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- efjrontclt ana Sentinel. ~ TUESDAY MORNINgTsEPTEMHER 20. whig nomnaliqnS. FOfK COMJ HESS. ] RICHARD W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. 1 ROGER L. Jefferson. THOMAS BUTLER KING, ojkGlynn. j RICHARD H. WILDE, of Richmond. i ABSOLOM H. CHAPPELL, of Bibb. I AUGUSTUS H. KENAN, of Baldwin. 1 HAMILTON P. SMEAU, of Talbot. AUGUSTUS R. WRIGHT, of Cass. 1 FOK THE LEGISLATURE- I I SENATOR. i ANDREW J. MILLER. I i hepr esestatites. , GEORGE W. CRAWFORD, , CHARLES J. JENKINS,. j SAMUEL TARVER. * ' ~ : I Judge Ucrnen’s A tigress. I AUho’ we feel confident th« no. commenda tion of our* could excite any additional interest | for the perusal of an address frodt out distin- ‘ guished Senator, nevertheless, we (pel it is a courtesy due him, and the occasion, not only to comiffend yßst cordially to the reader’s attention A a document, worthy the high reputation of the distinguishedfhuthor, but to express our high adnTiratiou which he has displayed, and our approbation of the principles maintained. We shall concluue it to-morrow, and we sincerely' hose (that every leader will give it a calm and attenl*ejerusal. The Cabinet. ~ The latest reports from Washington, says the Ualtimore American, are that of .Massachusetts, is to be Secretarial die ry, vice Mr. Forward, w&o directly-J ( and that Mr. Louis Secre tary of State, vice Mr. resign*. momentarily Mr. McLane cann<^B(P[^^^R^ih».ol\ico h. on- with -O n,o»«r*at*i«tTO himself and •atisfaction to this copimunity, as President of the Baltimore and Oaio Kail Road Company. We hope to see him at the head of the Company at least until this great work strikes the Western waters, and as much longer thereafter as he may desire to remain. Maine Election. The New York Courier and Enquirer says : •’ The Whigs do not appear to have considered it worth while to make any special exertion this year—indeed in some parts of the State they per mitted the election to go almost by default. The vote is much amall r than it was last year, and (jiovernor Fairfield is prululdy elected by about (he same majority that he obtained last fall. As was the case last year, the Loco Focos will have ma jorities in both branches ol the Legislature. The Whigs of Massachusetts. The Whig Stale Convention of this Slate as sembled in FaneuilHall on Wednesday last. It was compoied says the National Intelligencer of between one and two thousand delegates, and comprised many individuals from every part o [he State, distinguished for talents and worth, and well known for the public services which they have rendered to that Commonwealth and to the country. Abbot Lawrence was President of hj The following nominations ol candidates for Mate tdiices were made by acclamation : John Davis, of Wercesur, for Governor. George Hull, of SandishfioKl, for Lieutenant Governor. It was then moved by Kevcrdy Newton, of Piltrlielil, that nominations be made by th° Con vmtionat largo for candidates 'or the offices of i’resul-nt and Vico President nt the U. Stales to be supported at the next election. This mo. non was inanihoi’bli adopted,anil old Famu li Hall rang with the name of Han hit Clat, of Kentucky, for President, lous Davis, ol Massachusetts, fir \ ice Pre sident. Thee nominations were received and adopted j .mid lo .o and continual acclamations. The Convention was addressed during its ses sion in animated speeches, by 0.-myn Baker, l.e terelt Saltonslall, and other distinguished citi -1 aer». The Whigs of New Jersey. The Whigs of New Jersey assembled, says me Nations Intelligencer, at Tienlon on Thors, day, in their Slate Convention, which was ad dressed, in eloquent and thrilling language, by Messrs. Halsted and Randolph, of the United States House of Representatives, and by Messrs, Miller and Dayton, of the Senate. Resolutions were adopted recommending Hen ry ('lay as the candidate ot the Whig patty for President of the United Slates in 1844. At leaM 6.000 persons were present. From the spirit manifested there is no reason to doubt ihat the vote of the State is sute for the States man of the West. Vo nomination was made for the Vice Presi dency, although a large majority of the Conveu tion expressed the preference of New Jersey lor John Divis. The question was deferred for (he present. The unanimous determination of the Conven tion for Henry Clay was most decidedly indica ted by the rejection of the last resolution of the Committee, recognising a National Convention. This was lost by acclamation. The Whigs of New Jersey maintain that a National Conven tion for the Presidency is unnecessary. Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot. New Moves upon the Political Chess- Board • Washington,September IT, IS4I. Eveiy d»y rumour becomes more general in an ticipating changes in the cabinet, and all tbe while sbe seems to speak more authcn'ic. Certain it is that singular moves are being made on the politi cal chess-board, indicative of a closet alliance be tween the I’iesident and the Loco Focos. The u trion is now complete—to be a Tyler man is to be locofo. They are birds of one and the same fea ther and species. Tyler and Calhoun, Wise and Blair, Cushing and Van Buren, and Profit and Ben ton, mate hereafter in the same truckle bed. Tru ly, extremes have met. Old feuds and animosities are forgotten, and they who ere while spoke one •f another, as knaves and hypocrites, as roguas and royalists,joining hands, are made fast friends, cemented in the bonds of union by the hiss of peace. " - The Globe and Madisonian are Jp be merged into one paper, to be edited and controlled by Isaac Hill and Trancis Preston Blair. Rives, of tbe Globe, has bought out Matthew St. Clair Clarke’s inter est in the state piper printing, a valgabT? contiact held by him and Peter Force, under a law of Con gress. John Jones figures not much longci as an official .editor. He takes, it may be, a more agreeable, if not a more lucrative situation—a good office is in store for him, and who will say he is nudes crying! Who has worked more industriously, or has worn the collar and the livery of the master more kind to- Mr. Forward is to leave the Treasury depart ment, at least his own word has been given to that effect. He told a gentleman of this city a few days since that he did not expect to remain in cf nee a month longer. Who is to he his successor is not yet known. Webster, it ia said, if he re turns at all, will retire in a few day’s, to be suc ceeded by Caleb Cushing ! Upshur and Louis Mc- Lane have also been named. The hybrid sheet of Hill and Blair—the one the lord of letters, the other of lies—is to enstsin the Administration, and to stand by the nominee of the National Convention. Tyler’s claims are lo be submitted to thxt Convention, and, if he bo nomin ated, the party is to cling to him, as (he last plank of safety to a ship-wrecked crew. All the power and patronage of tho Government go into the hands of the Loco Focos, and their candidate is to reap tha benefit, if any, they can confer. Such is the news here, and I believe it to be correct, as I grt it from a very authentic and responsible source— from one who, from his position, should, and does know. Doubtless, the negotiations are pending,if not complete, and if things do not eventuate as I sayl it will be because of ibe obstinacy of some of the bigh contracting parli '. Ty leiism is for sale, and if Loro Focoism dor- qot buy out the concern, it I will be, that it tbit Li Tylerism too dear a bargain at any price. X Y Z. ADDRESS. *i V* hon. john McPherson berrien, % To the People of Georgia. the session of Congress I received from his of Georgia, two printed papers, which purported to issue from the Execo4Hbe|iattment, and the other to be “a PrennbleMßKlesolutions adopted hy tiie Legislature of the SHe, at its last session, touching the extra session of the 27rh Congress, and matters embraced therein ” T..is last denounces the conduct ol that Congress, and, in no meas ured terms, arraigns my own. If it had been in the power of his Excellency, and it bad been a greeable to him, to have lor worded this document 10 me, while tbe Legislature was yet in session, my respect for its authafc would have induced a prompt reply. Overlooking the personal crimi nation of which I was (jjn object, I would cheer fully have conferred wIL that honorable body, on the object of those r4mulio»s, and the UMi jects to which they TSinfe But ihe communi cation of his reach me until la’e in the month of JanHl, some weekiafter the Legislature bad adiotnirea. and when! was assiduously employed ii£ the discharge of my public duties in the Innate of the United States. Indeed, it was -so long delayed as to have given occasion for the suggestion; th*t Excellency had found in the sixth resolution cAuiiied in that print;..’ paper, an ojiffade to his approval of the series ofrefuiefi it fofltd so pro minent a part. He had been jalwaOunderslood to assert the constitutional power oHongressJo establish a Bank of tbe States, although it is beiiev «**»*• had mor^rcccutly'denied IraM expediency of such a uiflfire. Those, there fore, who profess to opinions, the firmness with am) UI c Fi JI A sistency it difficult lo his the^fflSrtence the ..pproval*Va* in although £ wit tar more thaiK m I AWjT *y in -of i-*y -o rcuoiu i !o».*v iht ii separation, anti as my ■ and occupied my whole time, I thought libeller to await the adjournment of Congress, anil then to address myself to you. I do not mean to claim an exemption from those feelings of oor common nature, which such charges as those preferred in these resolutions are calculated to awaken, or lo profess an indifference, which I do not feel, lo the censure of the honorable body by whom they were adopted. But I do mean lo say, because such is the fact, that beyond any merely personal concern winch I have in this con troversy, is the solicitude which I feel for the vin dication o! truth, and the rightful exercise of con stitutional power, as these aflect the welfare of a people with whose tununes my own are insepa rably connected. In my judgment, lhe;e resolutions, although they may scorn to disda in, practically asserr and exercise a power, which is not conferred on Ihe Legislature of Georgia hy our ranMilutiuaal charters, either Slate or Federal, while the politi cal doc rines which I. ey promulgate) aic errone ous in principle,and would be subversive in prac lice of the host interes's of ihe people of Georgia. I speak freely, us ia my right, and respectfully, as is my duty. Ido not permit myself for a mo ment lo suggest, that any feeling of personal un kindness, or of political hostility has led to the adoption ut these resolutions, or that the same spirit which in defiance of tho public will clearly expressed, sought to defeat the election of a Sen ator in Ib 10, utill follows me in the discharge of my public duty. Un the contrary, overlooking much in the language and spirit of these resolu tion*;, which was not necessary to express with dearness the opinions or even the censures which they were designed lo convey, and which would seem therefore better culculaud to wound than to instruct, I proceed lo a hri.T ami thspc e consideration of the power which they assert,and of the purposes to which it is applied. In the very act of framing these resolutions, their au'hors seem to have been aware that ihty were exercising a power which the Constitution did not confer upon them. If is not therefore from that instrument that they profess to derive their authority. They assume, in their icgisla* tire rhararfer , a power not conferred by the Con stitution, ant! justify its exercise upon the giouud that it is only the acceptance ot an invitation given by the Whig members of Congress, in ihi ir address to the people of luo li d'ed S ates, to which my name was suhsciilul. Deriving rheir authoiity bom thi« “invita«s m,'*and cfaim i ing “to have ascertained the public will” in rela tion to the several subjects embraced ia .these re solutions. ilny proceed to exercise ihe pofoer, by au unqualified and ui.sparing dt of the pa>t. and Uy u sysU to ol institutions lor the future. couci'i\i»‘l m i»«»..i»uu»o cuiuivu*iiutu4' wpir in. The oallytri'V whidi mas exorciscil iiil'ram ing these resolutions, has linn by the ißplieJ concewton of its atitii.irs, no warrant in thf Con s'ilulinn, and moot certainly citmict be ly ileiirrd from any other sourco. Can it be ne ce sjiy to say, that it the Legislature ol G.orais luissessps the pmver to instruct a Mon itor o( the United Slates, that power must he derived from the t 'onstilutien of the S ate, or of the Union, and Ihat it these do net confer it, it cannot he rightfully exercised at the bidding, tir at the “in vitation” of any body of citizens. Hut that address contains no such invitation as (he preamble lo these resolutions supposes. Its appeal is not to the gitlulure but to the peo ple, the immediate constituents of those who made it. It invokes the instruction of Stale Le gislators hi/ Ihoir immediate, constituents, not le gislative instructions lo the Senate of tho United Stales. It invites those legislators to “ascertain and express the public will” in relation to tho-c great questions, and “within t/n ir respective con sliMtionalspheres, lo exert themselves lo give it . ;V.ct.” IL te, most certainly, is no invitation to the Legislature to assume an authority not war ranted by the Constitution, not “within their con stitutional sphere.” The legislative action which is invoked is expressly limited to such as is with in “their respective constitutional spheres,” and they are invited to exercise i'.only in conformity to in -tructions lo he given by their immediate constituents. But with what shadow of reason can it be said t! at tho Legislature ot Georgia lied received the instructions of their constituents on the several subjects sealed of in the preamble ami reside lions which lam considering? Congress did not adjourn until the middle of September, 1841. and tiie election occurred on the first Monday in October. There was not ti;-;io in the inletval, to submit these measures to the scrutiny of the peo ple of Georgia, and it is notorious ihat ihe elec tion turned upon wholly different topics. I am relieved from the necessity of detailing them, as they are familiar to you, and therefore content myself with enquiring, in what county of the State were the people called upon lo express, and did they express, their opinion on tbe title of our confederated government to their undiminished confidence!—of its efficiency to protect tluir rights, and secure their happiness?—of the pro priety of ihe strict or liberal construction of its granted powers?—of the distribution of those powers, and that the destruction or even modifi cation of either would destroy tbe harmony of the whole system?—that the attempt to modify tbe veto power was dangerous to their liberties, and hostile to the principles of Republican go vernment?—lhat Congress had no right to estab lish a Bank of Hm United Stales, iu any form, with or without branches, and with or without the a.-sent of ihe States?—that the act fo r the dis tribution of tbe public lands was unconstitution al. intended to lead to the assumption of debts, and lo create a necessity for a protective tariff, and that it ought to be repealed?—lhat a tystem of legislation, by which the success of one measure was made to depend upon that of another, was improper and dangerous? By what portion of that people, were the members of the last Legislature directed lo instruct their Senators “lo vote against tbe establishment of a United States Bank in every respect, and by every name lhat (in which) it may be presented?”—to use their exertions to repeal the distribution bill, and the bankrupt fill, and lo modify the loan and re venue bib? By what authenlicexpression of the will cf the people of Georgia, was the Legisla ture authorized to declare in their name, lhat the modification of the veto power was contrary to the wishes of a vast majority of them? That the confirmation of Mr. Everett’s nomination, as Minister to England, was not a true represen tation c> tho opinions or wishes of either politi cal party in rur Stale? That the appropriation in favor of Mrs. Harrison was unconstitutional, unequal and oppressive, loading lo the establish ment of a pension list, and tending to saddle the country with debt? That (he loan bill was not necessary to supply the wants of the govern ment, if economically adipipisleied? T hat the repeal of the act establishing the Independent Treasury,'!! was a positive injury inflicted by tho majority that passed it upon ihe. best interests of the country? That the Whig tariff or reven ue bill (that of 1S4I) was unconslitulional, op pressive and unjust? That the appropriation for the Post t mice was unwise and piodigal? That the “hour rule ” and other rules of proceeding adopted by the House of Representatives in the late exfa session, were iiifringcmenle ol the li berty es speech, and of the tight of tho consti tuent to be beard through his represer-'glives? I present this summary of the several matters contained in: he pteamhle'snd resolutions of the Legislature of Georgia, in connection with the claim of the committee who reported them, that 11 cy hat! “ascertained the public will in relation to IfiOSE great qucgHC.nsand I appeal to the candor of every man of to answer ihe enquiries which 1 ere these , questions, or was any one to the people of Georgia; and decided by tlfem during thffcanvass of H 341 ? Was the opinion of lhat people,,or Os any, and what part of them, in relatioiFlfi These expressed by resolutions adopteqmn their-prjingry assdmbliys, or in any other, ananp mode Jrls it nolliotorious, that that election waa made to depend on other and entirely difctept and JP#hhe=e were never vas stg Hy bow many ofkLdHl holed for these resolutions, bad the varioeis nm they relate, been considered before Urey were re ported hy the committee? them, -had the instructions of bis constituents to guide bis decision ? These important. +he opinions of those who voted for these resolutions, are undoubtedly entitled to respect. But, cer tainly, claim equal consideration wi*h i ho.'6 of a majority of the whole people of Georgia. ’’Now whameMhe- party portion of any one ttojgirtr. if »he will meet these candy# he must that there was of opin ijn by mtjority of them”—lhat the legislature and could not have relatiqp k lhe~e great .resolutions could, thereforflPfMße* utmSlf "expressed only the opiiupns who of those, who voted far jjUm. t the?? 'That ef It is a high commands all Byeffpe* at . brfw* (hose who are with i t, efeall never bo fm ptded in the cfMKe ofjhcir legwSH|^u nct * ons - wnen as such RepaJWf a^vcs » to niil same ptdji U P* on an “ lo l»y ,aCt i of tlu’ir n n a hi >ic '■ Ol c c r t c?uli L p ,aceti u p° n distinct considcr .f etlou. involving'as it does, the vital principles'ot that Federative Government, under which we live. In the Legislative Halls of our State, arc assembled the Representatives of the people of Georgia, who claim lo speak in behalf of lhat whole people, by virtue of their representative character. Tha claim is undoubted; it cannot be denied ; it mty not even be questioned ; but, existing :t certainly does, ir is nevertheless , subject to those limitations, which that self-same people have imposed upon it , in their State and Federal Constitutions. The Representatives of the people of Georgia, in General Assembly met, arc authorised totpiak in the name, and in be t half of lhat whole people, in relation to all those subjects which the Constitution of the Slate confides to their management, and which ihe Constitution of the Vailed Slate*dots not with - I draw from their control They may not trarn.- , tend the limits defined by ihe former, for that I would betuexecisea power which the people have not conferral. T hey may not pass the boundary prescribed by the latter, for that would be to assume a power which the people have in hibited. The source of the power and of its 5 limitation, is the will oi the .same people, acting alone in the formation of .be State Constitution— acting, as one of thirteen confederated States, in the establishment of our federal ibarter. These . propositions are 100 j lain for controversy. Let ns now sec how they apoiy to the power exercised ! y the Legislature, in tbe resolutions j w<‘are conquering. C’aiminc to speik in beball T of ih»* whole people ol Georgia, by virtue ol their high offices as the local repre t niatives of lhat i people jr» the if JStale Legislatures, they proceed j la instruct roe. as a Senator ol the United Stales, j representing the same people in the National Legi l itme, to do certain acts in obedience to e iheir ins iiuli t:-, mid contrary to my own cx j pressed convictions , fmy duty. The alternative i ilimated. is, tha! I should yield my place to one, who will obey (hem. I have to say in reply, ~ speak>cg the sincere conviction of my own judg j ment, with reference only to iny ow n conduct, p and nut presuming to establish o standard cf mo rality i t others, lhat a c«>mpiia:ice with tins re qu.isiti n or i:s altemaUve, would be a violation of tho ('um-thution cf the I nilal Stale?, and c*l I my ufii ;..i u-.t ‘j. I .;.vj:e your uUendoii lo a vc j ry btici eousiiicratix n ef.-omeuf the r easonswhich , havu le d in«* ‘o* ibis conclusion, premising only i t : i »5 rny opinion on ibis subject, the same which r 1 I now expr«- was dislinc ly »nd publicly stated ’ j at l!:»' ol ( ' nt i merit, and during the session ! of lie i. « slature, some weeks beioro ray elec ’ j li ii. , ; TUB UIOHT «»F ISSTHICTIfIN. I I I proiv nd no .v to c onsider Ihe. question ol in c I si ruction. I. The l!i)ii:.:»utii»n of the United Slates es-1 a (Jov;-rdinunl, of which, a Senate ren j deicd by a piolonged officinl tenure, con stitutes :i distinguishing, perhaps the most distin guishing characteristic. Its mcu»b. l rs are elected for the term of six years, are sworn to support the 5 (Jonsti udon, and a-e independent cf ai*y other ( . i I‘onstiui ionci control except that which results Q | Iromthcir 1 iy to impeadnnenl. T'he object, I u d uhtcdly, oas to give steadiness to legislation p in that body. The House of Representatives arc tho.--. n at shoilvr intervals, and weie design* d lo r.fiic* file fluctuations of public opinion, which, 3 m moments of excitement, might find a salutary . check in the other h.anch cf the Actional Legis lature, which, from i s organizitioii, would more } over, ut ail limps, oil rd a body of men who had become familiar, hy experience, with the duties of legislation Such is the view taken of this sub* j ject, by every commentator on the American , | Constituli* u. A compliance r i’.h tbercqircmenls e ■ of these resolutions, would char ge the character i of the Senate of the United .States, would sur t \ render its independence , would niter the official 0 j and cons'.Unlivnal (enure of its members from j s\c years lo one year, ai«d would thus, in my J i ;.‘gment, be u violation of the Constitution, i* j j n j winch every Senator has sworn !o su[.pott. j 3 Such an ret on the part of any Senator, j woulu moreorer he a plain ini.iurteo'.ent ot the contract entered into in/the suerai Slaiett, in the c formath.'!! of our fi-derol charier. The thirteen States who ci.terr j into tbja confederacy, agreed j with each ulher, that the power to regulate their p fjreign relatioua in war, and in peace, iheir for -1 eign and internal commerce, anu thatol taxation, whether direct or in tho lonn of hopo.-t with cei t tain . liter specified powers, should ho vested in one General Government, constituted and or j ganized in it certain prescribed ntani.er, which 3 they expressly mid carefully defined. They agreed '.o submit lo tho acta e f that Government, hut they did aid aqree lo submit lo llie acts of , any other. One iinporisii! stipulation, which s was intended to secure them against sudden fluc t lualions oi public opinion, was that one branch e of the Nation .1 LrgiUa’uie should hold their uf ] fines for the term of six yvars, that its members r might be free from any olher control in their de j liberation hu' that of conscience, and tbe consti r tution of ihe Uuiied Slates. A member of ihe . Senate of the United S ates, who forbears to rx -5 crciee his own judgment in obedience to inst uc , lions from a Stale Legi-'laluce, or who, unable, . to obey tho.e insiructions, va f cates his si at at the r bidding, substitutes a new f role of action unknown to tiie Constitution, ; charges the chancier of ihe Government hy al , tering the official tenure of on a bianch of the . Legislature, and thus is guilty of n palpable 1 . breueji of UilU to the other contracting States Ji t must be very obvious j lhat a Gorornmri.l, in . which tbe members of tj»eSenate aie free to ex _ ercise their own judgment in relation-jo matim eommAn ioteresTto-an tho Spates, without any j other ccn'rol than that of the Constitution, which , trey have swum to support is veiy unlike ino i i f which those members are bound to n golate their ,■ conduct, according lo instrui lions given by the re.- pefitive Slate Legislator s —and, lhat a Gov -3 emmen', hgving a Senate with a constitutional 4 tenure of six years, is quite a diUeicnt tiling from I one, in which tbe Sena-e is elected annually, or 3 may he so elected at the wiii el the State Legh -3 latures. The first is, ilia! lomi of Government, j which the people of the thirteen States agreed with each other to establish, when they adopted , the Constitution. Tbe second is t! at, wh c'i won!'.! result f<om a general compliance on the . part nf Senators, wi.il ihe instructions of their n , spectivs Sia'.e Lrgi-'la'ures atd.-uch a Govern [ ment, the Slates el lins Union have never agreed toestalrish. Any act. therefore, on the part of ’ a Senator mli e Unired Stales, whether direct, or indirect, which subjects tl.eni nst ihtir n t pressed wiii, u> the contird es such a Govern ment, is a plain breach eif fai h hy one State, or [ ! y tiie Senator of one Slide, lo the other conliac , tng Stare,’. 3. lift me ask your attention to an historical fact, connected wnh this sul jert. In somoof ihe . Stale Convei.liens, which adeiplid tiie Federal i Constitution, this very power of recalling Sena tors and of thus subjecting them to the control of . the S ate Jo gi natures, was proposed as an amend , ment to the Constitution, and failed. This proves two things. I. That the power was not given ly the Con stitution as it was adopted. And, 2d. That it was not deemed expedient lo gi»e It. Tnis single fact would seem to he decisive cf the whole coutrrversy. The question of subjec ting Senators in Congress to the control of their respective Leg slalurcs, tv:s'cutir;d“ r ed ahd K.jec lod. I add, however, one further remark If it had been intended tiiaf the S ate Legislatures should exercise this power of instruction, the right to enforce obedience by the recall of the Senator, who (ailed to comply, would of course, have been given, since, without that, the act of instruction brccu-e* nugatory, and degenerates, it has done in tome Sjalo. into u lueie trgiiie of party. 4. Hitherto, we; have look- cl at (his su> ject merely with a view to the ('on»iito:ion of the United States, and to the powers and duties of a Senator acting under it. TLe.e is unoii.t r and different view which conducts us to ibe same re sult. The Legislature of Georgia derives power from the Constitution of the United States, and frorgthatof Use State. The only power in rela tion to this subject which it dentes from the fofr mat is that of electing a Senator. When cu/the person chosen becomes an officer not of the Government of Georgia , but of the natvmal Government , invented with the powers , and lia ble to tbe responsibilities imposed by the Con stitution, not of the State,h\iiof the United States. The other soufce*nf legislative power, is tbe Con stitution of our own State, Lut ihe specific as well as general grants of powtr, in that instrument are confined to the State and its officers , and cannot therefore affect this question. Tbe power of instruction cannot by derived from either of these sqjlfcts. It is not and coold'liqt have been gjVeiT% the Constitution of the Btate.-y Sat c lates repels it by ike official use which if defines, and by the official oath , prescribes. A State Constitution can not give power to its Legislature to exercise au thority over the officer of another go-eminent— and such officer cannot hold his office at tbe will of 8 State Legislature, when a different tenure is •prescribed by the Constitution of the government of which he is an officer. * 5. The people of cock State, acting by them selves, established their owrTseporate Constitu tions, as the fundamental law of their Stale go vernment. and loregulute their own internal af fairs. -The people of the several States united to form the government of the confederacy. — They established the Constitution of the United States, as the fundamental law of that guvtrn *ntßnt, and entrusted toil, certain interests. :l fectiug our foreign relations, aud the inlersourse the States, which weie common jo all, and could therefore he most advantageously re gulated by a common government. TbJke two governments wet e, and are esseflf tally distinct. 1 hefframers of them, who were the people of the several States, acting alone in the qte cam, and in concert with their sister S:ates *Tn the other, * provided a distinct set of agents yfov- \ emrtknt, who can. in the nature of l|PJ»s, be s to thf rfftv respectively in ought of aiTattempt to subject an officer of the State, acting under the <’on.-lilvilinn of the Stale, to the control of the National Government, in any of its departments, except in cases specifically or dained by the people in the Constitution of the United States? And if this may not l»e done, how may the officers of the latter Government be subjected to the control of the former? If the Senators of the United States are depend* nt upon tbe Stale Legislatures, otbeiwi.se lhan in the ex orcise of the elective franchise- conferred upon them by the federal Constitution, then the gov ernment of the United Slates is no longer an in dependent government, c\«*n within the sphere prescribed to it by the Constitution. Who is prepared to assert tins? 6. If it be said that the right of a State Legis lature to instruct a Senator in Congress, rc.-ults horn ihe tact that tie i.s elected by such Legis'a lure, the answer is ihal this right is not derived from the Slate, but from the federal Constitution —that nis simply a right to elect — a special grant of power, which cannot be carried beyond the words of the. grant —arid that this is equally true, whether we lest the question by the rules of construction applicable to such a grant, or consi der the responsibility of a Senato r in the Con gross of the United Stiles, to the higher author ity of the federal charter. But even when excr eting a power to elect, which is conferred by the Constitution of the Stale, a State Legislature elects many State officers, in relation to whom, when elected, it cmnot exercLe ti e right of in struction, or any other ixmlrol. except that w hich is expressly authorized by the Slate Constitution. The right of instruction does not, therefoie, fol low from the right of dieting, even applied to the officers of the Slate. There ; s ?till less pre tence I r di riving it fiom this source in its appli cation to officers of the ftderai government. Finally—The members ol the Stale Legisla ture, are the Representatives ol the people of Georgia, in relation to their total, not their na tional concerns. These last are entrusted to the federal government, ineludidg those Senators and Rejuesentatives, who arc deputed lo repre sent that people in the Congress of the United Slates. Both have an equal, or rather, neither has any rig l lo instruct the other, in the perfor mance of their respective duties. They are both servants ol a common master, the ppoplej charg ed by them with duties which are entirely disr linct. Each is bound to attend to the (ask as sigued to him i and has no light lo say to hisco servant, do thus, in n Litton to the particular du ties entrusted to him, for neither is resp«*psihie to the other. Both are subject only to the con trol of the common master of both. The ques tion may be teste.l thus. The Legislature's the representative of lire people of Georgia, in rela tion lo all those matters, concernin'; which the Constitution the Slate hasoiven them jKitver to legislate, and certainly not beyond ibis. i can ilie Legislature ot ‘.L^eorgey* l » uivun th*-* r le gislative power over —can they pass any law for the regulation of any of those subjects concern -1 ing whdi they propose to give these instruc tions! I: will be admitted that they cannot — and then no other proof can be required loshow, 1 that as to those subjects, they do not represent the people iff Georgia, for it is quite certain that that their legislative poire is are coextensive . with their eepresent at ne character. '(hey are author!/, dby the Constitution ol the fetale, Io regulate, by law, all those matters which are confided lo their management, as the representa tives of the people of Georgia. If Ihe subjects lo which these resolutions of instruction relate, are beyond the reach ol their legislation, it is because in relation lo them, they do not represent the people ol the State—it is because that {teoplu have chosen to confide these matters to another and separate class of agenL. 1 have thus, fellow citizens, stated to you some T the reasons whiuli have influenced pie in de fining to comply with the resolutions ol the Legisl lure of Georgia, instructing me how lo perlorin my duty, as one of your representatives in the Senate ol the United States. The sub ject is capable ol being dealt with much more in detail. Enough however has, f trust, been said to show that compliance could not have been yielded without a violation of my duly to you, , and to the Constitution of :h* Union; without a oabjable 'irtruction •;!’ the cor.tr. ct entered into by you, with mir dialer slates. Bui although 1 do nut feel my sell authorized to admit (fie right r of one class of your public £crvaut£, to vyhom specific duties Inyo I *vi: co llided, to dictate the conduct of another class of public servants, to whom you have entrusted other and distinct du ties, I nave, nevertheless, been disposed to treat with the respect to which it is undoubtedly enti tled. this expression ol the opinions of a portion of .ny fellow Citizens, who are honored by the confidence of the people of Georgia. I have overlooked, therefore, the mere parly character which these resolutions seeinrd to assume, in the course of the discussion of ;Ik*ui. bv I lie indefi nite postponement ot ew ry proposit|Qii calcula ted lo alleviate the oenspre they were intended lo convey, when such proposition was too palpa bly true lo he met by a direct vote of rejection: a* well ashy the universal and sweeping denun ciation o| every prominent measure, and indeed of almost every measure oft lie lute extra session ot Congress. I feel that such indiscriminate censure is harmless, while the light of appeal to your justice and intelligence remains tome. Os that, no man may deprive me. it Ido not exercise it in the spirit with which I am assail ed, it |3 bepaiisf. in my j'ddgineiit.thi indgjg. per ofsuch a apiritj on mv part, i* he bidden by high er considerations than any which belong to a controversy : Lethic. 1 proceed now to ti e conFidi-ratioii ol such of the measures embraced in the resolutions and preamble of the Legislature, as the limits oft his address will permit. TffE VETO POWER. The thst in the order of their occurrence is the proposal lo modify the veto power. Having recently had occasion lo slate my views on this subject, at some length in the Senateofthc Uni ted Slates, and these having been already laid hetiire you. through the medium of the press, it is the less necessary for me to enter into a detail ed consideration of the question here. I will only call your attention to the lact, in order to show (heer.tiie misapprehension which existed in the minds ot the Legislature. By that hon orable body, the measure is treated and denoun ced as an attempt “lo abolish the veto power of the Executive.'* This would indeed have been an effort lo lake away one of the checks which the framers of the Constitution had provided lor I lie preservation of the balance of power, between the different departments of the govern ment. Uvl no such attempt was made or con iemplo■ • it. and it cannot bqt excite uprpriae th*t a proposal to submit to the several States, the question of the propriety of modifying the Ex ecutive power, in the manner proposed, which could r.ot have become effective without the as sent of three fourths oftln.se States, should have been confounded by so intelligent a body of men as were found sustaining these resolutions, with an attempt by Congress to abolish that power altogether. That these facts may be distinctly presented tp your view, I make a short extract from the remarks referred to, to show you, at a glance, the nature of the modification , contem plated in the Whig address, and actually propo sed at the late session, that you may see how lit tle it partakes of the character imputed lo it, that of an attempt ‘ to abolish the veto power of tlie Executive;’*—“l ask the Senate now to consider what it is, which the resolution proposes as a se curity against the recurrence this state of thing*. Pors it seek \o abolish ike Executive veto? No, sir. Thjc js not (be proposition. It is simply to 'modify the existing limitation —to restrain it within those limits which will allow to Congress, the exercise of the legislative pov ers, which tlie Cr.‘'J lulio ' 1 has conferred, and conlerrcd exclusively on the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.” And again—“ Let us now look to the limitation which the resolution recommends. ’ It proposes that when a hill which has passed bptb houses of Con- > - gres#j*han be returned by the President with his •ijto, alGnrrhrr union shall be smpended iqton it until Ihe next*succeeding session. In the mean lime, the reasons of the President will bespread upon the legislative journal, will be read, consid «*rA, sulm Iffed jo the public, and discussed oial ly, andthrough the medium oi the press, mejpMj^udreturn to their constituents. Vill consult them. -At the opening of the next session of-Uongress, ihe resolution proposes that the consideration of the hill shall be resumed, and then, ij a'vwjority of the whole 'number »J Senators and Representatives elected, alter tb<»£rff>rv*J thus afforded for deliberation’ foi consultation with their constituents, and for the public dijcussion of the subject, shall re af firm the hill,it shall become a law.” \ ou will see the extent of the proposed mod ification, and bow little it answers the dcscrip lion-pf an attempt to abolish the veto power or the Exccjiv?. Referring for a full explanation of the which influenced my conduct on that occasion! *° *^ le remarks from which the a bove extractsjare made, 1 w ill only add that the events of thejtate session of Congress have made more conVertltP.the proposition for which 1 then contended, lib necessity of modifying the veto power ol ihcExecotive, for the purpose of pre serving iXtftfdrnstiMional power of the repre •sentatives of lie States, and of the people, than could have bo n won by any argument a priori , however-Weqtrut and profound. *tVITED STATES BANK. The eftVvfeko establish a Bank of the United States, has n«*l called forth the censure of the Legislature olGeorgia. Carrying the doctrine which oppose! the exercise of this power, i»e yond the liorilaf ail former opposition, that hon orable hodv diii' s the right of Congress to es tablish such al institution, by whatever name it may be call* in the District ofColumbia, or ill aify Sflfc or Territory, and with, or with out the peyverk) establish branches or agencies, with or w iihoM the assent of lhe States, and cx presdy instructs me to vote against the etstablish menroj a Bank, in every aspect, and by every name in which it may he presented. lam unable lo obev this instruction, or to do tbe act reqtftes, fimui a thorough eonviclion the resnffot Sicful examination, that it is not merely the rigfrf, but that it is the constitutional duty of Con<ir||s£kt6 establish such an institution. On this subjtci. alsoj my views; delivered in the Senate of lh« tfHii d States, hjfVe been sohmit iifcd to you Ail, indeiiendenlly of this, 1 feel it is unngffcssary to occupyyoty time in dia of the th*t this f Per en- , viciion.lbol, M, tfi# metoenTin which 1 great majority 'of the people of Georgia concur V w ith me in opiaion, that a \vi*Jl-regulatetl Bank of the United Stales is indisjH-n sable to the reve nue, lo the curacy, lo the commerce, and to the productive indtnry of the; country. I do not, therefore, consi kr myself atf'libeity to trespass unoii your lime by any further observations on this subject. PCBM< LANDS— DISTRIBUTION. I am next imiructed to use my exertions to ef fect a repeal of tic law to distribute tbe proceeds ot the public ind* among the several Stales, You are aware hat, by the terms of the act, the distribution is suspended whenever duties on imports, or any al them, shall be beyond twenty percent, and it consistent with the act of 1833, commonly kno' n as the Compromise Act—and that, as the duties inqiosed by the present tariff, are beyond this limit, and will, probably, so con tinue lor some time, the distribution has conse quently ceased ami, with the determination manifested by (he President, cannot soon he re sumed. Nevertheless, there are some sugges tions, appropriate to this subject, which 1 will avail myself ofthe occasion to make. My own conviction is, and lias been for a long lime, that tiic distribution act is correct in principle—thatthe best interests ol the Govern ment in relation to revenue, and mere justice lo the old Slates, iiduding our own. require its en forcement. Fot reasons which 1 would gladly detail, if 1 coulfl bring them w ithin the limits of this address, I believe that a revenue, derived from imposts, i* best adapted to the condition of ihe country, rfuch a.system, however, to be salutary, must he stqhleV-not liable to fluctua tion ; hut this rannot Ik*, while the proceeds ol the public land* continue to form a part of the permanent revenue of the Government These vary to the amount of many millions in different years, which wiubl render it necessary to make corresponding Variations in the rate o. imposts, or, Ihe result would tie, that the treasury would bo, al one lime, overflowing, and, a|f Another, in sufficiently supplied, to meet the wants of the Government. That the lav is correct in and a mere act of justice lo the old Slates, is, 1 think, obvious from l.»e fact, that much of the public lands is held under a trust, for the benefit of all the Stales, crc&tcd by the Stales c mveying it, the purposes of which, were fulfilled by the pay ment of the public .debt, existing al the time of its creation; and, that tfie remainder were pur chased with the joint Binds of all the Stairs, so that all are equally entitled to participate in them—a result which can only be produced, by providing, presently, for the distribution, before the increasing strength of tlie new States shall have given them the absolute control of ihe sub ject. There is another consideration w hich presses upon my mind, in support olihis measure. It is the benefit'which would result from withdraw ing rhe pu'bJic lau f L ffpip the action of (*Qiigr?&s. They hjvjL conslilu>led the hob by of political aspirants, and an- destined, if this bill is repealed, to be 'a source of bitter conten tion lo the National Legislature, when the new Slates shall have acquin d strength for the con troversy. 1 entertained, and expressed this opin ion, many years ago, in the Senate of the Uni ted Slates, when I was formerly honored by your confidence, aud subsequent experience has but served to confirm it. When, therefore, this bill w.u p.eseiqcd lo Cnngivos at ihe extra spssioji; I should have given it my unqualified support if I had not believed that the naked condition of the Treasury, ami the embarrassed dale of the country, threatening a continued failing off ol our imposts, rendered it inexpedient in point of time. I feared, that, with a depreciated curren cy. a prostrate commerce, and l Ik* amount ol debt which was due abroad, we vkkil : JQ7 30n)p lime. Irirti imposts a revenue adequate to I ihe wards of the Government, and I preferred that the deficiency should he supplied from the public lands, rather than from direct taxation, which was the only remaining alternative. A statement, prepared by the Chairman of the com mittee of manufactures, in the Senate, calculated to shew that a sufficient revenue might be pro duced by a duty of2o percent, on the home val uation oi imports, lor which the Compromise Act provided ; and a desire, if it could he done, to preserve that act which bad come lo us, with healing on its w ings, Jj« a crisis fraught with im minent hazard so the institutions of the coun try, induced me to advocate the proviso to the distribution bill, w hich limited its operation in the ipai.nnr i have before stated. this, calcu lation' b:i"' not bet'n realized', a‘ml if the existing tariff shall continue, and be found lo produce a revenue adequate to the wants of the Govern ment, without the aid of the public Sands, the considerations which have been before stated, with the additional one of the great advantages, which the Slates would derive from the comple tion ol their works of internal improvement, in which they would be so essentially aided by the proceeds of the public lands, will make it a mat ter v/orthy of i n;p.:l seriops consideration, w hether the ilMrihiUinn ought nut to be resum ed. The occasion |«r acting on this subject, in this view, canm ! occur tor some lime to come, but it is presented lo you now, that your delilu r ate judgment may be tunned lo meet that occa sion w hen it dorsari.-e, bankrupt law. I have nut been enabled to comply with the next inslru lion of the Legislature, which re quires me to use ii.y exertions lo effect a repeal oft e Bankrupt law. ii is sum times (in limes like these- for e>vmi: ; gri'ff ipLfoiiuii,* to be in t«; ll; mil :l is nut )ways a though the inability to pay aggiavules the misfortune it di»es ml ..way- r» n-h i the debtor a uriijii'lrih it is a » hcns..i-.l opinion ol mine, long since adopted and conlinncd by subsequent reflection, that an honest man, who contracts a debt with out fraud. whk-U lie is rendened unable to pay by misfortune-, ejujbt not to be liable to the incarce ration of bis person, or to b« con Jc mnpd through life to Im* the doomcil slave s os bis creditors ; l>ut that, upon a lair and bona fide surrender of all that he has to those creditors, he should he permitted, once more, under the guidance of a kind and merciful Providence, to exert his un fettered energies for his own support, and that of those who arc* de-pendent on, and dear to him. I believe that the plainest dictates ol justice and humanity demand, and thatthe intercstsofGov ernment, and even of creditors themselves, re quire the enforcement of this principle. I can fiotyiejd my opinion on this subject. Tt part and parcel of my naiure-r-ihe dictate of feeling, if you will, but sustained and confirmed by the clearest convict ions of my judgment. More lhan fitteen years ago, in the Senate of the United States, i devoted the best energies of my mind to an attempt to enforce it, and I hailed its adoption at the extra session as a triumph of reason and bujUfipity over error and avarice—as an offering on the altar ol justice ami benevolence, which, like charily in its most enlarged sense, was doubly blessed. I know that the casualties, which are more especially incident to trade and commerce, make those who engage in these pur suits, the most appropriate objects of such a sys tem of legislation. Bui I have never doubted the authority of Congress, to extend it to any otbei class ot meritorious and unfortunate debt ors, and I am sustained in this opinion by the re corded decisions of the Supreme Court of the United S'atcs, and by the authority of the most distinguished living jurist of our country, the learned and able commentator on the American Constitution. Hereafter, if, happily, the Bank rupt act may be permitted lo bejome a perman ent part of our legislation, it may be worthy ot consideration, whether it will not be proper so to modify it, as to fftiraiq |ts operation to those classes of our citizens, who arc most exposed to the misadventures, against which it is intended to afford protection. But the moment ot its en actment, when thousands of our fellow-citizens were bowed down lo the dust by pecuniary em barrassments, which the o j' L | le j r rulers had largely contributed to produce, seem ed to me peculiarly appropriate for the proclama tion of a judicial jubilee, which would restore these unfortunate men, free and unfettered to their friends and their country. The testimonies which I have received from various parts of the Union-*from the inoei polish IJm-o jurisjs— | r . m creditors, a» well as debiors—all unite to prove the operation of thin art. For a full ex position of my views on the subject, I bp.r !o refer }on to the published argument Rulmiillu) to the Senate, on the proposition to repeal the law which contains such an apology for my vote as I was able to give. It will, I sincerely hope’ be satisfactory to you. To me, the humble parts which I have been permitted to perform on this occasion, ip the accomplishment ol this act of justice and beneficence, as well as ofan enlar ged and liberal policy’, is among the most pre cious consolations of my life. I. ft AS AND REVENUE BILLS. I am next required to use my exertions, so to reduce and modify the loan bill, and revenue bill, as to limit the sum raised for the support of Government, to the amount only, which econo my in the public service may require. The loan and revenue bills here spoken of, are those of the extra session. To these, therefore, I con fine my remarks. I speak with perfect respect to those by whom this instruction is given, when I say, that it is peculiarly unfortunate, coming as it Joes from the friends of the late Administration. Mr. Van Burcn on coining into office, found a sura ex ceeding eighteen millions of dollars in the Trea sury. T. hss included the sum of nine millions, being an instalment due to the States, which was never paid lo them, but expended in the course of his administration. The Government sy>ck in the Bank, was sold for about eight mil lions, making an aggregate of upwords of twen ty-six millions, over and above the ordinary re venues of the country, which were at his dispo sal. At no period of his administration: was the ordinary income of the Government, equal to its current expenses, and this was in the process of diminution, by the periodical reduction of the tariff, under the compromise act. Yet lie ftnbore to make any provision lor the existing, anti in evitably increasing deficiency of the~revenue, under the influence of what motive, no one can be at a loss to determine. The result of such a course of measures, was obvious. He left the Treasury empty, swept of all its resources, with a revenue inadequate to the current wants of the Government, and a debt of 55.«j00,0U0 in out standing treasury notes—and this has been must incorrectly repiesented as the whole amount oi debt left by that Administration. If this had been true, it would still have been necessary to resort to a loan, for the accruing r«-venu£- I equal to the current expenses, constituted but a small uV.- deV)t«' t ' UH * labilities transmitted by the Ad — of Air. Van Buren, to that of Gen. Harrison. One of our own worthy and able representatives (Mr. Meriwether) has collected and stated the amount of postponed obligations, that is ol debts due by Mr. Van Buren ? s ad ministration, but lell to be paid by his successor, including outstanding treasury notes, and ap propriations made by the last Congress of that administration, which terminated its session on thc&J of March, 1841, at a sum but little short of twenty-live millions’—say precisely 008. Os this sum twelve millions were for aj>- proprialions made by that Congress, which be came a debt to be paid by the present Adminis tration; as soon as the services which were au thorised by the several appropriation laws, had been performed. Such was the inheritance, to which the pre sent Administration succeeded, by the extrava gant expenditures of their predecessors—by their neglect to provide for present wants, or future liabilities. Eveiy rcsourse was exhausted—the treasury platter was bright in its emptiness—no means of supply were provided, but an authority to issue treasury notes. And yet lam required to use my exertions to reduce and modify the loan and revenue hills to an amount only, which economy in the public seivicc may require.— Why this public service consists not merely of the current wants of the Government, for the payment of the civil list, the army, navy,&c. &c. but also for the payment ot the debts and lia bilities left by tlie last Administration,' to the present, to provide tor, and lor which (hey will lie unable to make adequate provision for some time lo cpme, unless a new impulse can be given to our commerce, by which our imports shall be very mut.li increased—unless there shall be a greatly enlarged demand for public lands, or un less we i« sort to direct laxatian. 1 think with a knowledge of these facts, this instruction would not have been given. mu. kvkrltt’s nomination. • • The vole which 1 felt it my duty to give on tlie nominatiu.i ot Mr. Everett, as Minister lo Great Britain, is the next measure which the Legislature of Georgia lias deemed worthy of censure. The majority of that honorable body hai’e supposed, that the rejection of this nomi nation, would have given an efficient check to opinions unfavorable to Southern interests in relation to slavery and they censure the vote foj: his cpnfinnatiop, as pot truly rpprespnripg the wishes ol either political parly in Georgia With gre&t respect fur those who have expressed it. I think this supposition is erroneous in both particulars. The abolition parly were anxious ly expecting the rejection of this nomination, in the hope 4)1 turning it lo advantage, and the jour nals oft lie day will serve to sho\v,\vhat a flame it would have lighted up in the Northern, Eastern and Middle States, among those who were not the advocates of abolition, npr friendly to those who were, but who claimed the right to thinjt rin subject as their consciences, ihctF i associations.’ and their education had taught ihem, without being disqualified on that account lor holding office under the Federal Govern ment. Mr. Everett is the citizen of a State, where under the influence of causes, unconnec ted with the morality of the question, slavery had ceased to exist, before he entered on the the atre of life. The circumstance? pi hij position, hb associations, bis education, were all calcula ted to give hint different views on that subject, from those which we entertained. Had he been horn and educated among us, our views anil his would probably have been identical. As it is, it is true that in the course of a political canvass in which he was a candidate, and in the di§- ° rhis o' ls ™'. •tUtl;;. governor of Mas : u-.fiis, Or- expressed opinions, which con ■ flict with ours. in rela ion to the right of Cop i gress to aholi;-!i slavery in the District of Colum bia, ami io interdict the slave trade between the ■ Stales, and as to the admission of territories into the Union, where slavery prevailed. But he was an early, 1 believe the earliest, and certainly one of the most decided advocates on the floor of Congress, of the rights of the South—of their exclusive right, to determine the question of slavery for themselves, when to the astonishment of the more timid, or more prudent of his Easl ein brethren, he declared his readiness to shout tier his musket, in the defence of them. Besides, the question presented to me, as an American Senator, ai ling under an obligation to support the Constitution, was this ; AVhctltpr a man whose opinions on the subject oj slavery, were opposed to mine, was fur that cause alone, disqualified from holding an office, for which, 1 was compelled to admit, as every body else did, that in other respeets he was eminently qualified. No such lest ci.nld he found in the Constitution, and in my judgment, it was the ullraism ol hu man weakness, for a Southern man to attempt to interpolate it there. We could have succeed ed tin ir. for Southern Whig Senators would have been sustained by an almost undivided vole cd t e opposition, acting as a party, though inany ol them Curried their hostility lo slavery, further than Mr. imereti did. But the recoil would have been tremendous. I f with u-s- hostility to slavety was a disqualification fur office,"Witold not our brethren ol the non-slave holding Stalel have atlacl ed the same /qualification lo its ad vocatis? Neither pretence finds any warrant in the Constitution. The list of disqualifica tions, ton, might have been increased. Some of ns entertain peculiar opinions in relation lo 0,1,- Feder: I Charter We are jl,lie’s right men, *. — S’nilhtl. i.. 'I hose several opin i ions ate hi.ll. sib. entertained, avonid and acted I upon. Tin y ate more intimately connected 100 with 1 nr federal relations, than those abstract opinions on the subject ol slavery. What would have been our feelings, it a distinguished citizen of the South, eminently qualified for a hioh of fice, to which he was nominated, should have been rejected by our non-slave holding brethren, because he entertained ihem i—if the messages of out Executive Magistrates, the publications which had he. n made in the heat of a political canvass, had been ransacked to fix upon him, Some opinion in politics, or in morals repudiated by them ! lam myself a slave, holder, at least as deeply interested in checking the progress of abolition, as those who question the correctness of my conduct on this occasion, for the whole productive property, lo which 1 look for the sup port of a numerous family, consists of slaves, and the land which they cultivate. Beyond say per sonal labor, I hare no other resource. 1 have every motive therefore, as a Southern man, and a slave holder, to resist the spread of abolition. It was as such, that 1 looked at this question. It was as a Southern man, and a slave bolder, that I voted for Mr. Even tt. It did more to check abolition, than any vote I had an opportunity of giving. It manifested a determination (0 exchide Ike j eg/fy/ uj- iiaciTt) from the Senate Chamber. Ii deeply concerns us to keep this question from the halls of Congress. Not with my consent, or by any agency of mine, shall it ever come there. It is underourown bright Southern sun,around our own domestic altars, that it should alone he discussed. I know that Senators from the South, who abstained from voting on this nomination, participated in these views, and would haveact ed upon them, if their votes had been necessary lo sustain it—and one distinguished Southern Senator, whose devotion io Southern right has never been questioned, who felt constrained from his particular position to vote against Mr. Ever ett’s confirmation, tiansmitled lo me, soon after, a voluntary anil unsolicited written assurance oi' his approbation of my course. Those who censure this vole are, I am sure, under equal misapprehension as to the judgment pronpupceff upon it by our own citi»ens,of what ever party, w(jo have looked to the question un influenced by partisan feeling. While I have been cheered by the approbation of many of our most intelligent citizens, conveyed to me |>erson ally and by letter, no contrary opinion has, in a single instance, been expressed to me. Beyond the denunciations of a partizan press, and 1 would not now point to any ope of these, i saw this vote censured, for the first time, by IheCom mittce on the State of the Republic, of the Le gislature of Georgia. 1 know, too, that while the nomination was pending before the Senate, several Southern men. who wire large slave hotdeis. 1 xpressed the stumgnt anxiety lor its confirmation, under a conviction of the impulse which Its rejection would give to the spread of abolition. APPROPRIATION FOB MBS. HARRISON. 1 voted for the appropriation to Mrs. Harrison, in obedience lo the dictates of my judgment, in accordance with my feelings, and under the sanction of precedent. The vote is susceptible oWhc Inllest justification—hut peace to the me mory of the gallant old soldier, the great and good and virtuous man. whose sort ices it nquit ed, whose expenses, incurred in the public ser vice, it indemnified. 1 will not disturb his ashes for the purpose of my vindication. Rather let me commit myself to the calmer judgment and heller feelings of those who have censured this net ot justice to the memory of a departed friend and patriot. SIB-TR C.IStK V, 1 voted also for the repeal of the act to estab lish the Independent Treasury, and this a ma jority ol the Legislature of Georgia believe to be •‘a positive injury,” inflicted by those who did so, “upon the best interests ol the country.” I can not avoid th<-expression ot my surprise thatsuclr an opinion should be entertained, but I will not speak otherwise than in (he spirit of respect and courtesy which are due lo the constituted au thorities ol the State. 1 content myself there fore with saying that this measure was con demned after deliberate consideration, bv a vast majority of the people of lire Union—by an un exampled majority of the freemen of Georgia— and until it became a party measure, fimnd'only a hand ltd ol advocates throughout this wide confederacy that with the professed purpose of din,reins; thegovernmentfrmn the hanks, it still retained its connection with those w Itich ii could subject to its will—that the real divorce which it elicited, was between Ike government and lie ‘people, securing a specie currency lo the former and leaving the latter to the deteriorated paper ol a iiost ol irres|Hmsible Elate banks—that it was one of a series of measures, which bad for their object, to restrict the circulation of this great commercial country,not to acurrency hav ing a sjiccie basis, hut to specie alone—to lower the rate ol wages, lo damp the ardor of enter prize, m dose the avenues to wealth, against those who had not capital to sustain their efforts, and to establish a monied aristocracy, a privileg ed order of monied capitalists. This too wario Ae done by a government, Cotfe Bj|“t|Mivilh tlie regulation of thdjWWr foreigifi tbscoujffry, and,bound’ MHue lo languish, in all its efforts lo transcend the mere limits of barter—and by. a government/ whose people abounded in resources, without capital to develops Iher . lam quite sure that my vote on this question, was the voice of those by whom I was deputed to the station .which I held—and that it was conducive to the best inter ests of the State, which 1 represented. POST OFFICE APPROPRIATION. The.e are some other subjects, which it might he propel and respectful for me to notice, if 1 were not admonished that this address is extend ing itself beyond the limits within which 1 de sire 10 circumscribe it. Yet 1 cannot forbear to gay that the censure of the appropriation in aid of the Fast Office Department “as an unwise and prodigal e\|iendilure of money,” excites my surprise. We in Georgia, are still destitute of many of those mail facilities, which would greatly contribute to our convenience. The Le gislature were sensible of this, and laudably de sirous of meeting the wishes of their const.tu ents, passed sundry resolutions at the same ses sion, in which this vote of censure was adopted, calling upon their Senators and Representatives in Congress, lo use their exertions lor the estab lishment of many additional (lost routes. 1 was myself personally honored by being made one of the agents to accomplish the wishes of the Le gislature, copies of these resolutions having been • transmitted tome. In the cheerlul lullilmrnt of my duty, I have endeavored to accomplish, and with tlie aid of'my colleagues, have for the most part succeeded in accomplishing the wishes thus expressed. Yet that honorable body, almost at the moment of passing those resolutions, calling upon me as one of the representatives of the people of Georgia, lo aid in obtaining these ail , ditioiial majl faciliti s, censure as “unwise and ! prodigal,” my vole for an appropriation ofntoney, in aid ot the Post Office Department, without , which it could not have been in a condition to [ susia.it the existing mail establishment, and still less lo afford tlie additional facilities, which they desired lo obtain, lam sure I may rely upon , the ingenuousness of political opponents, lo ac , quit me of this censure, when this view of the , subject is presented In them. |‘ UOMF. POLli V. Before closing this address, 1 desire lor a little while lo commune with you, in the spirit which , more appropriately belongs lo the recollections of 1 home. lam not a [Hilitical aspirant. The SI3- . lien with wh ch your cop jidpncp sips honored me, r has gratified me. as Weil because it testifies ol the ' past, as because it has enabled me to contribute 1 rnv mite to the advancement of your interests , with which my own ere identified. Ido not as- Irct to he indifferent to the approbation of toy , countrymen, but on the contrary acknowledge that it is a cherished object ol my ambition. — t Advancing years may have rendered me less co , vclnus of popular applause, hut I would prefer, ii t 1 may he permitted lo d, ( sp, ip »rai;e this, and the > increasing dysiie which I ji-el to preserve the , cpnseinmliesso^jcnmg you faithfully, lo up r awakened duly. .My term of active I service must, in the ordinary course of events, t soon pass aw ay. Before it does, I desire lo pre sent lo you some of the reflections which bare occurred lo me, while engaged in your service, , and without bespeaking for them a consideration r lo w hich tiny may not he enjißeff, j ask only , that I bey may be received'in the spirit in which they are offered, i In the precious legacy of the great father ol his country, the injunction lo avoid sectional di , visions, and the animosities which they 1 n.>en s der, occupies a conspicuous place. -We are alt agricultural, commercial and manufacturing pco s pie, inhabiting an extensive country, chiiVaclcr - s»sd by diver, ity of soil arid'cliniatc, its'well as oj position. This differcpce ol cppilithMi, seems . necessarily tp diversely, II pot contrariety . of interests, and trie feeling which jeejjJk iVom . it, cannot he without its influence in the councils s ol the Union. I have felt the lorce of this con -0 sid. ration, and looking at the Subject hastily, amid other and more engrossing pursuits, bar* y |ierhnpt sometimes yielded too much toils sway, p A more deliberate scrutiny of the subject, judy r ccs roe to suspect ibis, and inclines me lo hrjievr f that we have in this great country, diversified a* t it is, interests which are common to the w hole, . the advancement of which will best promote those which more immediately eoneern each pari of it. Ido not hesitate to avow a channe ol 1 opinion lo this extent. Why should I? lam , not yet, 1 ten -I, too phi to learn, and \am .-plrnon x ished by experience, that my happiness here, anil , my hopes 1 fit hereafter, are the result of a Ihor , ough change of opinion, on the most important ] question of my file—l am constrained tin refon to believe with the [met, “If man were bom coeval with tlie sun, The patriarch pupil would be learning still. And dying, leave Ids lesson half unlearn’d.” t The difference in our condition inthc South,and . that of our brethren in the Eastern and Middle 1 States, has been with me a subject of much anx - ions reflection. The passing traveller cannot j fail lo he struck with the higher degree of culli r vation,improvement, and general prosperity, ex ] minted in those Stales, over the whole face of a j country, lo which nature would seem lo have I been less bountiful than to ours. With a richer i soil, and more genial climate, we combine an in - tefcgencc, onrrjrv and spirit of which t raaj crtoiparc. without detriment, with (hose oj . our breihien. Yet il.osc .States advance much f More rapidly in inurwf of improvement, than f JJC tip; «cn*l While & dCTjse, thriving and prosper ous population uhu'dcn (tie fond which they in habit, much of ours is still in aWildcrm ss state, j anti much which has been reclaiml^Jssubjected , to an imperfect, and speaking a ccin l para lively unprofitable cultivation. | this divcnly 111 our condition! With rqual aiP I vantages of soil and climate, of intelligence, <n ergy and the spirit of enterprise, why do wo lin ger in the race! We have' been prone to think, I have thought, that protection afforffi dj /ITwe suppose, at our cost, lo_th“ iuffustrv of/oß'r ■brellYiT , (l7 is the chief, it not the only [ source of th s difference. In looking#nto our political and commercial statistics, we tfic struck I however with the discordant fact, th« our own prosperity has not been greatest, when that pro tection was lowest—and that its periodical redne- I lion under the act of 1833, has be oh attended by a progressive diminution in the price of our £reat staple, and in the value pf opr property. This therefore would seem to be an insufficient solution of the mystery.' We must look else where for it. Docs the difference result from the fiwt, that we employ slave labor! 1 know that opinion is general, hut Ido not think it is correct. At any rate, I do not believe that the difference of con dition of which I snpak, is the direct and nccos j consequence of the employment of that spe edea of labor, since under the management ot a humane and intelligent master, it is undoubtedly the cheapest. In my judgment, the difference arises not from the kind of labor which we use, hut from the manner in which we employ it.— The trueeauseof our embarrassment is, 1 think, the want of a proper division of lubu,. With inconsiderable exceptions (let us speak of our own State) the whole productive industry of Georgia, is employed in the production of two great staples—is chielly devoted to the produc tion of one. When these arc produced inuhun liance, and at the same lime find a profitable market, (a concurrence of circumstances which however is raro,)comparative prosperity gladdens the whole land. When these fail, either in pro duct or in price, a corres|ioiiding embarrassment is thoconscquence. We are like gamesters who slake thejr lommes on the hazard of a cast, in stead ot dividing their stakes. The permanent prosjrerily of a people is best secured by such a division of labor, by such an application of their productive industry, as that the failure to pro duce, or a sudden and sensible fall in the price of any article produced, may not materially af fect all the individuals of the community. II in Georgia, one half of tlie labor \v'oich is employed in the production of cotton and vice, could find other employment, besides'the increased value which it would give to that which rcuiaiped, ii would afford sensible relief, in' seasons of the failure oi those articles, eitbelj in product or ip price. ’ j In addition to this, my observation here, I think, enables me to affirm, lli.-rt the permanent policy oft be Government, with or wilbout our assent, will be lo give a certain degree of protec tion to domestic inanufartutes. Tiny have sprung up under (be pressure ol nen s-dty, and have been so long cherished that the various in terests which they combine, are destined lo pre doiuinate. Even as Snulbern men, we agree that this protection may be legitimately afforded within the limits of revenue, and the increasing wants •■ the Government will, in all likelihood, make that an adtquate protection to the manu facturer. The subject of protection is becom ing, in one view, less interesting to us in Geor gia, sinre, at the present price of our principal staple, which causes, steadily operating, will probably continue lo depress. We shall not find it a profitable culture, while it may yet continue lo be moderately so, in the rich and fresh soils ol Alabama. Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas. If then, a division ofour produclive labor would conduce lo our prosperity —if, in many pans ol our Stale, cotton will probably soon cease In be an object of profitable culture —if, with or with out our consent, protection lo tuanufaclurex, at least within the limits of revenue, is likely to become part of the permanent policy of Ihe coun try, will,ifqt a due regard lo our own interests require- inrTo prepare (or the change in our i on ilition, which the slate of the world, the exhaus tion of great portions ofour land, and the proba ble permanent policy of the Gusernrnent, will subject us to? If the increased rale of duly, which is necessary to {jive protection In the mari ulaclurer, will be given, whether vve will or not, and is,in fart, a bounty, why should we refuse lo share it ? If. wilftfitt being so, it rendeis ns comparatively inde|iendc£it of foreign nations, and affords a. profitabld*employn.i nl to capital and labor, in that branch of domestic induMrv, why should we not participate iuit ? Have wo the means to do this 1 Can vve uni j convert (he least valuable part of uur cotton into bagging to cover the rest, in H» transit in mat- , ket l In the establishments made for that pur- , pose, having the raw material at hand, unfailing , si reams and cheap labor, tan wc not profitably , manufacture cotton cloths, confining onr earlier I < efforts lu the courser fabrics ? • Cau wc not con vert the iron ore, which abounds In our moun tains, into farming utensijgL amfuflbe which are necessary lo <,ur domestic CsiablwWfcctil* eonfi- I King ourselves, imho first Instance; (okrticlft of J the most srinjije kind ? Can we fint/aiVe /Till, lii oorM-fyiii. the various. if: nor Drain -vs-tju-Tr sustain JlKul *Shali we longer own Stale lor the bread Rlutls Atlverlingito the great j ent and i-rdtective duly on wool, talion ot put country for the oui>ht wd not to turn our attention If every plantation, having even would turnish himselt with but slirep, and those ol larger force in they would soon be tempted to i stock—and, besides, finding a ready Tor their wool, to be sent, in the first instance, to the manufacturing Stales, the aggregate product > would contribute largely to the prospevity of I Georgia. In a very shent time, too, woollen ■ manulactories, established in our own State, r would afford a market at home. We are stimulated to these efforts by the ne- I cessities ofour sit nation, ami encouraged to make them by the advantages of our position. To those, which I have enumerated, is to he added, ■ the probable completion ofour great line of com munication from the mountains to the seaboard, , in a very short time, thus furnishing the means * of interchanging commodities, and affording a market lor many, which are now almost value -8 less. With these views, I should have been glad f ifthc revenue hill, recently adopted, had been so flamed as to enable me lo vote for it. You are > aware that, acci rding to the general, and proba t bly the better opinion, the right of the Govern* I merit lo levy duties on imports, ceased on the t 30th June last. In anticipation of this, Con s gress passed an act, authorising their collection I until the Ist of August, and coupled with it a 2, provision, intended to leave the proviso lo the e distribution act, in the same situation on the lat ter day as it was on the former. This bill was J met by a Frcsuh nlial veto. Meantime, the gen* , end revenue hill was in progress in the House, l W hen il came to the Senate, and was referred to d the committee ot finance, 1 sought to obtain cer- I tain amendments, some ol' which were adupted S and reported l<y the committee. 'When the hill i came to he considered hy the Senate, however. - the apprehension which was entertained, that, it e sent hack to the House, it might fail, induced the friends of the measure lo -csist all aim nd nients, and each one in succession, was conse e quently voted down. Among them, was one fi which proposed to strike out the d“th section the d object ot which \va. in repeal the proviso ol the distribution hill. As this hill was thus pressed •, through the Senate, without deriding the sever e al amendments on their respective merits—and e especially, as. while il n tained Ite ‘JTtli section, s looking io the recent veto of the President, it • could not heroine a law, I considered the pro y feeding on it as a mere useless legislation, afid e determined not t parliciprtein it ! slated these - views to the Senate, hgl ul the name lime cx pressed ,r,V readiness to unite in framing any ■ liili which multi become a law. 1 declined, e therefore, lo lake any part in this proceeding, e and dill not vote on that hdl —My expectations It vyr-re real.zed. It was returned va.itlx av. to, autl ea new one was framed. 1 sought to obtain, apd t, did obtain some amendments In I hay lull—but ■- others, which I deemed important, were rejected, c On the question of its final passage, I voted ’> ngOiVi? it .‘considering that it was insufiicient as U a revenue hill anil that il carried protection he y yond proper limits. Yet, some revenue measure h was so indispensable to protect the Government from the disgrace of bankruptcy, that 1 had re >1 solved, it il had failed, lo un.,r us reconsidera i- lion, which would haye placed il in a condition '■ lo receive such amendments as might have ena , filed me, ami those who thought with me, lo vote if fi I have thought this brief explanation is was proper, in relation to a measure so full of in v lensl. n There is a political consideration of no minor importance, which In longs to the subject uj lite proper division of labor, from which this expia ft nation has diverted me. Such a dislribulioii of •J the labor ol our State, that which 1 have mg ‘gested, hy ftsxmilaliog our interests to those cf put fellow-citizens in other States, and thus p avoiding occasions ofcnllisinn between us, would increase our relative weight in the couneilsofthe ~ Union, and secure to us a mote juxt and equal I,! participation in the henfils wliiclt flow from it. r| So long as Southern Representatives are suppo se sed to vepresent aq awlagonisl inti rest, which at V'i' 1 Vriiy he overcome hy the combined action of j. those with whose interests it conflicts, their in ,l llucnce in the I- gisiation ol the country, must r lie necessarily lessened. 1 announcctoyou.ihus lt briefly, a truth, which the experience ol every Southern Representative will confirm—l will not dwell o.i these suggestions, Thev are sub mitted lo you, ill the heliefthat your intelligence may deduce from them some practical and bene ficial results. A brief reference to the political condition of the country, and to the duly which l e 11 imposes, shall clofa this address. .. _ t-AMDITiON OP THE COUNTRY. ; t ,l will not he questioned that the condition of j. our country is anomalous, full of emharrass ; mi nt; and without a parallel in its former annals. a lime successive administrations of the Exceii ,iv<> Department, conducted on similar p.inci ,r pies, andclosing oil the 3d of March, Isll, had I* mf ‘* the reprobation ol g large majority of the h American neuple. The revolution of 1810, ,(■ i k'.-cd 111 the Executive chair a patriot statesman, l| who lived hut lo devote himself to his country 's „ service, and under his guidance, vvplookid with . cheering hope to the restorationofthenurer ilnys i_ J sl Rcj ufili.v A mysterious Providence vWI-c »e_ know it to lie, though its hidden pur ,i j K; si is \cil.d front uur iupetleel vision,?culled hint Irom us in the very outset of hisesreer. Ol e hi » successor, I desire lo speak with the respect [y, wliteh IS due ',u the Chief Magistrate, with - 1“' •” “inuce w hich 1 owe to myself. It suffiefe*. that he has not realized the ex pectations <*f those, by whom he was invested g wiUl power, hmhhal tt.a, result ia theanomfilri of which 1. have spokin* t la: i■.rt \ -1 thQiM ’ he was Chosen, still retains its ascendancylp the balls of legislation, hut without coitfidenrre i in, or concert with the Executive Magistrate, it , > s doomed to encounter the active and vigorous opposition of the friends of the late administra tion, who differing among themselves on various j questions ol public policy; stilt unite with rare r exceptions, in opposing all the measures of the majority. Such is the condition ofthe General " Government. If you direct your attention to the States, there too you behold the activity of politi cal strife. The citizens of each Stale, are*tided ( off in hostile divisions approaching so nearly to j equality, as Ip give to party warfare, an increas ing energy and bitterness of spirit. Meantime, ! the country languishes. Its foreign commerce is diminished—its productive industry is paralyz ed—its morals arc corrupted. , The remedy for this, so far as burn ay means may aflurd it, is with yog, ayd our Whig brelh , ron throughout the Union. The Representa tives ol the Whig party were called into power, by a decisive expression of public opinion iti Ihf*). Von and they (ell that the country was suffering under multiplied grievances, which it was necessary to redress. They entered upon the task which was assigned them with honest hearts, and with determined purjiose. Hitherto their efforts have in a great degree been frustra ted hy the combined resistance of a disciplined opposition party, and of the Chief, who by a mysterious Providence, now commands. UOMI.OatON. Fellow-citizens of Georgia! (sutler me lo speak plainly to yon, lor they are words of truth and soberness which I utter,) it is your apathy, and that of our Whig brethren throughout the U nion, wfiich has nerved the arms of our oppo nents—it is your despondence which has pjesoiT • led the great obstacle to our success. Jadmil that there is in your situation much Ip discour age. The inspiring hope, the confident expec laliun which Were awakened by the elevation of the patriot Harrison, were blighted by his un timely death. You looked ip the successor lo | his station, tor an exhibition of the manly vir ; tues, and s\ cordial support of thecherished prin ciples ol the departed chief. Your expectations 1 have not been realized—your confidence has been violated. But ponder, I pray you, the 1 words which follow. You have turned in dis- t .just from a conduct *„ (breign l„ vour own l,o n . orah e leeln.gs, ami hy declining lo mingle i„ what has <coined lo yon lo he an inoloriou" strife, you have strengthened your omsrnJn. ami paralyzed I he efforts of your Represemalivcs’ While under the influence of this fatal apathv you stood aloof Iro.n the polls, and suffered sue’ cessrve elections to he carried hy your aneieni foes, each one was bailed as their triumph am as V .m r ,lefeal~ w -he evidence oUhcir and ol novr neakness. A disciplined minority in he halls of Congress united more ai d that One man who stands between yon and the accomplishment of your wishes, whose sin gle voice can defeat any measure however essen tial lo your prosperity, mistook thero,.sequences ol your disgust, (or the evidences of vour appro bal.cn ol Ins most extraordinary course. Unde ceive him. Undeceive your ancient foes' Nothing is requisite hut awakened enemy and untied action. The gallant Harrison is ? ,m more. But the same glorious Whin party w t,o rushed fov,clary under his spot lei, standard, still lives in a I Us pristine vigor-in all its physi cal and moral imwer. Let those who then Val bed under that standard. „ 0 w arise in their strength. Wings of 181(1, once more lo the rescue! Prove that to the inqsiluous valor which snatches victory in the hour of battle, vou add the indomitable courage which pursties and grasps it amid prolraele.) warfare! It j, this not permitted lo you to slake your fortunes upon a single cast to wijMhe prize for which you will contend hy a single blow. Prove ihenith.l with a coinage as untiring, as it is ardent Vhi can conquer in detail, Hie ohstac es whichlfc- • |iedc the accomplishment of your wishes > IA each successive election find vou at the polls* , animated hy the same spin!, which swelled in your bosoms in tbe struggle of 1810/ Siteojc v through the ballot box ! Speak in language re specllul, but firm—as freemen mindful alike of y..ur constitutional rights and duties. Speak in memorial and remonstrance, to the assembled / Representatives ol the nation—lo that advenlur- / ous man, w hn buhls your fortunes in his grasp that he may unclutch it, and leave vou loth/ *- enjoyment of your constitutional rights /W privileges, and the abounding prosperity will follow in its train I I ant, rcepeetfully, Your friend and JNG. MAr.‘Pi|Eu^HHHnHHH W 'SUINUTON M —pspeis “t' i';'-,ri ,fJ ito sopjmrt or ralhrr apologize I trsticn. While olheis wei } r.-'. - j'’j- ' '-.f I trcsehily ol Capiain Tyi msiS •woilhy of all rot fidtnee linued lo hope, and to indulge tbe would vet disspfvoint the unwelcome suticl|Hi|i||K of all tlie world. But that paper has at I^H||S bundoned, ami given him over as utterly re^H| bale. In a well written article, horn which roakeanrxtract.it assigns the reasons for courn :—Hichmund Whig. From the Express. .mb txtkb’s HKTBIAAL op TIE WHJ^BTr The time has come when it becomes necessriy for every Whig citizen to take bold and decided ground against both the Executive and the prom inent measuits of the Executive National Ad mmistiation. We behold the novel and extra ordinary spi ctaclc of a Whig elected President abandoning and abandoned hy the men who gave him, and from whom he received all the honors and emolumenls of office. We see an anomaly not < nly ot the age, but in the history I f politics and of mankind. Tbe inanchusin by wbigr to represent whig principles, elected by an overwhelming vole over an opponent of JilUr enl principles, has thrown himself into the aims of his old cmm es, and wronged, outraged and denounced Ibuse lowborn be i wed every thing worth the having in his possescion. That dark est of almost all sins, ingratitude, lies al tne door of the President, and it it does not knock hke a fiend at his heart, it is because,he is more ur leu than man. Ambition is mi excuse for Mr. Tyler’s course since he bicame President. As the Executive iflke-r of the Government, he has not Uco Hue to the Government. As the head of the ration, he has not been a Hue or a just man. As the President of the Untied Btalcs, in those social re lations of hfc where the man and the msgistiale art together, I e has been treaebi tons lo his friends, yielding to bn enemies, and false lo bis princi ples. Elected by the Whigs, he is no Wing.— Oppnci d by tbfj Loco Focus personally, morally and politically, he is wedded to them and to their principles. The men who sci lied at him ami would have sliuik him down, if they could, a ,d who even now ridicule at heart, bis person ami his whole i onise of action, ate big bosom friends an I his boon companions. Nay mine, and we say it in true sonuw of heart, the President clrt-. led by tire Whigsof the Union lo cairy ovn «oj maintain Whig principles, even seek ; to win the favor of his old adversaries, and that by a sacri fice of personal independence and bh abandon ment o! the chaiaclet of his office. Eveiy ad vantage of tbi-ita, ISiuugh it ‘.«e but a wink or a. nod is tr,cl by a twofold ailganccniv bis purl, atvT*' Olicu to an extent lo make it obvious to all, tVf*l be is more anxious lo seek their favor an,d thei support than they arc to render il, though, all the rtwaidsof Executive fgvyaand patronage are to go (o those who rqnk themselves upon th* side of the Piesiflypl. Yv’hat a spcclacle to iho eytsof t’ tt n worbl docs the existing position U thy | ofltical afiTjirs ofour country present 1 Who; a picture of change and uncertainly ! What an ex exhibition of ingratitude,—of ambition,— l l public oli'ci.cc ami National wrong ! From th s VWturnpka Tiniee. , The Whigs, ?s a party, it be rQnet j,j_ have been patiiotic in V tlf „ ei ,deavors to relieve the country Iroro *„, e present embarrassing state in which it is oivcdvci, brought on by the uuwi-e j rneasDivfl t>( a former adminisUation. Not ? W Ifae place, the will ol the majority in : the clepaitment of the Govcriiuient, the Pi evident resorted to the Veto power and ot ( strutted the course et h gisiation, and holdly attack ■ cd the currency, whim at that time was ?he f in the civilised world —circulatiugliuoughout con i tinentil Kurope, and well known loihecomnereul l woihi as n currency of the best kind—that had an . yw ered in the Tea trade within the wall of Canton, j and uperior in Koginud to the Uank of England notes. Ask the merchants of Uio Janeiro, Val paraiso, Calcutta, and if you please, Manilla, if ( they know how the currency of tbe C. S. stood I some years ago —they will promptly tell you that il had character with them. Ask’them how it ’ s’ands now—they will tell you they know nothing of it. *- uch has been the change biought about by * an impolitic train of measures, and the people cl' the United Males have felt and do feel that the I country is dt'ordered. The calamity has borne i ea.- vy uimjq them—public credit is down abroad—eu } eigy ii relaxed, and the people calling upon the X government for relief. Just look over the cala | logue ol petitions sent from eve y part of the { .United States to our last Congress loudly complain ing of rnc general prostration of business, anda-k --iug relul of ihe hands of their representative? j- and senator 6. \\ h. t was the result ? An uun vailed and ever allc nipt on the part ofthe Whigs o( Copgiess lo ameliorate their couditiuib ap.d aitfiMt! them re lief from Ihe weigh! of their op presskiis; and though opposed in almost ever ai tempt by \l,c uncompn nitsiog and unyielding Lo cofocos c«n the one hapJ, and by the aimu>t unpre cedented sl» ps k.f n.c Executive on the otlu r, they t lia\edo',ir owie Ihar any prectdihg Congie.-s, ami the admiring host ol )ii*eral-mu'dcdl men, ami \ « re lauded lor iheir persevering edorts even Ly il.e vene.-t Dpiosets it their principles. A It is tiue that they failed in the attempt lo into e I Ut; i Mir leading measures—prevenUd hy h a strange interjhimiion ts Executive power—bwl, J that delta Is noilni'g from Iherr unweariedirtdus- J try, and atones lui tm g the purity of titeir ■ legilmn.i. principles. As a party, tl cy have xbilt- m ty,expt lin ce ur .i a h gh regad for nation at iute-A rest. 'I bv.t have lahoud for the good of the hHve declaimed against woful ganre ai)d I xeculive usurpation, if such we and can qai! it—guarded the cons ti lot ion a i rrgbS| [ of the nati-n —exposed in Mil in , IHllWffl n!i m l vutmui ma quence they have arrested measures dtshorciive off the eods of the government. Marred by every opposition, they have attained the highest admira tion as unflinching champions of liberty', and still recommend thei i doctrines as best calculated le ren der the nation happy and prosperous, and turn Ih? tide of affairs »n ihe chauncl of ISJ.3-6, when ail , things were easy', business active, and the currea** cy good th.e bauks accommodating, the peoplo with money that would pass from Maine to Louis* rana. Now let them succeed io electing a Presi dent of their politic?, such a man as Clay', and a gum the desert wastes of this nation shall bloom and bear —-their wise counsel? shall repel the cloud and mist, and let in the luilliant sunshine of pros per ity--and again shall we taste the blessings of a tree and enlightened people. Expunge is the Worn*.—Tho Madisonian of yesterday gives a prominent place to a com munication, in which u is urged that the House ok Representatives ought to expunge Mr. A Jam’s teport on tbe Veto from the Journal .• Mr. Tylec must bo courting a tleeper-tlisgracc than has yet ever overtaken him. In his better days, when a ena or in Congress from Virginia, he resigned hrs seat rather than vote for tbe “black line” re solution ol Mr. Benton, for which the Virginia Legislature instructed him to vole ! Il was that act of resignation by Mr. Tyler which exalted! < ‘tint in the estimation of the people ofthe coun try. But having proven a traitor to every otkev pledge, lie is in a condition to urge the expunging' process. It would he a fitting finale to his politi cai life, t make his character complete. If there ever was any thing left to hope ofsuch men as have called themselves Whigs, but jet have so far “held oat“ with Mr. Tyler, tnd not felt rebukes of conscience, we might ask. what would Mr. Wise say to this proposition which renounced In unmeasured words as sinking into the basest infamy those who supported the ex punge of Mr. Uenton 1 We might ask others, what they think of it, but men who have not air ready found in the treachery, in the political dis honesty, and the moral baseness of Mr. Tyler *utfrcient reason for opposing kirn, will not falter now when he qrges them to tbe last act ot radation. rr£alt. Fat .