestowed. JONATHAN ROBERTS. Marietta, Cobb county, Geo., April 16, 1840. w6m Reference. Hon. G. Andrews, Washington, Geo. Hon. Ciias. Dougherty, Athens. J. G. Winter, Esq., Augusta. Albert Story, Esq., Macon. Wm. 11. Stiles, Esq., Savannah. James H. Willy, Esq.. Greencsborough. Z. Samuel, Esq , Dahlonega. 'T^T’OTICE. —All persons having demands against Xn the estate of George Murry, deceased, late of the county of Richmond, will present them with in the time prescribed by law’, and those indebted to said estate will settle with the undesigned. ALEXR. McIVER, Qualified Ex’r. August 10,1840, • w6t FOUR months after date, application will be made to the inferior Court of Burke county, while sitting as a Court of I Ordinary, fur leave to sell 500 acres of land, belonging to the estate of Daniel J. Evans, deceased. Aug. 8, 1840. JESSE P. GREEN, Adm’r. VALUABLE LANDS FOR SALE IN BURKE COUNTY. subscriber offers for sale one thousand H five hundied acres of Land, lying iu Byrke county, on Ogeet by R» ver, lunuciVi.iU SyTSyanaT*" m around the One Hundred Mile Station, Central Railroad, with about one third cleared, a part of which is fresh, and all in good repair, and as w’ell watered as any place in Georgia. There is also a good new two stoiy dwelling house, and a gin house, together with other out houses. Should any person wish to buy a settlement, they will of course look lor themselves, —and they may expect a bargain there. WILLIAM, p. ALLEN. July 4 3m A DAI INIS F R A TOR’S SALE. ¥| Y virtue of an order of the Honorable the In _§J| ferior Com tof C olumbia county, when sitting for ordinary purposes will be so I, at the court house of Baker county, on the first Tuesday in October next, between the usual hours of sale. Lot >o 214. in the 7th district of said county, con taining 250 acres, more or less, being a part of toe real estate of Geo/ge W. Dunn, deceased. Sold for the benefit of the heirs and creditors of said deceas ed. 'Perms cash. ALFRED J. DUNN, Augusts, I*lo. Administrator. WARREN SHERIFF’S SALE. H; lI.L be sold on the first Tuesday in October next, at the couit nouse door in Wanenton, Warren <t>tmly. Ga.,ihe lollowing pioperty to wit; two mahogany f a new Billiard 1 srhles. eighreucs, two ma' cs, o.ie bridge, one set of balls, and four lamp-,(levied on as tne property of Amon Cobb, to satisfy one mortgage fi fa, returnable to the Infe lior Court, in favor of John L. Burkhaltrr. vssiid Cobb. Properly pointed out by sai l mortgage. August?, 1840. J V.MES HALL, Sheriff. POSTPONED SALE. be sold on the first Tuesday in Sep- V v temher next, at the court-house in the county of Furs, th, between the usual hours of sale, agreeable to an order of the Inferior Court of Lincoln county,when sitting for ordinary purposes, one lot of land No. 1142 and 2d Listri t, formerly Cherokee. And on the first Tuesday in October next, w;Il be sold, agreeable to the above named order, in the county of Dooly, lot No. 309 in the Idih District. I he above lots of land drawn by John McKorkle, deceased; sold for the bcncl.t of the heirs aad creditors of said deceased, i’crnis nr.uie bßourn on the dav. ELI GAKNLiT, Adm’r. July 9, 1840. BURKE SHERIFF SALES. W' ILL be so d, on the first 1 uesday in . eptem ber next, between the usual hours oi sale, at the Court House door in the oi W ayaes bo;o, four hundred acre? of Land, adjoining lands of Heary P. Janes and Al*ral.am Janes, levied on ax the propei tv of John Mon.oe, lo satisfy sundry fi fas issued from a Justice’s Conrt.m favor of John Roundtree vs John Monroe, David Monroe, and Thqriaa U Co-knn. Propcity pointed out by de fendant; ievj made and returned to me by a con stable. , . .... Also three hundred and ninety five acres pine land, adjoining rinds of John Dicky and others, le vied on as the property of John H. Landing, to sa tisfv one fi U «" faVol ' of A'hley Holliday, and two others i» fcvor oi William Wallace vs. said Landin’' Propelty pointed out by the plaintilt; i„,.„ „7i)c and relumed lo me by a constable. July 2*! '=-*■■). ISAAC MtSSKX, Vh’ff. v uji i.vistk .v ro it’s s.vli:. —t il.I. be sold on the first Tuesday in Vovctn \V her, before the court-house door in Lincoln county- all the !ands belonging to the estate of Joli n late of said county, {the widow’s dower ex- • cep'cd,) lying in said county, adjoining lands of u .1 tun, House, Antonv ami other-, on the Savan nah river. WM. W. STORKS, Adm’r. I July 16, 1840. __ COLII9IBU SIIKKiFF’S SALK. WILL be sold at Columbia court house, on the first Tuesuay in September next, between Ahe usual hours of sale, a Lot in the villazo ot A Kjrepling, (Columbia county,) upon which llicre is I and convenient Dwelling House, Kitchen jF and stable, and two other Houses, suitable for dry rroods or grocery stores; also, a lot ol merchandize, consisting of fancy and staple articles, shoes,boots, 0 and hats; also, one bay Irerse and buggy, to satisfy two li fas from Columbia Superior Couit, in which 1-aac 8. Tuttle and Stovall & Hamlen arc plain titi’s, against William Glover, defendant. August 1,1840. RICHARD H. JONES, D. ADJUnTsTKATOU’S SALK. WILL be sold on Friday, the 2sth day of August next, at the late residence of John p Thiess, deceased, of Lincoln county, all the perishable’property of said deceased, to wit: Coin and Fodder, household and kitchen furniture, plan tation tools, and stock of all kinds, &c. &c. July 18, 1840. HENRY THIESS, Adm’r.