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M, G ,,srA. VyUL/ ' THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL 18 PUBLISHED DAILY, TUI WEEKLY, AND WEEK* A BY J. VV. & W.'S. JONES, The Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel IS PUBLISHED AT Tbrce Dollar;! per annum —or one subscriber two years, or two subscribers one year for $5. Tri-Weekly paper at Six Dollars p< r annum. Daily paper, Ten Dollars per annum. Cash System —ln no ca-e will an order for tlu paper be attended to, unless accompanied with the money ; and in every instance when the time foi which any subscription may be paid, expires be fore the receipt of funds to renew the subscription the paper will be discontinued. Depreciated rno ney received at its value in this ci y. Chronicle nub Sentinel. AU«V S T A . FRIDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER ' G - Whigs Arouse. Whigs of Georgia, the contest now soon to b terminated is one of singular and pai ainou.-t im i parlance, so important indeed as to demand th of all your energies. U is not a mer a parly supremacy fin the attainment e to lend your aid : if it were, th h ' l,l iii'-i ll l - i f' ar ‘ ®»eorgitn» atfij Amman - i -■'j ! to lie eU'tied will responsible duly of mvu!hlh'«'>?C.'- BHHPHSBIIcct which interests • V * > BBmty from the humblest tenant of h occupant of the most epaernus which, is indissolubly connected the perity of the tountry and thn success of its citizens® k In relation to this subject we have on a former * occasion shown you who were the authors ul the preeenl evils under which the people nro nifTer- iag.— This should serve you us a beacon light to -guide your future action. If you again confide to such men the power to do evil you must ct ppet ta reap the reward of your folly. Again,.the Legislature will be called upon to apportion the fatale into Congressional Districts, according to (her pro visions of the late act of Con gross. How important then, that the Legislature shuold reflect correctly the sentiments of the people upon a question involving so deeply tln-ir interests off ||M floor of Congress. Hut we will not detain you'tailh a repetition of the iinjj >r ant bearings of this'very delicate question, with which you are already familiar, and lheri lore pas on to the consideration of another topic w hich will claim their attention —the election of a Sen ator to Congress. Whig ‘ of Georgia, you have often fell humbled at. the exhibitions, in the tin note Chamber, of the Hon. A. Cuthburt! Have you reflected, in nr.king up your minds as to who you will vote bn us Legislators, that his ir.u in that august body is In he filled by the Legislature now to he elected! If you havo not, h-l it; in voke you to pause and reflect, ilijilierale calmly upon Ihe consequences, and then determine, sol emnly determine, that as you value the honor and ( ■character of the tSlale, and as you adhere to and cherish your valued Whig principles, you will cast your vole lor no man who will not avaw himself openly in favor of electing a Whig Sen ator to Congress. This should he your motto, and you should not hesitate to leclare it to every man who seeks your support. There are other and very important subjects which must claim the attention o( (he legisla ture, hut we will not now wear/ your patience with a comment upon each. Let us lliertfoie •ay a worji of tho congressional ejection. % A fe'V days since we cone hull'll a i ketch of the claims of each candidate to your support, ol its justice you must determine. There is one point, however, in connexion wi ll tho Coogresiunal election, to which we do not recollect to have seen your attention directed, it 'Slh’ot tho mem bers nowr elected, hold their teats till the 4ih of March, 1814,and consequently will have to choose a Presklent of the United Stale.--, provided the election he noi{...ade hy the people. A result although possible, we confess, to onr minds, c!o< s not seem at all probable, yet it should have its in fluence upon your minds in casting your votes for members of Congress. A (iur.lT Work.—" The education of our children, ” said John Adams to his w ile,"is nev er out of my mind. Train them to virtue. Habituate them to imluttiy, activity ai d spirit. Mako them consider every vice .as .'•h.iinclul and unmanly. Kiio them with ambition la be useful. Make them to disdain to be destitute of any use ful or ornamental knowledge." The Louisville Journal, speaking of the Veto power, sayst—“ In none of the Western States— neither in Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, 2’cnncsseq Missouri, nor Illinois, is there any such thing a- ai Executive veto that may not be overruled by a bare legislative mojarity. The fiee West permits ■ itself to be cursed with ua such despotic veto. ».♦- that, which, unfortunately for the country, finds place in the Constitution of the United State-. • lu a late number of the l.uiiisvillc Sun, we find ,thc following: « The Maysville Eagle traverses our ehatg - that Xhc assumption of the State debts is a part ul the aha upon which ihe> Whig patty are proceeding in their legislative policy, and challenges us to the proof. We remember, a year or two ago, when many prominent members of that pirty were se riously talking ol the prij-ct. Mr. Proffitt, ol In diana, for one, and, si men, non lava juisset, Mr. Webster hiutyd at it." Mr. Webster uevei diJ j m forth a hint in favor of the assumption oUJ-hr S.ale debts. Ijnu that subject, whilst a member of the Senate, he held but owe language What that language was, may be I teamed from the following paragraph, which we And in bis speech delivered at the great meeting of k the New Votk merchants, on the 28th of Septem- L her, 1840 r ft “ 1 revert to the charge that we desire or amt at StojLjMMinphoo, and pronounce it to be without .a F*Ts3MhfigWii'iii. I iw,inimmhmwwn fa Coonjns thaflentertaios the belief that the Constiy mljgg pin nits th~ payment of the debts of States by the United States, without a consideration, any more than the debts of individuals. Such an as sumption as Mr. Benton resolves against, and Mr. Grundy reports against, in an interminable s liegof common-places, was never heatd of in Congress.” Mr. Webster’s remarks,in all his speeches upon the subject, were equally strong and decided. The attempt of the Locofoco presses to fasten upon the XVhigs the doctrine of the assumption of Stale debts, a doctrine that nine hundred and ninety-nine hundredths of all the Whigs of the nation repudi ate, is an abominable outrage. — Prentire. “Slavery defended from Scripture, against the attacks of the Abolitionists," by the Rev. Alexander McCaine, of S. C., is the title of a aery excellent speech delivered before the Gene ral Conference of the Methodist Protestant Church, in Baltimore, 1842, which has been published iu very neat pamphlet form, and laid on our table by the author. Os the merits of this speech it would appear quite unnecessary for us to enter inHletail, since it comes to us her alded by the high encomiums of the Hon. W. C, Preston, J. C. Calhoun and I. E. Holmes ol S.C., Hon. W. R. King ol Ala., Hon. J. R. Underwood of Kentucky, and Hon. P. C, Cald well of N. C., yet we should be wanting in duty to the author, not to express our unqualified ap probation of the manner in which he has treated the subject, characterised as the whole speech is by talent, learning and research, and tempered with that truly Christian spirit for which the au thor is so distinguished. The work is for sale at the book stores of Thomas Richards and H- A. Richmond. The aumbei of fires iu the city of New York du ring the past year ending June Ist, 1842, has been 189, by which property to the amount of $362,875 was destroyed) A Touching Story* The following narrative is copied irom the Philadelphia Ledger; “It was but yesterday that we were made ac -1 quainter) with the history of a family of females— -1 an a<—d mother and three daughters —Who, belorc the failure of the United States Bank, were worth n thirty thousand dollars. 'lhe whole cl this sum was invested in the institution named, and from the whole of which they could not now probably over one hundred or two hundred dollars . They dnsst d and lived during their pros. erify as their amount of property seemed to justify, and e will out prepa ing themselves th any particular ,e vocation titb which to struggle against competi ,, tioo for Ihcimfo ng: , . , V. he j adversity came they could tuin their hand to moerupi luu with profit, even had labor been n otLrcd.thCm. The apparel they possessed when j. their hnlsfi^Tuocfell upon them, enabled them tc attend their church and appear io the street ie-pec !ably dyad.'unlil-#ilhin a short time. It was knows - that they were among the victims of the plunder: of l.'ttilcdJftaies Bank, hut their friends and ac qdiimaneei supposed them far removed from dcs - titntioii. WittjS the last (*w months it was lirsi observed that ope less than the usual number ap peared at tlref same time at their jpUcc in church T he,n« b t ly,ii was no'ie«ndti^^o«fthei uueiserVt3fkti"sent, though xml at Wwy a tlw aaroc ''n .itd'ii.trillii. Ihr calls of ®rtf fci*nd ool n . two, of the family failed .<»*)£• UieiflppMriiiee. 1* <*&t‘ • n. . -.Z a ‘ 'rhflatlenglhylcd to a pressing iwMWpjPtf" , e cause,ant to a recital of their nrelchedconditioß Theif weariof apdereland every il ingelsethatcai »• be MsixWtiWfh means for ~I ineeAha.i'■ one, alti It b- aiinle. tint 1 diwsrc o wer«J(io;!6£t jUX r niure than one or two of the! ,‘ecti te t that mol ati article of fo^,Kin H^E/Ttaudrrt over perhaps in e nentoesofadbad husband |||s|^Kiiir; rclfeiis of -flection and love that the i||||^Br>‘would net have p ined with for her own hut which weie yielded tip to save bet ||Mlr'ii flora wont —and wiiich thisc children te r conspllfcd lo share for 1 he purpose of sav* author r.f their being from the gnawings of RTTWs L truly a painful picture, nn alflicting ftiluut loir lo contemplate in this land ot plenty ami w doubt not there ate many such, varying only in tha extent of .the misery entailed upon Ihi-ri qi dive objects whose all has been invest ed fu'slacks ol such institutions. But mit has been indy remarked, .that all nature teaches a lesson 1". which wo may profit ifclosely studied, so ne hope lino even this touching story may lioi P>s nil bout iis beneficial influences on in dividuals nn l eoimnunitics, as well as lolhe na tion. We pass by the impressive lesson which it leaeln s lo llioso wealthy nm! affluent parents who i-i-iir their sons and daughters in idleness and in consequent rnlpalile ignorance of all the bn.-iii - tr.iusaetious of real life; lor we.cannol Halier eur.-elf that any touch m ours could pos s l,i v j jvseni l lie errors of I heir system in liokler or nime striking colors, Our more immediate obi. ci is with llie lesson it leaches, or should leach to the American people, and to them do we , .annelid this short but touching uarraliveas oin full of instruction. We are .a ware that I lie demagogues of I he day, and even those whose position in society should impel I hem, as by loree, to soar aliove such a Ifi sort, have, in I heir continued efforts to prevent the ehirler of a National Bank, sought to iden tify the t’idled States Bank of Pennsylvania witli a Xctiima! Bank: and even the Philadel phia Ledger, tiom which thi.- narrative is taken, , and which assumes the charactered a neutral paper, lias- carefully eoneeahd the fart from the reader, that the stock here alluded lo was that ol the United Stales Bank of Pennsylvania. It is hy such means as this that the Locotoeo party hope In attain their object of preventing a char ter Ivy I lie government of a National Bank, and upon the means and the motives for their exercise the people of tlin ponnlry must pass their judg ment. That the means lo which we have allu ded are unworthy of any party or eihss of mfj) who aspire lo rule the destinies ot the republic, or who cable llie prosperity of the country, and v‘li*s < i'<* fii h xhitrvn*-' ns of. higher vs,limv - than the temporary ascendancy o! a parly, can no! hut lie apparent lo every reflecting mall who contemplates lor a moment the approximation ol the Lulled States Bank of Pennsylvania lo a United si vtc.r Bank chartered hy Congress, In what, we ask, do thesg hanks resemble 1 ? In nothing but the similarity in name,and fjj.at hoth were b inks. The one was chartered hy aßlute, and was a Slate institution, having no more sim ilarity to a National Bank than the Bank of Home in Georgia -the other was a National Bank, chartered hy Congress, with power to lo cate hranchi s throughout llie Union,whose stack cas always at par throughout its existence. That (ha ryrrency was sound, llie country in a prosperous condition, and- labor and stocks yielded a legitimate income during the existence of the United Stales Bank, arc facts which no man who values his reputation for veracity will attempt to controvert; and that the disasters which have oveitaken and overwhelmed the whole country, (among the thousands of which is III" one narrated above,) are llie result of tlia t system ol experiments upon the currency, which resulted in the refusal to re-charter the National Bunk, sin] gave birth to an innumerable hoard of Stale Banks, of'which one was the United Stales Bank of Pennsylvania, are facts which the history of the country abundantly and pain lully illustrate. It was these local banks, unre strained in many instances save hy the unbound ed avarice of their managers, that gave to the country (bat bloated system of credits, which has alike overwhelmed the .•ounlry and the authors of the evil in one common ruin. A shock which lias shaken the liepublic from llie centre lo the circumference, and has contributed more to de prave the morals of I In* whole people, than the most uidnidled indulgence in riot and luxury for a qnaiK r of a century could possibly accomplish. What an impressive lesson then, we ask,should this tale ol WO and misery and want —1 his pic ture ol deep distress—this sudden fall from opu lence and plenty lo abject poverty, want and the cravings of hunger, as seen in this unfortunate family in Philadelphia -what nn impressive les son we rejieal, should it teach the American (people! Should it not admonish them, trupipft 'loiigiied lo return again to that elcvgiied posi tion which they occupied during,fh? existence if q National Bank, ajum-Um HB'er feelings of our f-ip." b-—.".-i up by the recital of such heart rending details) Should they not, like the prodigal son, return lo be clad again in the raiment of former days—to enjoy again the prosperity which was their wont under the insti lion of their fathers! These questions should come home to the bosoms of every father, hus band and brother, and we are confident we do not overrate the sound, practical, common sense of the people, when wo augur that they will profit by this touching recital of misery, and demand, patriots and freemen, a re-creation of tlib insti tutions of our patriot sires, as a necessary means of p.eventing like disasters in our future career. People of Georgia, in a particular manner do we command this subject lo your calm and deli berate reflection. Time was when there were few advocates of a National Bank in Georgia, and when, too, we were the sole conductor of a 1 public journal in the State who avowed those f sentiments openly and fearlessly. The experi ence. the melancholy fluctuations of the last few years, have brought thousands to the same con victions; and however we may deplore the evils | which forced upon them those convictions, like ejtery “biller, they hare their street," in the re flection that we may profit by the severe teach ’ inns of that sternest of all teachers, experience, not unmingled with adversity. _' ] Rescmptmht it Vjboisi*.—The Richmond s Whig of Tuesday, referring to this event, says: J Same ofour Banks have already resumed—and all are prepared to do so. Some of them have nearly a dollar of specie for every one of paper it c circulation. All of them have curtailed greatl) within the year—This they were compelled l< do; and this accounts for the unparalleled sear city of money in the country. Some who ought to know, think, that as soon as the crisis of re 0 sumption is over, the Banks will be able to ex 5 tend some facilities to commerce, and thereby rt lieve the pecuniary pressure. SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 17. Georgia. “A strong effort is making by the merchants - in many towns, ami by a portion of the press in - Georgia, to remove the evils and confusion of B the present depreciated currency. It meets with h vehement r ppositioa on the ground that the irre -11 dcemahle paper in circnlation is principally-the " not; sos the Central Bank, and that the opposi f tion to this is a warfare against the Slate. That a State Government should be upheld in depre j elating the circulation —adulterating the current r money—is lo us unaccountable —it is much the . most disgraceful sort of bankruptcy a State can con (ess to —it meets one every wherc-sa bushel J of corn cannot be bought without a reminder to n the parties that the public faith, the pledge of the n State is broken —it haunts one like a spectre ev ;o ery where —the stain is on every thing. We should suppose the pride of a high minded people n like the Georgians would revolt at such discredit rs —and would demand of the Government that the cause he corrected without delay. The above paragraph is taken from the Charles 3. ton Mercury, an out and out Locofoco papcr.but b* which, we are pleased to add, unlike most ot * r it* J-ocoloco r.olcmporarics in Georgia, it has ip boen%c uniform advocate ol a sound currency. r,Moth as we approve the sentiments of the para- We should have been more pleased, i! it US ijiro #uitc<Ttl»B views of propriety, to have informed its readers which party in Georgs „ advocate the Centra! Bank, and which opps •ft Us irredeemable Meoea. Such a disclosure, how ever, liic Mercory doubtless thought would grati lrf again*! the ctiry to concesl from iis, partizan associate* in Georgia are generally the aflvorales of a spurious depredated currency, I while the Whigs are en masse in favor of aj sound specie paying currency. George Bancroft’* opinion of Henry Clay. In the year 1833, George Bancroft was the po litical friend of Hint Clay, and expressed the following opinion of him. Loro Tocos, read it, and see what yon think. Is the opinion the learn ed Tbeban&rn entertained, or the one which he now puts forth, the true one 1 Tbuitf'of a piece wah the consistency which led a certain distin guished historian to declare 4 at one time, that “no where in the tuorltl have life, liberty and proper ty, been safer than in Rhode Island,', and at a" noiher to pronounce the Charter Government of Rhode Island “a Government under which no person. Jit to he called a man, could consent to live. It is worthy of no other support than the hire!ini' bayonets of the Federal Government." Huston Atlas. Hear George's opinion of Hxmbt CtAr,ex. pn ssed iu 1832 : In Mr. Clay the people of the U. S. behold a statesman of the in si distinguished talents, of long and vaii. us experienee in me public service, and of the most devoted and generous patriotism. In early youth and in mature! years, as a citizen and as a rcpiescntative, at home and abroad, in peace and in war, in the chair of lhelJou,e of Represen tatives,in a most important dip'omalic capacity, in the eai.inct and in ihc Senate, tie has been the stieninms, indefatigable, eloquent and triumphant auppoitctuf UiOsC principles of government and pope)’ op which the union of the States and pros perity of the People depend. __ . The ciiuie political life of this disihigin'r.eJ statesman i< a guaranty lo the country that, beneath his auspices, the reign nI violence, of arhiljary discretion,i f send influence and peremptory dic tation will pass away, and that of civil rule will return. Under his Administration, rhe people of the I S. will enjoy, what they are now deprived 0 f—ilm l enelit of a government of law. The di lecicry of the Administration will he sought in ihe statute boo 1 , amt ihe other constitutional deposita ries < f the law, and not iu a puvate executive construction. Olficcs, whose ohcorrup. discharge cssenliai lo the welfare of the peop’e.wjll no lun ger he regarded as spoils ot victory. Appointments, repeatedly negatived by llie constitutional auvi sci% of the Presi lent, will not oe renewed, by his sets will, the moment that the .Senate adjourns I he execution ol laws will not be suspended on Ihe p.elcnce of their unconstiirianalily. Tnecoon feiiagce of the artminklaliou will not he extended to an unprincipled press, not olficcs of trust and emolument beslowecl as tpe re^caTTof the slander er. The patronage q^ih»dnove r ni)i<nt will iJolycf o<-*txe:ieu lujttfedl ItiWrautl lufc great demesne interests of Ihe country will be up jjcld, by n steady, unequivocal support. Its indus try will svigreU the shock ot a disordered rur teucy. The fjilit of vy.ll b. kept sacred ; and the honor of the U 8. w iil lie sustained jn thpir inti reourse wi-h foreign goverr ems; aoU me a mon of the Si lies, ihe preci ms legacy we have in herited from our lathers, will be preaeivcd nuim paired foroui cliildicn. Tyl*“r Reform. The Whig Posfotasrcrspf Rave-hill and Oxford, N. H. have just been removed, ai.d f-oto togoa pt the genuiuc New-tfainpshirc- breed appointed ju their places. No ctiaige was made against the re moved officers.except simply that they remained tnje lathe professions winch John Tyler has be lied and thy principles lie has betrayed. —Exchange V- per, Now tliat the Semite has adjourned, the Cap tain, we presume, has commenced his promised reform. He no uouht despises the check upon the great and only representative of the people, according to ihe Jackson doctrine. If ever an ar. my is marched lo the Capitol and Congress dis persed at the point us the bayonet, it will be un der the cloak of this doctrine, that the Prcsidebt is the true exponent of the popular will. This is modern Democracy frr you, with a vengeance. One man power and Democracy ! Ball!—the j thing is too bald even to humbug the people with, green as they are sometimes.— Sarah. Repub lican. Another ?igu. The subjoined proceedings of a meeting in Fayetteville, Fayette county, is but another evi dence of the onward match of public opinion on the subject ol the currency. These demonstra tions am not to be mistaken, and augur well for the early restoration of a sound ciiculating me dium throughout Georgia. Faxettkvilie, Sept. 1. ,i Agreeable lo prior notice a large porlionlfr the Merchants, Mechanics, and other cjtrMns of the village and country, met In the-court house, for the purpose of taking consideration the deranged, polluted situation of that currency, whiiJpßas so long, through ihe vesta of tl»pervaded our country, and enter intojrmie Resolutions and adopt measures receiving and paying out the uncur rejiVltills on no.i specie paying Banks, shinplas -i-ters, tieke •ur luils on corporations, or individu als. Ti e mev ting was then organized hy calling Wm. Herring, E qr. to the chair, and Jared 1. ' Whitaker E-qr. Secretary, and after a brief cx- X flUnminn of the meeting made by the chairman, ■ lTe. Vase, Esur. then arose with grcaLJalm dkUed the object of the meeting—whereupon, on motion of Eli Edmonson, Esq, the chairman appointed a committee us three, consisting of the following names to wit: Dr. Wm. Brown, John Huie and L. E. Case, Esqrs., to draft and sub mit resolutions, who retired some few minutes, and returned with the following Preamble and Resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: ) Whereas we have witnessed for some time past, the great sacrifices that the citizens of this town ; and the country at large, have been subjected to i by many Bank failures, and suspensions of spe cie payments, which have created such great de -5 rangement in the currency of the country, and depreciations of bills on a number of the Banks j in this State, and elsewhere. In receiving and paying out such uucurrent und depreciated bills, &c and b-lieving, as we do, that so long as the 3 people are disposed to take uncurrent or depre , dated bills of any description at par value, so x long will current bills, or bibs of specie paying banks, and specie be driven and kept out of cir culation —for remedy whereof, Ist. Beit Resolved, That we will not from v and after the first of October next, receive any of - the bills on non specie paying Banks, or rickets, s or shmplasters on corporations or individuals, c only at their specie value, agreeable to the quo rations made in the Augusta or Savannah tables *f exchanges. 2d. Resolved, That we recommend our farm ■t ing friends in disposing of their crops, to receive nothing but specie or its equivalent; and if they , receive depreciated or uncurrent bills as atore- U said, not to receive them at any higher estimate than they can dispose of them in specie, or specie d funds. c 3d. Resolved, That these Resolutions be pub n lished injthe Fayetteville Advertiser. Iv On motion lire Meeting adjourned. ,o WM. HERRING, Ohm’n. r- Jared I. Whitaker. Sec’y. 11 Specie i* New YogK,—The New York Amar j ican : tales the aggregate amount of specie in tin e \ I banks of that city at more than six millions of dol 1 g IS| and that tbjs amount is daily increasing. 1 From the Baltimore^American. Letter from a gentleman of Baltimoie a Landholder of Maryland, upon tne snoject of Repudiation. L Baltimore, 20th August, 1842. | Mv Dear , , , . » ,t, p I duly received vour favor o', the first ot present month, and have given us subjecUt the 5 consideration their imports so well deset • ; I confess to you that i«r*e if ihe modern here vies, in politics or morals, hate filled in y ; with such dismay as this doctrine of repudiation. 1 Gross and startling enough some of those her sies have been lobe sure—and it has been p 5 fill to see the private and public mine- givjn„ *. 1 before their slow and covert approaches. Out 3 here is a great and lion-like leap m the pa * ? dishonesty—performed at noon-day .at w ~ the mind shudders and trembles; it shoddy. e tbe enormity and impudence of the' I trembles for its effects upon the fair name ot Die 1 °lf patriotism be a love of country, and devo tion to its government, the sentiment ■ must bo come extinct in the breast of the ma» ofJfirtoe it —tor he cannot love a country that is stained , with in&uny. or feel devotion to, a that has tolerated dishonor. The cxlinetionrfil s this noble sentiment must soeedily be followed by the decrepitude, the dissolution of the. state. Such orosa depravity in the public morals is the . fatal disease »f the body politic. Us corrosive 1 and deadening effect will be rapid and certain 0 Before it the Slate will,sink: nml then will collie I*. The whirl-wind and thunder of revolution, to Wivcawav the impurities, and refresh the moral * ZS as the Storms of-thc elements fan f ' j Wav tire effluvia of pestilent bogs and pools. ,e Some men imagine that the diffusion ot tic .o shame ail tnujitgpl but a . ■ .. f oujinTacriea to ’ icils, ami abet at the ballot „■ r 6 obey wish it to be believed \ Jjfjj M DBm mu in idle intercourse of private tiw. The tall cy of ft his position consists, in the first place, in its want of truth; for, in my judgment, the man who would repudiate the public debt would repu diate his own, if the lash and sting of the law left him free to do it. The reasoning, moreover, is fallacious; for the public disgrace is each citi zen's dishonor; the blot upon tbe national es cutcheon has its full and broad impress upon the forehead of every man that has contributed to produce it. The enduring stigma is upon the brow, .and his children’s children will feel the hated shame. Law givers are aware that without strong pe nal restraints upon the private actions of men a sufficiently p >re lone of morals for the purposes of society cannot be seemed: Hence, arson and treason and murder are denounced as capital of fences, and great and hideous punishments arc allotted to them; and swindling and theft and procuring money by false pretences are denoun ced as felonies, and condign inflictions are allot ted lo them. Yet what shall we say of these law givers, the government, the parental head, when itself becomes guilty of all these latter of fences'? For wherein is repudiation belter than theft and swindling ami withholding money that was* obtained by false pretences! Let us not disguise matters. Historians and posterity are to come after us.and they will speak of our actions with the praise pr the censure— .the pride or the scorn that they may deserve. I affirm that repudiation of tbe public debt is an act which embodies all the turpitude oi ihcabove enumerated felonies. It is the result of a purely dishonest emotion in the public breast. Il is the open expression of a determination lo withhold from another what rightfully belongs lo lutu.— It is the deliberate, undisguised and base arowal of a dishonest purpose. The olfence is i in the slightest degree mitigated by an argument drawn from the inconvenience of paying t.ic debt, or the burthens of taxation that maybe necessary to remove it. This should have been inquired into before the debt was contracted; at any rate, it is a oueslion wiM‘ which she creditor has no concern; il has nothing to do with the va lidity of bis claim, or the obligation of the State to meet it. Complaints of heavy taxation should be addressed lo the government that may have jpade the burthen necessary by unwise and pro fligale legislation; and npt to the honest creditor who has shown his respect for the fcitate by rely ing upon the faith and honor of its rulers. The government of a sovereign Stale chooses to embark in enterprises, for the public good,that arc beyond its ordinary means, and cannot be compassed by the supplies of its ordinary courses ot taxation. It is led lo pledge its faith, and boirow money from individuals, looking forward to rich returns, either in the shape of pecuniary gain, or increased political strength and advan tage. The works arc prosecuted with the pub lic copnteri*ncai»p*4 ff*vor, loan - over and over again, expressions public approbation. At length, from the fickles>css or the feebleness of the public councils —some new doubt of t.ie utility of the projects—or other cause, they tall into disfavour; they areabandon ed, or pjrosecpfcd but tardily the debt, contract ed for their benefit, is disowned, and the ponful ing creditor oi the Republic is spurned from the door of the Treasury. Can any thing be more utterly pusilanimous, or basely dishonest than this? How does such conduct comport with the high and elevated principle? of our boasted Dec laration of ifu)e|*en(isnccl Wet ere accuse a monarch pf bad faith, and. with the most solemn adjurations to God. affirm that, Torso great a sin. 1 !•« merits the frown of the nation, am) the djs mcinhennent of his government we were leaving with that we were about to form, wo affirm that the latter is to he founded upon the purest truth—the slriclcst fidelity to justice and all its engagements.— What a commentary would this act of repudia tion furnish upon all this! Into what solemn mockery would it not turn it! After having ap pealed, with such solemnity and fervour to the Most High forthe purily of our motives and de signs. of wiiat perjury shrdl we not he guilty by so early, so gross and so flagrant a breach of the national faith 1 But, aside from the offence a gainst God. in what position should we be placed with our fellow men. Would not the nations shun us? Would they not combine against us, and scourge us for the great indecency and wickedness of our acts! Who shall number or weigh the ills of the Stale that shall fall into such profligate courses? What can redeem it? Though the industry of the husbandman may he blessed, and the harvests may be abundant, tnough the enterprises of our merchants may bring wealth to our shores—though every inter est of the land may flourish—yet, if there is dis honor upon its name, contentment can never dwell in its border. It will fall into disrespect and disrepute,the public affection will he estrang ed from il: it will he accursed of men. and for saken of God. Admonition, however impassive, will proba bly fall like idle babbling upon the ears of those .whose minds have been corrupted to the extent of admitting 1 lie doctiineot repudiation; but it may not be useless to pourtray to tbe great mas ses of our fellow citizens the horrid tendency of such pernicious tenets. The press should,there fore, pour forth its daily rebuke; the patriot should ring the alarm in his conversations and his writings; these in high places, and upon ihe summits of society, should make their acts more conspicuous, hold their lights higher and higher np, and win their countrymen from such delu sions bv burning words, and by the more forcible eloquence of good examples. Let us remember the virtues of oor fathers; let us remember that this is their latjd, before we permit il to be cover ed over with infamy. Let us appeal to all sa cred considerations, to ancient lessons, to the common decencies of life —let us pause and de liberate, and humble ourselves before God, and pray him to spare our minds the pollution of ad mitting for a moment the thought of violating the national faith. The moment such a senti ment obtains admission into the mind, dishonor becomes enthroned in the heart, and virtue and truth will fly in search of a safer asylum. If the States of the confederacy shall find themselves in difficulties from the burden of debt they may have contracted in attempts to improve their territory, let them be patient—re member that the motive for borrowing was good —be cheered and strengthened by this consid eration, and feel assured that frugality and labor will ultimately relieve them. Let them remem ber that the money has been spent in attempts to improve an Empire, and not in the desolations of war, that it has been laid out for the benefit , of posterity, and not to purchase for themselves temporary pleasures or a vain and fleeting mag nificence. Let them not descend Irom the dig i nity that belongs even to the honest debtor, who acknowledges his debt, asks no favor disclaims ail shuffling, scorns all subterfuge, hut prepares, with manly pride, to meet his obligations to the uttermost farthing. Shall these sovreignties, L who have heretofore borne themselves so nobly, be frightened from their positions, and betrayed 1 into indecorous courses by a small modicum of > debt? I should hope that if the public creditor were to offer to give up his bond, a proud govern -5 ment would reject the boon, would never deign lo accept it without rendering dollar for dollar: — ■ Yes, it would be more dignified and becoming i to do so—on bended knee, and with humble y thanks upon the lip, than to withhold forcibly from the holders of those bonds their honest e dues, There is no process of argument known e to an honest mind that can lead to the slightest countenance of these pernicious dectrines; the j, most deluded or selfish casuistry could not in cline the understanding to them. He who ad vances them, does so knowing them to be utter ly and wholly wrong; and the day of compunc tion will come when the whip of asps would b< more tolerable than the upbraidings of his con r . science. The gioss and base act of cheat!n; his fellow man out of what is honestly and right ** ly his own, i*, if possible, the least part of hii >l* offence —he has aided in corrupting the minds o others, he has lowered tbe tone of the publi m... »Is—he his T be nresent condition of tbuW«£|Md thepub ’,L of Maryland »|*®i be deplored.— ft constitutes a crisis u» y BMP, that can nev er be remembered orW4h pleasure.— It is true that- no scnajpnjaof jrepUiHation ob tains footing -he"- v ®' leare bjfcr too ? honorable lorthat. tfl VOyutf oilier sons 5 could never bend to |«»a»tpiUation. But, owing'lo her great and the incom nletc conditioivof the burthen of J debt contracted- on ibrtl bSßoont, and wljich is hereafter to he distribigg-gnongst them now ■ T Sts as an incubus npopWßtate She, a9*. he ■ foster mother, has to belW burthen ffntil- t.el f canals ami rail roads |«mp efetl. Irf the I meantime, the cads u^i yppdWic treasury, for '* the annual interest, arevjMf Wavy; and the re» II sources ot the State,, t»«[ greatly enhanced' J by new assessments aw ®w rales of taxation, J have been inadequate O p them. A tempo e rarv suspension ujfon VmffttH pavmenlS'bas been the result; and a ocplorcd and injuri-i H ous depression of Ihc poßc stock has followed Thisis alike disbcartW|f to the creditor and ® mortifying to thede d g u t she is earnesllWjo-work ln attempts to d fill the Treasury, her ***ork«are nearly ap -11 preaching the mineral il is now the sei ll tied policy' of the coun I fund of 3 - (he public lands is to j fSgtJSIfK way of dia e tribution, and Marytal » l^MLie rge from e her difficulties with puvjMu unsullied reputation. f s ilwSi * e Recurring to the b••• f these breaches, “ of the nation..! faith,. ktffneicenOing'from thi ■ d tone of disdain whic| 11* pnrd nathrally as n suim c t.t-fng •*’|>(TqDPstiomt of mor al-, lei us look at j^Re--~,inu a 0 r policy, l c and st- ~ v) j»%rmaati.!rul Am I tfatneunftm I. ■* * , 'J '' IBL'ni’c- -l,]jl ■ ra;, laua atkl honor &re gtjfei*. IS system of jurispru dence becomes the of a corrupt Legis lature. Its laws are tile fruit of corrupt delib eration. The property■ in the Stale, and the rights and liberties ops citizens arc only pro tected hy the venal a|l ever changing rules of profligate enactments. Os what value would such property be? Contracts between man and man would soon be arfrellid. The public debt was found an inconvenience, and it was cancel led. Private debts would be certainly much more oppressive, and Wyv not cancel them'? The ancient notion about their sacredness has, by the new lights, been ascertained to he foolish. It would be vtin to talk about the sa credness of private contacts in a land where the public engagements lad been repudiated. In all trading commusities like our own the debtor class comprises at least two-thirds of the population. A very wke right of suffrage pre vails with us, and who to* s not see that debtor and creditor candidates fl»r the Legislature will soon be in the field. Tie former would prevail of course. And then would come the widest, sweeps of licentiousness In legislation. All debts over a certain limitwould be declare.! void, as being oppressive and onerous upon the people —large estates would bo broken up —title deeds would be cancelled, aq^torn from the records, agrarian laws would h passed. Is there any painting in this? Does it not ail follow as a ne cessary consequence orthe one great .act of per fidy'? Docs it go beyoed the measure ol a plain and practical application of the principles that dictated that act of it docs not. But I turn aWay from a subject that must be so distressing lo the mind ol every pa triot; and will indulge in no more provisions of the sorrow and shame and disgrace that must fall upon our country should it ever be betrayed into the sin of repudiation. liver, verv faithfully, Yours. ■> J. J. s. it'roin the FhiladelphNational Gazette. UiMt party is responsible lor the Nation. 7 . . al l.lfbt} ■ ; Tfc|jWf&ttb American also denies the respon sibility of Ihe Wliijjs for the ranid creation ot a national deht. "We miisj still hold that they ate responsible for this debt, inasmuch as if they had made the promised retrenchments at the commencement of their rule, that debt would have been unnecessary.”— Pennsijlvanian. This text from the ‘’Democratic” organ of this city, contains two propositions on which the press and the orators of its party are accustomed to insist, as embracing a momentous issue be tween the great mass of the Whigs and the se veral factions of their political opponents. — Without resorting to natural declamation against the disgusting profligacy of that parliian spirit which labors to produce in the popular mind the belief that Ihe Whigs are rcs|>cnsible for the or igin, increase and continuation of the present National Debt, we propose to<show:— T-Visr —‘rhui ipzJuriMru. TB-tw a Atln 'i ‘L islraiion laid the fovndatioy and ituiil vji the principal mass us ike fila}ior,ai I!thi. Secondly— That the Whip's upon acquiring the ascendancu in Congress in IS-H, instantly proposed and urged measures for liquidating the Pelt; and, that the Jailurc at Ikut time, and uniformly since, to eject the object, was caused hi! the opposition, of the Van Buren pp-rly, ren dered efficient by the course of the Kxecntirc. Ist. According to the various official state ments in the Treasury Department, il appears that on the Ist of January, 1837, (two months before the administration of Martin Van Buren commenced) there vyrs a surplus in inc Treasu ry , arising frpm ordinary sources of revenue, a mounting lu 100,000 There was an additional sum accru- s — fnun that date to March 4, arising from onier Or.. J I sources, amounting to 9,125,000 There was issued in the same peri od, Treasury notes amounting to 5,050,000 Making the surplus and available means of the Treasury from Jan. 1837, over and above the regular receipts for customs and public lauds within these four years, a mounting lo 531,875,000 Here was a sum of nearly thirty two millions of dollars which was received into the treasury during the four .years of Mr. Van Boren s ad ministration, exclusive of the regular and enor mous receipts from the customs and the public lands. The receipts were as follows: From January, 1837, lo January, 18-11, the revenue from duties on imports was, 861,800,000 The revenue from the public lands in the same period, was 20.200,000 Making the net ordinary revenue of Mr. Van Buren’s If to this sum we add the aSSnt as above from extraoruWary sources, viz; 31,875,000 we have the total sum of 8114,875,000 —nearly one hundred and fifteen millions of dollars paid into the Treasury under Van Bu ren’s administration, being on the average near ly twenty nine millions annually. But such was the wicked and matchless extra vagance of that administration, that when the Treasury Report was made under the present (Tyler) administration, on the Ist June, 1841, it appeared lhal all Ihesc vast means had been ex hausted, and that the deficit in the treasury for that year alone would be at least sixteen millions of dollars, making Van Buren and his party re sponsible for about one hundred and thirty mil lions, Thus a Notional Pebl was founded ami mainly built ap during his term. It existed when lie was turned out of ofliee by the people, alt ho’ lie arnl bis parti/.ans had taken scrupulous pre cautions not to call the monster by its right name. So muoh lor our first proposition. 2J. The first business entered upon by the Cabinet appointed by President Harrison, and pursued by the Whigs in Congress, was to as certain the condition ot the national finances, to provide income and to bring expenditure within a reasonable limit. It required no inconsidera ble labor to bring to light the nature and the a mount of the squanderings of Ihe Van Buren rule, but the facts, as we have stated above,were substantially ascertained. Two difficulties pro minently lay in the way of raising revenue ade quate to meet the then actual deficiency and to supply the continuous demands upon the treas ury. One was the declining credit of the gov ernment, the other the contrariety of views in Congress in regard to a tariff. The Whigs, however, were determined to act promptly, and accordingly on the7lh June,lß4l, only one week after Congress was organized at the extra ses sion, Mr. Clay introduced the following resolu tions into the Senate: Resolved, In the opinion of the Senate, at the present session of Congress, no business ought , to be transacted but such, as being of an impor- I tant and urgent nature, may be supposed to have influenced the extraordinary convention ofCon ! gress, or such as that the postponement of it might be materially detrimental to the public in i tcrest. 1 Resolved, therefore, in the opinion oi the Sc f nate, that the following subjects ought first, if r not exclusively, lo engage the deliberations ol - Congress at the present session, viz: i Ist. The repeal of the Sub-Treasury. 2d. The incorporation of a Bank adapted lc j the wants of the people and of the Government e 3d. The provision ot an adequate revenue foi y the Government, by the imposition of duties,am t including an authority to contract a temporary n loan, to lessen the public debt contracted by thi rt last administration. e 4th. The prospective distribution of tbe pro i- cccds of the public lands. I- Clh. The passage of the necessary apptopria r- tion bills. s- Resolved, Thatitis expedient to distribute th >e business proper to be done at this session, be a- tween the Senate and House of Representative! ig so as to allow of both Houses acting on the sam it- subject at tbe same time. iis Here was the evidence of eagerness on th of part of Mr. Clay—an eagerness shared by b lie politics! friends, to go at once to work and plai the fim inoftfaffairs : o the Government on a'pfd-j. fpwWatjJl and a bank pro- ' - J® et w ***wHdeqo«siJy Spared, and twiceifevas , the latter vetoed by jjnc President, -fter infinite labor on depart or the.majority to carry out thetf ownjmainal measures,'aiid failing in that effort, to acrommodate them to'the Executive 1 Instant aim of the Whig- .lev « to cut off decla"m<Kun in* “theoneJmur whiclj ir*ftQSs!ki action and de-" chesNhyitu-.mlyj’esisted. to. powerflTXne. .yjAnnl pfim -■ rrS i i iu ruling i^xi»'Buren s and_qjif Tfe.uJ ian to* i'iotit"’jresrs; which vc marie IbF nugofialioS 'on ‘ feasible—was strenuously aortizans. boilorg* sjlle harrassed. hy its cyn nr t»s claims for which no n'r-cjllh wen* sstisfied provi.’ . ■be persuaded of * tional f. arc satisfied still. They j in actual debt of o tjfe some licit trails name, t. ian fund, ifi aOfounytfvrone hdo<iik*d cents, due by v l \fiot Q ?4*M callit,dl ilf would truly t.ejy jfjß tiiroal ilebt.- But wetare di«rcssin«r. r ‘ Retorni|igjo Mr, Clay’s rrsolutinns carry out tlieir own pi an% "l 7^uf s J I have.iad on ttic- statue books at t.he'c^r *£" : tht> ext all the above project ' p&rtkular was.lheir original plan of opera- . lioiiH carried eat? In nothing eldfept (be rej tjutj ol ppl Treasury Law. *ln every oth'r inesv < J forced into Jong opposi* ; on xof the minorily, or thwarted by thr Executive 9 oaHry oVTiinr we!! i d they ceased to be responsible for the - consequences of the failure. Witil regard to appropriations to meet the'eur rent cost of Government, together with the debts loft by Van Buren, not covered by the loan which was proposed, the Whigs could not in stantly make all the reductions deemed subse quently expedient in the several depart tnents. — Time was necessary to examine into the details of all the departments, and considering the au gean condition in which the previous adminis tration had left them, it was a task of no ordina ry difficulty. Had the Whigs, however, been suffered promptly to achieve their other purpo ses, with ihe concurrence of the President, as they once fully anticipated, their attention lo re trenchments would have been efficiently given long ago. Yet in spite of every obstacle, they have effected important reductions in various branches of, the Government. They have, in the face of every species of hostility, at last pass ed a tariff law. They have thus provided means lo pay the obligations and restore the credit of the Government. They have rescued from their adversaries, under whatever banner they have appeared, many of the weapons by which the industry ami interests of the country have been prostrated. They have, in a word, forgotten no expedient of economy or omitted any feasible method of bringing means up to the standard of responsibilities. And now, wc would ask, is not the evidence o:i the one hand abundant that the Van Buren administration, through its unbounded extrava gance, laid the basis deep and broad of the Na tional debt, and that the Whig majority of Con gress on the other hand, have devised ample means, and as far as possible rendered those means operative, to liquidate the debt and pay the current expenses of the government! Will any one in the face of the proofs afforded by the public records, still affect lo doubt the wretched condition in which this administration found the federal finances, or the desire of the party which brought it into power, to restore them to order and make adequate to the reasonable wants of the treasury? The Whigs, then, arc in np wise answerable for the present amount of the Na tional Debt, but their opponents are justly, and beyond ail cavil, chargeable with the creation of it. In vain may their organs try lo shift this re sponsibility. Their own statements rise up to testify against them, and we fear not that public opinion will judge rightly in the matter. From the Baltimore American . The Apportionment Bill. We find the following paragraph in the New York Union of Tuesday afternoon; “The Baltimore American is wrong on the apportionment bill. The right of Congress lo prescribe to the States the manner of electing their representatives in Congress is one of great doubt. We think the Supreme Court, looking at the preservation of state rights, will declare ihe intentand mcaama-of llic aw to be merely •,'«not ohlt(fCttOTij. Any [Stale that pleases may elect their quota in Congress under the apportionment hill, but lire representa tives elec.ed hy gcueial ticket, if it so pleases the Ftate, c.iiinut be excluded Irom their seats, and il there was any trick or plot in Ihe adoption of this law, to exclude certain Slates, it will be sig nai.y exposed. The President signed the hill « ih his objections, anxious loavuid the necessi ty of another veto; hut it is not to be disguised that he would have rendered a deep and impaya hle service to the country if he had refused to sign the hill.” The Baltimore American is right on the ap portionment bill. Nothing need he plainer than tin: language of the Constitution on the subject; *‘The times, places and manner of holding elec tions for Senators and Representatives shall be proscribed in each Stale by the Legislature there of; hut the Congress may nl any lime make or alter s'jch regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators." We do not understand how a law of Congress, making certain regulations under the authority here given, can he understood to be merely ,t'- (omiliendglfry. The general government has the power or it has nut the power of prescribing how its officers shall be chose::. If it possesses the power, it is from the Constitution, not from the Slates. In exercising |hc ppwi rif is subject to no limitations except such as its great charter imposes; and in no way can the exercise of this power be dependent on the assent of the particu lar Stales. The general government is, as a government, wholly independent of lire State Governments. Ii is in itself a substantive government; il exists hy a special creation wrought out hy the same sovereign power that gave existence to the State authorities; il asks no other government for leave ' to act; its own charier, the guarantee of iissov reigpry, shaping its form and constituting it what ills, defines its powers in the very condition of its hi lire. Let those who claim all sovereignty lor the Slates, ask themselves by what authority any Stale can prescribe how the officers of all ot her government shall be chosen. L it by a reserved right! The States bare no light in the matter except from the Constitution—from the very clause already quoted; and that right, hy the terms of the grant, is lo cease whenever Con gress chooses lo exercise it ill its own name. — How could Ihe States possess original powers in reference to a government widen did not exist until the Constitution was framed! And if no original power in the case, then no reserved rictus now—no rights at all in the mailer except such ns the Constitution may grant, and under the conditions specifying the natureoflhcgrant. There is a position taken by some that ulihu’ Congress may prescribe how the Members of ihe House shall he chosen —as by the single district syssein, yet that there is no power in Congress to command Ihe States to district themselves fur that purpose. It is here that the idea of a re • commendatory power comes in—an idea which ' Air. Tyler was the first to announce, so far as our knowledge on the subject goes. Is this ob ’ jectiou seriously urged! One can hardly believe 1 so. Would these objectors have the General Government appoint commissioners for thenar ticular purpose of districting the Slates! They 1 would be the first, we take it, lo exclaim against ! such a step. How is this! where is the difficul ' ty'! The Federal Government, for the sake of ‘ establishing a uniform system for the election ol ’ representatives to Congress, and for other good ‘ and sufficient reasons, prescribes a certain mode. All agree that it has a right to do this. The 1 conditions then are known by which representa i lives from the States will be admitted into the 1 House. It is for the States to comply with 1 these conditions —else one of two results must follow; either the non-complying States will go ' unrepresented, or Congress will itself exercise its power and district such States by its own e authority. But it is the same people that act 1 through both systems —that of the General and " that of the State Governments, and there it no c occasion for any difficulty on so frivolous a pre ' text as is founded upon the quibbling distinction lt to which wc have been relcrring. ' The notion of “a tri c k or plot” in the adoption of the Apportionment law, to exclude certain :- States, is one of those imaginary phantoms if which seem to beset the minds of Mr. Tyler and if bis peculiar friends. Does not the editor of the “ Union” know that there is in the law a specific exception in oebalf of those States, which, elect o ing by general ticket and electing at an early pe t. riod, have bad no opportunity of complying yet ■r with the conditions of the Apportionment law! d We hope that our political adversaries, when 7 they suspect the Whigs ol wanting patriotism ie and fairness, do not judge by their own motive* and the secret instigation of conspiousness as tc o. what they themselves would do undeJ the cir cumstances. _ A steamboat is about to be built by the Tro] Ae Steamboat Company, which will be the longes e- vessel in the world, measuring 320 feet. Shi jJJj is intended to ply between Troy and New York and will have state rooms on deck to accommo *\ e date 300 passengers, and stationary and otbe me berths below lor 624. ' morning. SEPTE<tay.tt rn*T a j iTX L f' , ’yoT , 4t-—New cotton is setting ip 8a«t0- ABga *? “ 7 i centa/V^.;’ : ■'- J ‘ Ai precious morceau is' copiers from /S* of the isth instant com P* ,e * with truth. A let onhif 3th, sane day, says: ( 7 * I ‘S3PPwie f ' >r m| fldhug. ’ J cents was paid for middling, I fSrthe neat. Sbmealight 1 v ' Hi dpuht not the inventor. the ne.-ocjjtAt editor of the Telescope i • JK4FemorjiLp(*.>i77 DobWu. “” e!|^4l,^R ultefrjf says— ' "Aeolic and others, vdli I jpjfijjjSsn this dty qr^julay.evening next, with i rffiWßfto .he? removal of tbifHon. Jonathan J the. ie very | V' r * - 18 P r O" ! °U the occa . i and wrS| •- ' A*,,,",!. A, ’ \ '*’,’»*< - mously a nated as the Whig i STTflirilr’i iuTIITITIIi United Slates.” ‘ I I Profession vs. Practice. ■ “The patronage incident to the Presides- j TIAL OtFK)E is ALREADY INCREASING. THE UNRE STRAINED POWER EXERTED BY A SELFISH AMBI- ( TIOUS MAN, IN ORDER EITHER TO PERPETRATE HIS AUTHORITY OR TO HAND IT OVER TO SOME FA- , VOBITE AS HIS SDCCESSCR, MAY LEAD TO THE EM- j ployment of all the means within his con- , TEOL, TO ACCOMPLISH HIS OBJECT.” ? “I WILL REMOVE H» INCUMBENT FROM OFFICE | WHO HAS FAITHFULLY AND HONESTLY ACQUITTED HIMSELF OF THE DUTIES OF HIS OFFICE.” So spake John Tyler in his “Address to the j people of the United States,” April 19th, IS4I. 1 How sincere, bow honest and how consistent he ! has proved himself, remains to be seen. , Thus spake John Tyler, before treachery and wickedness had takeß possession of his heart—be fore the corruption of power and the dazzling se- dilutions of place, had turned his weak head and i turned his good intentions into vile and infamous practice. Such were the promises of John Tyler. | What his practices are, our readers will see by the following expose of Jonathan Roberts, that pure and elevated patriot, whom John Tyler called, un- 1 solicited, from retirement to take charge of the Philadelphia Custom House. From the Philadelphia U. S. Gazette, Sept. 14. To the Public. It has pleased the President of the United States to make a change in the office of Collector of the Port of Philadelphia, and it is due to myself that you should be informed of the facts connected with this proceeding. 1 pray to be allowed to disclaim any feeling of personal unkindness towards the President, while I own a deep sense of the injury which be has been induced to inflict on me by causelessly removing me from a post in which he voluntarily placed me. On the I4*h of April, 1841,1 received an auto graph letter from President Tyler, announcing my appointment as Collector of the Port of Philadel phia, expressed in the strongest terms of confi dence and kindness. Though I had been, in the course of my public life, often on terms of intimate association with incumbents of the Kxecutive of fice, both State and Federal, I had never intimated a wish for favors from them, nor did I ever receive any assurance of a willingness to do me service.— This appointment was unsolicited and unexpected It reached me io a retirement of neatly fifteen years’ duration, and was accompanied by circum stances which made it more honorable to accept than to decline it. 1 game into a community where 1 was wholly a I straiger, and which, as the President had informed me. Was disturbed by a very active competition for Jpj: olfflec to which twq apnom'jd. I brought oo ,! 1 rierfi with me, and called none to me. I had no private ends to serve, and in gou,' faith set about Irealing, as far as possible, the irritation that had before existed. Before receiving my commission, 1 had written to Mr. Tyler, recommending the ap pointment of Mr. Henry Morris as Collector. To this letter I received the following answer, and at the same time, the intelligence of my appoint ment: Washington, April 13, 1841. My dear sic—Your letter is before me, and has been read by* me with all the respect which I sin cerely feel for your character and past services. I recognise in you aiy elder in that political school, to the advancement of the principles of which we have alike devoted anxious days and nights. The regretted death of General Harrison has cast a deep gloom over the country, and has been more pain fully felt by myself than any other, because not only of the strong personal ties which existed be tween us, but because of the high and delicate re sponsibilities which it has involved upon me. How I shall acquit myself in the discharge of the duties of my high office, depends, under Providence, yet to be seen. I rejoice that among the first acts of ipy presidential life, is that of conferring office on a true and sound patriot, such as you arc. The mail which beats you this, will also convey to you a commission as Collector of the Port of Philadel phia. Your disinterestedness iu recommending an oihff, who I should have been very happy to have obliged, has wrought np injury to yourself. I knew you would nut ask office, but acted on the ground that if you had merits, they would be known to the appointing power. Besides, my dear sir, the warm peisonai contests which this office had crea ted in Philadelphia, seemed to me to render it pro. per, to have neither a triumph or a defeaf. 4 have, therefore, obeyed not onjy the suggestion of my fieiings, but sound policy, in making the appoint ment. You will,l donbt not, by a somewhat equal I distribution of your favors, reconcile the friends of all the parties. Mr. Badger and Mr. Tyson have been the warmest contestants. They may have made promises in anticipation of success to partic ular persons, who you may quiet by carrying them out. I merely make you suggestions as ope friend to another, to be adopted by you as your judgment may dictate. I have one wish, 1 con fess, and it is that Governor Shulze should have the place of Principal Weigher —an office, the du ties of which are light, aud the income of some moment to him. Be pleased to accept, my dear sir, assurances of my great respect, copudence and friendship. JOHN TYLER. Hon. Jonathan Roberts. It was a conceded fact, that during the political canvass of 1840, from the head of the Custom House, through a large portion of the persons en gaged in the performance of its duties, there had hi en the most aident political action. There bad been an avowed assessment on the compensation of the officers for election firefC were cases of fiim and honorable uqn-compliance,as well of compliance, by worthy and estimable men. in der what seemed to them to be an irresistible necessity. With regard to those who had thus o hused their trusts, I. bad no hesitation. The dic tate of propriety was at once to remove them. — The inoffensive were, to far as my knowledge ex tendupvitboqt ezeepiiDturetaißed) s«d my appoint ments were governed throughout by the wishes of the President, my anxiety being to see that no unworthy individuals were thrust qpon me. So far a* I could rely on the testimony oi others, 1 had reason to think that those 1 appointed were men of character, of Whig principles, and (»s di ' reeled by the President,) the friends of those 1 whom, in this respect, he was desirous to oblige. | I took office on the 21st April, 1841, and on the 27ih, the list of my appointments was forwarded to the Secretary of the Treasury, from whom, on the Bth of May, I receive 1 the following letter of , approvals , Washington, May 8,1841. My dear sir I have just received your letter o? j yesterday. Do not, 1 pray you, suppose that the s President or myself, for a moment, doubt the cor ' redness of your course, under Ihe trying and diffi , cult circumstances in which you have been placed . Fir from it. You may have made mistakes —this we thmkjprobable in some cases among the many. * We know that we have. But you have pur full ‘ and entire confidence iu your sound discretion and 1 unwavering patriotism, and it is not in the least shaken. Be assured of this, i I am, very truly, yours, i T. EWING. » Hon. Jonathan Roberts. At this point of time I had a right to believe that - all uneasiness on the subject of the appointments c was tranquilized, and my conduct being thus ap - proved directly by the Secretary of the Treasury, i- whose supervision is alone contemplated by law, ■t and also by the President, whose wishes 1 was ! anxious to gratify. I dismissed the matter from „ my mind, and applied myself to the faithful and n sedulous discbaige of my duties. Unfortunately m for tbp public service and for the good fame of ihe President, there is too much reason to believe that ' an individual entitled in no retpect tc the cenfi r' dencc of the Kxecutive or his fellow citizens, who was at one time Surveyor of Ihe Port, and more ,y recently Commissary of Purchases, became discon tented at the share of influence which be had with me in the distribution of office, and was ar live in l# fomenting by some means unknown to me, unkind , feeling* in tbe bosom of the President and his fa rmly. Though reluctant to credit the possibility 0* of such an influence with an independent and in telligent Chief Magistrate, I am unable to trace to >n any other source tbe mischievous and unfounded rumors which were very soon circulated to mj prejudice ,' Tn nigh an extent was this cinieurtfeet MaT. the President wrole to me*negging.Jß* “to appra-r his anxiety,” and assuring me hojMdteod to hear from me, “only l to enable him to sf<|Ll#P tongues.” I ans wered tbe le-ter on the 11 th of May, I received the falfpr.M|feawer4- Va I. - .YgJhtefwtTON. May 10.1841. My dew SH~Tt»e,4knOHient to say ta you.that; my confidencejn y j jm |s. wholly unabated, mod 1 hove no doubmKi UwtXti shat you have done wilt* be well. fecter was designed to place me in posscssionJLLdts-which 1 might use ad vault-, ’tfrjTdw ear t 0 nothing to your juju-! TV. yourv&c. -,-»3 S M7 > JOHN TYLER, ’i Hon. Jof*TCoapfe- -J On ihe.r'ulpty’Sty.Kpjul.joy reaper'- in per-T sen to thof undent, and was-rgeeived by him withfl the kinder”'<«oh-oise, I. had Ibe pleasure to ax-<» «ujjLhim«that T bcjfiav eA the Cusfc am . House Do*u MHmjiii was-entirely . hsrdtonised, and that niflt in flic successful transaction afif ®.public -A < j". , r wAbout thlsflme or-soon wfter, collision was fasM riKiing between the President and the Whig par-*!" t» Congress. RepestmLpublicaUuus appeared iu j tlffi Newlkota..Herald,'* apparently p4ht of tiqyiminhtriijoa. charging on officers of# tbe PhiiadOjK?, disaffection to Mr.. . Tyler, their Immediate rmaov al. ’of office.down,to the' present beenatufiiously reserved with regard habitually,*nyj|MMMj the opinions, anl^raiflyfl-: 5j*2ST» esk-of!Mt. j ~ r: j 1 . '- ’jj "iMitkr lie used fbfifie' s temov* ansSsSvidmtT^ m&Auui hiuestW Appraisers fan ap- St^ourOl control) and stating that similar import had reached him ■relative toothers in myempioyrnent,’ hut of these he adds, more probably hereafter. The letter clo ses with assurances ‘of 'respect for my character, and regard for my person and wishes of health, happiness and long life.’ This letter satisfied me that a system of detrac tion was in operation at Washington, which was slowly bnt surely exerting its influence on the President. Sclf-respoct, however, forbade any fu.ther action on my part. I contented myself with deploring the collision that had occuired be tween the President and Congress, and seriously hoped that it might be harmonized. On the 27th April last, it was announced in the New York Herald, and mure authoralivejy in the Madisonian, that there would soon be changes made in the officers at Philadelphia. Regarding this almost as an official communication, on the 28th, I addressed the following letter to the Presi dent: Philadelphia, April 2Slh, 1842. Dear Sir—At the time you addressed lo me your very kind lettei of 12th December, 1841,it was ap parent your feelings had been drstui bed by represen. tations which were erroneous if not disingenuous. I then replied to you with alt the candor the obli gations you had conferred on me, and the kindness of your letter enjoined. 1 have neeu aware, that through the whole time that has since elapsed, there has been an unremitted pursuit of measures by some men to effect purposes of their own by means far from justifiable. At this moment it is announced through the puolic papers from Wash ton to New York, that changes are to be looked for in this city. If it be so, not knowing where they are to fall, I only ask lor an opportunity lo lay be fore you the account ofmy stewardship in the place you have ueen pleased to assign me. It is uot my purpose to enter upon this explanation at this time, but to express my willingness and wish to have an interview with you peisonally. For this end, I respectfully propose to visit Washir gtou health permitting, iu all next week. It is due lo justice, before action should be bad, that both sides should be heaid. Very truly, your obliged friend, JONATHAN ROBERTS, His Excellency, John Tyler. On the 30th, the following letters, dated the same day that these annunciations appeared in the Herald and Madisonian, reached me:— Treasury Department, f April 27th, 1842 3 Sir—l herewith enclose you a letter this day re ceived from the Presidcut, whose wishes 1 request you to carry into effect. With great respect, your oh’t serv’t, W. FORWARD. Jona. Roberts, Esq., Collector of Customs, Philadelphia. The enclosure was an original letter from the President, addressed in the fust instance to “Jona than Roberts, Esq ” the name then partially and ' clumsily erased, and that of the Secretary of the Treasury substituted. It ie as follows : Washington, April 27th, 1842. S-r—! have* to roqnpst- that ihe fo'towing chan ges be made in the Custom House at Philadelphia, to take effect on the first day of May. It is nqui j red for reasons satisfactory to myself, and connect ed with the administration of Governmental affairs, viz: MEASURERS. Joseph Brclsford, in place of Wm P. Blight. Michael Andress, do John 11 Rowand. Robert S English, do James Clarke. Wm Metcalfe, do George Culiu. Inspectors of the Customs. Bernard McGuire, in place of Win W Manner. Abraham Meyers, do George Hacker. Andrew Redhefler, do M W Alexander. Philip Clawges, do Peter Parker. George Wevill, do RohertMiller. Nath’l Gates, do T S Crombergcr. James Hand, do L F Donnell, Wm Wilson, do C D Lybrand. Richard Christie, do Jacob Dewees. Henry Stout, do G W Brembaum. Miles Tully, do Wm B Km rick. George Guthtie, do Joshua Hcnscy. Thomas Fitnam, do Robert Patton. James B Wharton, do Pli Currie. night inspectors. Francis McAvoy, :n place of Edward G Wood, principal night inspector on the Delaware. John Griffin in place of John Hall, principal night inspector on the Schuylkill. John F. Keyset-, in place of Charles Brewster. Edward Hamcrick, do Edward Carr. James Mcally, do James Atkinson. Samuel Dubois, do John Ranhun. Henry Dick, dp James Smith. CLERKS. Nath‘l Holland in place of Arthur Bradcs, Thomas Foster, do J M Christopher. Isaac H Patterson, do J A Riston. Thos B Russum, do Charles /.ell, MESSENGERS. George Ellis, in place of John Saunders. John F Fredlein, do George Towns. Y’our immediate attention tp the above will grat ify mp, 4 renew assurances of confidence add respect. JOHN TYLER. Hon. Walter Forward, Secretary oi the Treasu ry- On the same day, I wrote io the Secretary of the Treasury. Collbctor’s Office, Philadelphia, J April 30, 1842. 5 Sir —I have this moment received yours of the 271 h inst, enclosing one of the same date from the President addressed to you, suggesting changes to be made at the Custom House at Philadelphia, to commence on the Ist proximo. Tbe existing ap pointments were made in conformity with the suggestions 1 had received Irom the President in communicating to me my appointment. They wpre confirmed by the Secretary of the Treasury in due form, with the President’s approbation, as 1 am bound to presume. Many of the men whose names are given in the President’s letter are whol ly unknown to me; others I know to be unfit and unworthy of my confidence, and think, knowing What 1 do, both the President and yourself would concur with me. I feel, that having given heavy and substantial security for the discharge of the duties and accountabilities of this office, I have al so to attest my satisfaction with the official acts of ■ the gentlemen designated to be removed. I have n > partiality for any of them that would induce me to hesitate a moment to comply with the wish es of the President in their removal, if any credit ab'e evidence was given that they bad spoken lightly of him. I wrote to the President through yon on the 38tb, bespeaking a conference with him in thecn suing week 4 it fa still my purpose to be io Wash -1 ington eariy 19 tbe week, and until Iben, 1 pray you to communicate to him that 1 wish to confer with him before any measures be taken by me to exe cute his wishes. Resp’y yours, J. ROBERTS. Hon. Walter Forward It is right that I should here observe that by law ! all suboidinate officers of the Customs, are to be nominated by the Collector, and to be approved by the Secretary of the Treasury. The President lias no right to interfere with them, nor has the Bccre -1 tary any thing to do with the original appointment. ■ Among those whom Mr. Tyler directed me to re- I move, was one attached to the Appraiser’s Dcpart- I meet, over which the Collector has no authority t whatever. I reached Washington on the evening of the 3rd May,-and immediately waited on Mr. Secretary Forward, informed him of Ihe purpose of my visit, and of the circumstances of the case. He disclaim t ed any participation or privity in making out the > lists of those to be appointed and removed, and said ■ he thought if 1 communicated to the President , what 1 bad to him, he would be satisfied with it. , Fr>m what I conceived to be the state of things s at the President’s House, I apprehended that 1 1 might be denied an interview ; hut the Secretary’s ! remark removed the suspicion from my mind. On y tbe 4th, I attended the President’s anti-chamber e for sevcial hours, and finally was obliged to retire t without having an interview. I made a renewed - effort to see the President in the altemoon, hut the 0 servant even refused to carry my card to his tnas e ter saying that he dared not do it. - On applying for admission on Ihe morning of the h sth tbe porter at the door who know inc,said I n could not see the President,as be was engaged with d the Secretary of State, I said I would wait till the 1- Secretary had gone. He then asked me if 1 had y not received a letter. I answered him in tbe neg -- alive. He then said one had been forwarded u o me. I urged an admission saying that my bushiest :J wa* to see the President. Tho seivanllhcn ad -7 vanced to the foot ol tbe stairs and seemed to am -bbnnewapr. to someone above. I went up stairs, found Be these and the door closed. After ikaockirsJbM receiving noacswer, I seated myself sod the, la the passage and remained tlic ic totinore-t&ti an hour, several persona whom I did riEfi ViioW’jHbe mean time passii.g in and out cl 'j£e I residewPs room. I went tffki the ante-chamber opposite and direct- Bfsia o***m;vant to say to the I’rcsident that I wls ffewunld' wait his pleasuie. Aftei remain re time longer till the hour for receiving expired I was admitted to the Presi- • aim I found in conversation with an indi riiom I learned to te one of the Suffiage Mitel l ft' x .Rhode Island. On retiring, I remark jWT?-.'*** president that my object was, as my let- Steis'iiad inti,-rated, to have a personal conference grith him in relation to his icccnt requisition on pcev H ♦said he must decline any conference —he Svi.'*jf(ffcis reque-'t compiled with, it was an order *1 was surprised” said he “that you demurred” *n a very guarded and respectful manner I replied. 'H.t*l*c«uldnot conscientiously dowhai he desired "Ti^iu^'idop^th' o rid w *tb great 'Vehemence * that as a man of.honor what .to do. i answered firmly respect- JWy#* . Picsidiat I cannot withdraw my duty.” handed to bon and- requested* him to read veja • tiriilous. and profane letter [toodmpropei- In iy la-iguage to be inserted here) signed John Griffin No. 2 Strawberry st., one of the persons yrhoj* • .-.was ditectcd to appoint, asking him if he “•*’ ho would write sued a letier lioßlidence. He reed.u or .ip retumedit without a remark, hruptly bow many men there ie Philadelphia Custom House. Ig laborers, abou'f one hundred/ ‘said he, arc Clay mem” I an o my avowed that'l had ioiiowedtus uistruc lence on political topics. Con* withdraw,! rose and took bis seated] and remarked that ibis SMrjjgwe^ ii, pty, nortwoUw y courtesy to one so rmfch his senior would dictate, and I retired. On my return to Philadelphia 1 found on my desk (he following letter signed ‘Ji. Tyler, P. Sec retary,’ which no doubt was the same which the porter at the President’s House spoke of. It has no dale but is post marked May, 3d. Dear Sir:—The President lias received your let ter on the subject of removals contemplated in the Custom House at Philadelphia. He begs me to say to you, that he cutertaios the highest consideration for yourself, but thai he thinks the public service requires that those remo vals should take place. He therefore has ordered me to say to you that he desir s the requisition he has made on you iu this matter, to be at one e and to Ihe letter, complied with. With very great tespect, I am your obt. U. TYLER, P. Secretary. Jonathan Roberts, Ksq. I returned to my post and resumed the perform ance of my public duties which have been dis charged, from that time till this with sedultts fidel ity. During the interval from the first of July when the Compromise Act expired until the enactment of the Tariff Act, I have incurred respousiniliiies as an officer of Government, the nature and extent of wiiic. no one can deteimiue. No complaint has ever beer made of my conduct in office. No charge of official misconduct has been preferred against those whom I retained in office. Os the intentions of the President, since wc patted in May last, 1 have had no information. On the morning of the 12lh of September, Mr. Thomas S. Smith called up on me at the Custom House and informed me that I was superseded and that the President had ap pointed him in my place. I submit this plain statement of facts without comment to my fellow citizens. JOHNATHAN ROBERTS. Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1842. P. S.—Since the above was in type, the follow ing letter has been received by me. Though dated the Kith of September, 1842, it was not mailed un til the 12th, and did not reach me until twenty four hours after Mr. Smith had in person informed me that 1 had been removed from office. Tbeasurv Department, 10th September, 1842. Sir—l am directed by the President to inform you that he has appointed Thomas S. Smith to bo Collector of the Customs for the District of Phila* uelphia, in your place. 1 am, very respectfully,your obd’t serv’t. W. FORWARD. Secretary of the Treasury, Jonathan Roberts, Ksq. Laic Collector, Philadelphia. For the Chronicle y- Sentinel. Mr. Clay and Dr. McWhorter. In a late number of the Constitutionalist, the Doctor replied to my previous communication, and if I had written it with a view of bringing from him a powerful defence and splendid eu hjgy of Mr. Clay, my object would teayo more than accomplished by his reply. Hear him !!! It is certainly not new to this community, that I have long admired Mr. Clay for many splendid traits of tharacter, for independence as a statesman, for love of freedom that mounts in him into a passion, and for that brilliant elo quence, which has made his country’s lame a “ gloty,” wherever that name is spoken. Twice too has this statesman saved his country from, blood—when Missouri was admitted into the Union, and when South Carolina was appeased. South America made the Andes reverberate with a voice loud as their volcanoes, when she shouted the name of the fearless assertor of her claim to be the mother of independent nations ; and the once glorious hind of Themislocles smiled in her despair, when the eloquence of Clay wafted the voice of American sympathy to her desolated shores. America has been by him rendered the dearest name in that classic clinic, next to iiui which the very children in Grecian hovels reve rence as their God. Shall I not honor such c, man I Have 1 not al .vays sq honored him i ’ Now let this be eoiitrasted with what the Doc tor said of Mr Calhoun, not a groat many yea.s since, when editor of the Courier. I cannot quote him literally, for I have not access to (ha files of that paper, Hut if I misstate any Long, the Doctor has it in his power to make the cor rection, by referring to his files—and no doubt many will be glad to see thet-xact language then used by him. _ - ■ TV hen the Globe dubbed "Mr. C. “ John fir aline Calhoun,” the Doctor thought the name very appropriate, and was much struck with Ihe aptness of similitude between the Roman Conspirator and the Great Nullifier. He even went further, and compared Mr. C. to a modern. Irailoi—the evor to be detested Beneiiict Ar nolo. Has the Doctor changed ] If not, how can he hesitate between Clay and Calhoun I He can not oppose the patriot and support the traitor— and I say to him again, “ Grenadier follow your General.” As the Doctor has a horror of Yankee, “ ques tion-asking smartness,” I will inform him, that i am not of the origin he suppoaes, having been born anil reared South of Mason and Dixon’s 1 Line. In assuming a GrcciJn nanqe, I did no [ more than be did, when under the aigflhtore of ~ ’ “Arisubxs,” he so justly scouted Ae prelen [ «iotrt*ef Colhuitt, Cooper and Buck, and f reprimanded his party for nominating'them far ! Congtess, Themistocles. From the Boston Daily American. Hon. Daniel Webster. A large number of the citizens of Boston, desi , rous of testifying their regard for the eminent and ' patriotic public services of Mr. Webster, have tendered him the honor of a public dinner. To j this Mr. Webster replies as follows: Boston, Sept. 9, 1842. Gentlemen —I have received your letter ol the Bth inst., inviting me to a public dinner, and am duly sensible of the value of this proof of your te gaid. It will give me great pleasure to meet all my fellow-citizens, who may desire to see me; and * the mode of such meeting I should leave to them, with a preference, however, on my part, if equally 8 agreeable to others, that the dinner should be dis • pensed with, and that the meeting should tie had in such a manner as shall impose the least restrie ’ tions, and best suit the convenience of all who may ' be disposed to attend it. ' s 1 am, gentlemen, with very sincere regard, your obliged tclluw-citizeu and obedient servant. DAMtL WEBSTER. ’’ To Messrs. H. G. Otis, J, Mason, Wm. Sturgis, > Josiab Bradlee, CbailesG. P. Cuilis, ' Win. Appletsn, Abbott others. * The Cincinnati Enquirer, speaking of the re quisition of the Governor of Rhode Island upon s the Governor New Hamshire for the person of 1 the fugitive Dorr, says, s “It is believed that Governor Hubbard will a pay no attention to the requisition, us i! has been r made by a nation of heatlian and savages. To- wards that little despotism, the republican Stales e of this Union acknoweledge no relationship what , ever.” How beautifully that would read side by side e with the extravagant and fulsome compliments I that all the I.ocofoco presses of the country paid h 10 the intelligence, the patriotism, and the free fi P‘ r t of Rhode Island, when that little Stale happened, in a moment ol supineness, to fall into ■o thc I'-cofoco ranks! “ghe is small,” exclaimed is the Washington Globe, “but her spirifis as free 1- as the unchained winds and and aa boundless as i- the universe!” —Prentice