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OLD SERIES, VOL. LVII. C . THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL ■7 IS PUBLISHED DAILY, TRI-WEBKLV, AND WEEKLY BY J. W. st IV. S. JON ES. The Weekly Chronicle & Sentiin IS PUBLISHED AT Three Dollars per annum—or one subscriber tw< years, or two subscribers one year for $5. TH- Weekly paper, at Five Dollars per annum. Daily paper, at Ten Dollars per annum. Cash System.—ln no case will an order for fht paper be attended to, unless accompanied with the money; and in every instance when the timi for which any subscription may be paid, expires before the receipt of funds to renew the subscrip tion, the paper will be discontinued. Depreciated money received at its value in this city. Chronicle anil Sentinel. A U G U S T A. FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 8. Mr. Caruthers’ Address. We publish to-day the letter <>t the Hon. R. L. Caruthers, of Tennessee, to the Hon. C. Johnson, on the subject of National Politics and in defence of the Whig Congress, &c. &c. Altho’ intended for the immediate meridian of Tennessee, it may be read with profit bj' every voter in the Union, and as such we ask for it an attentive and careful perusal. Let no man be deterred by its length, from a careful investiga tion of the array of facts which it presents to the consideration of the American p?ople, for however much of his time may be consumed, he will rise from its perusal if not convinced ■with the truth of its arguments and deductions cer'ainly delight, d with the ability displayed by the author. That Load of New Cotton. Had the sage or statesman with prophetic ken proclaimed on the first introduction of the Cot ton plant the various-uses to which that great staple would be applied, and the immense ex tent to which it would be cultivated, we appre hend that his cotemporaries would have ridicul ed his predictions as the mere vaporings of a wild and visionary imagination. Be that how ever as it may, it is certain that in this age we are almost daily advised of some new triumph ol American skill and enterprise, by which our great staple is made subservient to some new purpose, widening and deepening the influence upon the commercial prosperity of the country, and thereby extending its usefulness into a new and unexplored region. Year after year and day after day its triumphs over almost every other fabric, tor all the various uses to which it has ever been applied, are proclaimed as well in the genial climate of the tropics as the foreign regions of a high northern latitude. But a short time since necessity, which has been wisely proclaimed “the mother of invention,” forced the discovery that it was perhaps the very besl fabric in w’hich itself could be packed, and yes terday with a number of other highly delighted citizens,,we were invited to witness yet another use, which a load of this valuable article of Southern production was made to subserve.— And what think you gentle reader it was ? Nothing less than furnishing the occasion for one of the most splendid collations of the sea son.—Start not —for we speak nought but truth, and “truth is stranger than fiction.” Collation did we say? Aye, collation it was, such as the . Geds themselves might haye envied, and such -> the very acute, discriminating taste of our : Mr. Dawson, of the firm of Dawson & Son, is so admiralty fitted to get up, upon the occasion of the introauction of the first load of New Colton into their splendid New Fire-Proof Warehouse, immediately opposite their old stand on Mclntosh street. Repudiation in Indiana.—The Frankfort (Ky ) Commonwealth says:—We have been sh< eked by information that one of the causes of Locotbco success in the late Indiana election, was the advance of the infamous doctrine of Repudiation. If that nefarious doctrine is gainingascendancy, the Whigs may bid fare well to Indiana. The Whigs had better never be in power, in the State or National Govern ment, than in the slightest manner give counte nance to a doctrine which is too villanous to be debated in a State Penitentiary, much more in a Legislative Assembly. a thunder storm al Richmond, on Friday last, a Mrs. Coghill and her daughter were killed instantaneously by lightning. Ten Pius. This game, which had almost grown into dis use, has within the last year or tw o become the most fashionable game in all ourcities, forthose gentlemen whose sedentary business habits re quireauaily resort to some athletic exercise. With us it has become a very popular game, and we are pleased to observe that the splendid bowlingsaloon of the Messrs. King is the re sorl of gentlemen, who duly appreciate the en terprise ol the proprietors, and their determina tion to keep it upon temperance principles.— The popularity of the game and the skill of the players in New Orleans and New York may be interred from the following, which we clip from the Picayune: A great game is this “ten-pins,” whether you play the “cocked hat,” or the “nine ball game;” the “single string” or the “match”—“on and off" or “roll out.” If you will only go into it with a rush, you can get mu-e exeicise in an hour—good, wholesome exercise ol every part ol the system —tnan in any other amusement which we k.iow ol in twice the time. The game is increasing in popularity all over the country. We recollect wneu it was estei men essentially a vulgar, Yankee g: me; now almos. every gentleman can make his “ten strike” in the course of an evening. We have had oui attention called to the subject by articles in the N. Y. Express and Spirit of the Times, describ ing some magnificent saloons in that city devo ted to bowling only. One paragraph in the “Spirit’s” article looks griffy, amt we copy it After enumerating some of the crack alle’ s ol New Yoik, the writer goes on thus: There are several private club alleys, ol which Niblo’s, in the rear ol his Garden, is the best suppoited. This club numbers among its members some of the besl amateur players in town. Six or ten of them would roll a match against the same number of gentlemen belong ing io any club in the Union. Ihe manner of keeping the game, in rolling ten-pins, varies so much in the different ci ie> that it is dlificu't to estimate the comparative skill of the bowlers. Here, we roll “strings,” or thirty balls in a game, and it is not very unu sual to see scores made ol 150 by gentlemen. There are three or four individuals, howevei, “loose fish” about tow n, who can get over two hundred in a game! At Frank’s Saloon, in Barclay street, two gentlemen have each got 5‘J pins with six bails; that is, five ten strikes and a nine strike in succession!! The increas ed and increasing popularity of this healthful amusement, as wellasthatof cricket, induce us to believe that at no distant day it will become a common occurrence to report the more extia on inary games of ten-pins.” Now, we should really like to see that match officially offered by six or ten gentlemen of Nib lo’s club. YVeare inclined to think it might b< accepted, as there are a good many people hen that have not much else to do this lazy suinrne than play al ten-jir-s. That we have players too, of some pretensions we can satisfy me Nev Yorkers by stating one performance made hen which quite puts to the blush the “fifty-nim pn with six balls,” n entiomd above. A strange, walked into Johnson’s alleys for a little sjon and there being at the time no one else pre.-ei Johnson himself gav ihe man a mm. Ihi stranger commence ; the game, when Johns:.: was called oft’, but bi 1 the otbei to go on till li could serve one at the bar. Bu :,'ng tlc:i « he found the stranger had made th re enroll s, . in other words had rolled nine t ails, making ; good score. Johnson then lookup the garni and with his first nine balls he made eighty-set en, that is, eight successive “ten sti ikes," follow ed by a “seven strike.” 7’b: s-Tnagcr put h'<mnt. What think they of this in Bare! street? We should state, too, that Johnson’s al leys are lull ninety leet tn leng h. Yv euo n krow how many the ex-French editor ol tl Picayune might get there, but we dare sa enough to entitle him to admission among Nm lo’s cracks. fa 'wr & Wk. M I M I fel fl B ‘ Ml Bl HI % “The last twenty-five years, in this country ivebeen the epoch of expedients, of mystifies on, delusion, imposture and degeneracy frot ■publican virtue. During that every way de sirous peiiod, the expenditures of the U. 8 j .overmnent augmented more than threefok. hilc t ie population increated but in the rate o tie, and the producing class of the America: eople were fleeced by Biddle’s bank and its hy .ra progeny, to the enormous amount otjiftec undred ana forty millions of dolla rs.’’ The first part of the foregoing extract from the YlaCon Democrat, is as true as graphic. W< are only sorry lo find that the Editor was “tak ■n short,” and made such a bad conclusion t> what would have otherwise been an effort decid edly' out of his usual line of business. His dis covery about the “fiftci n hundred and forty mil lions," is some w hat like Mr. Lawson’sstory at the Windsor Barbecue, about the ‘ last U. S. Bank's having robbed widows and orphans!”— And whet called to the proot by Mr. Toombs, his contend ing that he meant "the U. S. Bank of Pennsyl va nia., which was identically the same, because i. was the same stock, < wned. by Ihe same stockholders, and having its transactions carried on in the sami building!!" The declarations of the Democrat and Mr. Lawson are a dead match, both as to their logic and their facts. The latter only mis took Biddle’s Bank of Pennsylvania for the old U. S. Bank, by which neither the people nor the government ever lost a single dollar-, while the former, we presume, confounded the U.S. Bank with the sub-treasury, by which the country .die loose its millions, and the people were ground to the dust under the combined influence of Benton gold and Van Buren Democracy! Such statements come with truly a bad grace from a party, whose financial abtli ies have been so recently and so satisfactorily tested in the op erations of the Central Bank of the State ol Georgia, and State matters generally—op nions by which the people and the Slate have, per haps, lost more in proportion than even under the disastrous failure of Biddle’s Bank of Penn sylvania. But if the past has been the "epoch of expe dients, of mystification, delusion, imposture and de generacy, from republican virtue“if the expen ditures have been increased threefold and “if Ihe producing classes have been fleeced,” who did it ? Certainly not the YVhigs. They have not had the control of the government. It is a poor shift to charge Biddle’s Bank with increasing the expenditures of the Jackson and Y r an Buren administrations—causing the defal cations of officers and the consequent degeneracy ol republican virtue. The Democrat had better “acknowledge the corn,” and, instead of turning such acute angles, charge the whole matter upon the immaculate Democracy ol the land. Come, Dr., “an open confession is good for the soul.” Sj’Let every planter give particular attention to the ai tide from the Memphis Eagle on the “History of the two United States Banks as connected with the price of Cotton;” and let those answer the argument who can. Allow ing full force to the received doctrine that “the price of an article is determined by the combin ed influence of supply and demand,” and there is a striking coincidence between the existence of a Bank and the price of our great staple which speaks volumes in favor of a soundcur rency, such as the YVhigs have always battled for. The unkindest cut of aIL Byway of announcing the nomination of Mr. H. V. Johnson, as a candidal’ for Congress in room of Mr. J. B. Lamar, resigned, the Federal Union concludes its editorial thus: “YVe wil adu no yj.l &teg recommendation to Mr. Johnson, it must, by implication, be a reproach to Mr. Cooper. To our mind, it contains a keen, though covert sar casm, how much soever it may smarter of in consistency. YVe have become accustomed, however, to survey “the animal with its head where its tail should be,” and itno longer excites our surprise. The glittering tinsel oi the new panel has certainly shaded and obscured the more homely virtues ot the old, for it is noto rious that the ancient regime of Georgia have been, in some sense, compelled to follow in the tortuous wake of the new lights. The eld Un ion men have provided for Colquitt and Black, and Mr. Cooper is the Calhoun candidate of the “suns” for Governor of Georgia. But Mr. Johnson is “one of the old panel!” “O, save me from my friends!” To say the best of it, Mr. Cooper cannot be thankful to his reluctant supporters for aiming a dagger at a part at once so tender and so exposed. Verily, “the way ot the transgressor is hard.” Jj'A person has been arrested at Millbury, Mass., on a charge of being concerned in the late robbery of Millbury Bank notes. O’l’he quantity ofFlour received at Alba ny during the month ol August, was 150,79 ft bbls., and ol Wheat 16,805 bushels. fj-The amount ot Treasury Notes outstand ing on the Ist inst., it is officially announced, was $5,567,106 01. FTTen dollar notes on the North Riverßank ot New York, altered from ones, are in circu lation in that city. The Alexandria Gazette announces the death of Judge Lewis Summers, of Virginia, who died on the morning of the‘27th ot August last, at the White Sulphur Springs. He was one of the most eminent citizensol the State, and uni versally respected. Steamboat Disasters. —The St. Louis Re publican of Saturday week records the loss of two more steamboats—the Exact, which struck a snag and sunk to her boiler deck, about nine miles above St. Louis, while on her way to the Illinois river, and the Julia Chouteau, which struck a stump or log the same day in Grand Tower Shute, which rendered it necessary to run her ashore, where she sunk in six feet wa ter. She was on her way to New Orleans. Her cargo will be saved tn a damaged stale, and it is supposed the boat can be raised. The Crops.— Ihe Savannah Republican of Wednesday says: YY’e have conversed with a gentleman from Baker county, who informs us hat the crop in that quarter will be decidedly less tba.i an average one. From the 22d0l July 10 the 31st of August, it rained every day, with out a single exception, which has seriously dam aged the crops. YVe were surprised to learn from our inform ant that there are young plan ers there who inake 800 and 1000 bags of cotton. There can be no question that the land in Baker is almost unequalled in the U. States lor producing the great staple. Darien, Sept. 2. Dull times here—the planters dispirited in consequence ofthe heavy rains, and caterpillars having nearly destroyed our Sea Island Cotton •rop. If buyers expect large crops they will be Aofully mistaken. The season of resuscitation in the plant has passed, and two-thirds of the ruit in the low lands has dropped, other lands uffeiiiig in equal proportion. This is no ex ravagant statement, let those who doubt wait its n ival at matket. Henry Ci.ay in Arkansas.—A correspond ■nt of the Louisville Journal says: “In this Slate wc shall make a gallant struggle for Har y if the West. We design holding a Conven ion atthe proper time, andforming a State and ed ectoial ticket.” jS’Curnelius, do you understand whether ’resident Tyler intends going South by land or >vt?” “YVhy, no, you spoony; he will go per e, of course. — Y« «‘’ eBl ide. IT.etoieignai’vicesbv the li b riia have . en an impulse to the New York Cot onmar- SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 9. ♦ hich is the Party without Principles . What will be the course of the democracy ii rteotgia, in relation to the law of Congress di ■ctingthe districting of the States? Will Mi ooper, if elected, cany out this measure: dopted and supported as it is and has been, bi te YVhigs, or will he “follow in the footstep: f his illustrious predecessor,” and dpi pse it ■ither by his veto or his influence? United will he Whigs on this question, are a large and re IK’ctable portion of the democrats of the State It is, and ought to be, a popular question. Thi measure is entitled to the attention and consider lion of the people. It is de facto a measurt n which the interests of the Southern andsmal r States are involved, as well as a measure it vhich the interests, feelings and convenient f the people are enlisted. There is nothin" nore natural than that the people should desirt t personal knowledge of, and acquaintance with, their representatives. This intimacy be (ween constituent and representative, so saluta y and gratifying in itself, can only be secure: by the provisions of the district system. M r eel no pleasure in voting for a man whom they do not know, or, as is often the case under the general ticket system, 0/ whom they' ha.veflsyei heard. But, in this question is involved mon serious considerations than mere convenience 01 gratification. The law’ of Congress direct ing the States to be laid ofl in Congressional districts was passed under a provision of the Constitution, plain, express, and beyond the possibility of cavil or dispute. Do the boast ng, democratic, exclusive strict constructionist.- of the constitution, mean to trample under fbo that instrument which they profess to hold ir such jealous veneration? Friends of Mark Antony! willy'ou answer or be silent? The Helicon, Is the name of a new YVhip paper, published at Marietta, Cobb county, Ga. It is a neat, ti dy little craft, well manned, having a bold Caj:- tain atthe helm, and its flag gallantly floating at the mast head, is inscribed with the magic names of “Clay, Crawford and Stephens.” How could we do otherwise than wish it a safe cruise and many a gallant victory ? The party has long wanted an able and fear less exponent of its principles in Cherokee, am now, with the dauntless and intelligent Editors of the Rome Courier and the Helicon, we have nothing to fear as to the result. Whig opinion.- and YVhig policy will be properly and judicious ly defended, whilst the trickery, the tergiversa tion and the tactics ofthe Locofocos, will be as promptly and fearlessly exposed; their argu ments will be refuted, and finally their leader repudiated and defeated at the ballot box.— Those tff our Whig friends who are heart and soul in the cause, and who have the means within their reach, a.e respectfully requested to aid the enterprising publishers by patronizing these papers, and thereby sustaining their prin ciples in that interesting and thiifly portion o. Georgia. The Party without Principles. In the campaign ot 1840, the Locotbco parly, from one end ofthe country to the other, denomi nated the YVhigs, the great mass ofthe people, “the party without principles.” The leaders ol the Demociacy, with characteristic recklessness, freiterfled the charge, and among the rank and file, the honest but ignorant, it became a catch word ofthe party. For ourlives, wecouldnev er discover the justice or the foundation of the charge. YVe then advocated the establishment □1 some institution with adequate power to reg jilate exchanges, to afford the people a sount. ind uniform ct(rrency,, wh»|g> at ttaLWMiWftL we denouncedtheSu b-t rea sitty as a gbWAim Si bank, an odious monster, a hive for office-seek ers and office-holders, where they might rio. and fatten on the substance ofthe people. We then advocated a tariff for revenue, happy in the reflection that such a tariff would extern, its blessings to the laboring and manufacturing classes; while, atthe same lime, we scouted the chimera of “free trade” for the benefit and sup port of the monarchies of Europe. YVe then advocated the distribution of the public lands, in fulfilment ofthe contract enier edinto by the General Government, and because it would, by giving to the States their own prop erty, relieve most of them from their oppressive load of indebtedness; while, atthe same time we were unwilling that the General Govern ment should retain that which did not b long to it, and which would so much benefit the States ; and which, while it was unjust to tnese, was a fruitful and continuous source of evil, by keep ing, in an unsettled state, the policy of the gov ernment on a great and important measure. YVe then advocated the one term principle, as applied to the Presidency, holding, as we did, that by the successful establishment of this principle, we would be able to strike at the lout of the evil of President making; while, ai the same time, we wete disgusted with the election eering and corrupting efforts to provide for the succession, which had been perpetrated by G- n. Jackson, and which resulted in the of Mr. Van Buren to the chief magistracy. These were our cardinal principles then, ai d the eX| erience ol the last three years has lut confirmed us in their wisdom, and strengthei.ed us in their support. How is it with the Democracy now I Wl at do the levellers mow propose? They cann t evade the issue by saying “the principles o! 11 e Democratic part}' are wed known—they a.e al ways the same,” &c. &e. They ipusl recapitu late, or the people will t eat them as they de serve, and re-tnflict upon their lacerated backs the chastisement administered in 1840. YY e know to what they are opposed— they would de stroy any thing which the \Y higs have built, or which they would construct —but what are they in favor of ? In lieu of a National Bank, wi.i-b they have destroyed, would they, if in power, revive the sub-neasi.ry, and reduce us t > a hard money ciiculation? Would they rob the States ofthe proceeds of the public lands! Would they go for direct taxation, a horizontal tariff or a discriminating tariff?—and if the lat ter, will the discrimination be in favor of sugar or wool? Would they, if they could elect a Pres ident, aid him to provide lor the succession? ■“Don’t all speak al once!” Ominous. —The Boston Courier, the ac knowledged organ of Mr. Webster, and which has been rather < ff-ish -or Tylerish, for some time past, denounces the removal of Gov. Lin coln from Ihe Boston Custom House, and pro nounces the appointment of Mr. Rantoul as in judicious and unpopular/ We rather think Daniel has discovered “where he is to go” at last, and has resol' ed to take shelter under the glorious flag of Harry Clay and the people.— “Better late than n-’Ver.” ■Tj On Monday evening last, the passenger train on the Central Rail Real, ran over a man liv tl.e name of Robert Thomas. One of his arms was severed from his body at th<e shoulder, and one leg broken. He survived but a shur time. Progress or Temperance.—ln Laurens Dis trict, S. Carolina, theie is but otic grog shop in the whole district. This district sent be.wer-n sixty and one hundred delegates to the late tem perance Convention at Sparta nburgh. Cass and Van Bl hex in Oh 10 —The Colttni bus S a e men says that twet tty-seven countt meetirgs save declared in favo. > ofMr. Van Bu ren for the Presidency, and b ut one for Gen. Cass. yVThe number of deaths in the New Orleans Charity Ho pi al, from yellow fever, duringthe week ending on Saturday last, was twenty-sev en. AUGUSTA, GA THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 14, 1843. MONDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 11. YYhig Nomination. A portion of the committee of 21 appointee, by the Whig Convention, assembled al Mil -1 dgeville on Saturday last, to nominate a Whig candidate for the vacancy of the Hon. John La nar, when the Hon. A. H. Chappell of Bibb, was nominated. The high estimation tn which Mr. Chappell is held by the people of Georgia, as a profound jurist and sagacious statesman, forbids, did our limits this morning permit, any attempt to por tray bis merits. YVe, therefore, commend him to the YVhig party of Georgia, as deserving, in an eminent degree, their highest confidence, and tneir most cordial and zealous support. £J“It is amusing to see with what zeal the De mocracy of Georgia labor to impress upon the people the belief that Mr. Calhoun will certain ly be their candidate for the Presidency, in tl.e face of the multiplied evidences to the contrary, which are daily flowing in from every quarter ot the Union. In New Hampshire, where his candidate for the Vice Presidency, Mt. Woodbury, resides, the Vanites are in the ascendancy ten to one. In Maine, there is a similar state of public sentiment. In Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, do. In New York, seven-tenths of the Delegates thus far selected are in favor of the Magician of Kinderhook. , In Pennsylvania, Gov. Porter, YVm. Wilkins, and nearlj’ the whole of the “original panel” ol old Federalists, but now Democrats, are Mr. Van Buren’s open adherents. In Ohio, even against Cass, in 28 counties, Van has 27toll! Mr. Calhoun is not even mentioned. In Indiana, Michigan, and Kentucky, they are for old Tecumseh fir-t, and Van as the al ternative Cathoun scarcely spoke of. In Missouri and Virginia, where Messrs. Benton and Ritchie have not forgotten their ori ginal dislike for “nullification” and Mr. Cal houn, Van Buren is in the ascendant. In New Jersey, Maryland, and Delaware, Mr. Calhoun is not seriously urged. In North Carolina and Tennessee, the case is perhaps doubtful, but the odds are in favor 01 Van Buren. Where, then, let us ask, are the friends of Mr. Calhoun to come from, in sufficient num bers to secure his nomination. South Carolina may give him 9 votes—Geor gia 10—Alabama 9—Mississippi 6—Louisiana 6—making, in all, if the Convention vote by States, only 40 votes for the nomination, out o. 275!! —And only two of these, South Carolina and Alabama, would certainly vote for him il nominated!! Mr. Van Buren is certain of the nomination of the National Convention; and Georgia is pledged to acquiesce in the decision of that bo dy. Why, then, deceive the people longer as lo the true issue on the Presidency. Calhoun Democrats! you who are pledged to vote tor Mr. Clay if your personal favorite is not nominated, now is your time to come out boldly and sustain the uiau of your choice—the bold and generous-hearted leade. ofthe Whig party—the man who has always been faithful to the Constitution and patriotic in his policy. We ask especial attention to tue article ot “Crawlord” copied from Saturday’s Constitu tionalist. We know not the writer, but what ever may be his politics his arguments are un answerable. How conclusive the analogy be tweenjhe city and Spirft Creek case, and that of A'ffietlcati and /HusUy* and,fl}** completely anti-American does the ‘aflftiThl’tit'’' show the Democratic policy to be! In 1840 we were twitted with being British Whigs, and the Vanßurenites arrogated to themselves ex clusive claim ol being called the American parly. Now how changed! YVhen the Whig policy has given new life and vigor to Ameri can industry, when the energies of the hard working mechanics are revived and they’ are enabled not only to find ready employment, but to co upele successfully with British labor in the home and foreign markets—when Briti h ■statesmen, finding; their exports diminished and competition incre.ased, cry aloud for the modifi cation of the American Tariff—we ask which party is most deserving the ap; ellation of Brit ish? The YVhigs are charged with being feder ilists! If it be federalism to sustain and fus er the poor, hardy, toiling, enterprising laborers of ourown land, both native and adopted, in preference to the swarms of starving, vicious British subjects, resident tn Manchester, Bir mingham and Leeds, we submit cheers ully to the charge, nay, we glory in appellation, •‘A rose by any other name will smell as sweet.” The old adage that “charity begins at home,” is the basis ol the YVhig policy. Let us first sustain our own artizans of every grade and lass — give them com.elence and prosperity, md they in turn will give increased prices lor he produce of our soil; then the farmers and the planters of every class will enjoy increased and permanent prosperity, and then ii our De mocratic friends out ofthe abundance of their charity for British paupers, should have aught to bestow, it need not be wrung from the sweat >f the hard fisted American laborer. YVe would go a little further than “Father Guieu,” and affirm that as true patriots and genuine Americans, the YVhigs would “ratherencourage American than British labor,” even tho’ other things were not exactly equal. North Carolina. The subjoined statement of the result of the Congressional elections in the old North State, shows that she is sound to the core. The Loco foco gerrymandering in arranging the Districts has given a temporary majority to our oppo nents, still it is apparent that they have escaped ■defeat even in the Congressional conlest by a mere accident, and that the next election will seal their fate in every district in the State ex cept the sixth. Glorious old Rip is wide a wake, and in ’44 will improve even upon her splendid achievements in 1840. YVhig maj. Locofoco maj. First District2,3Bo Second “306 I'hiid “ 354 Fourth “3,893 Fifth “ 141 ixth “ 1,285 Seventh “ 155 t’.eighth 11 515 Ninth “840 ■ 7.579 2,480 2'480 •1999 Whig maj. Late and most Important Discovery. A certain Democrat, in speaking of the Act ofthe last Legislature, changing the sessions of our Justices’ Courts from monthly to tri-annual, and thereby delaying the collection of small debts to the manifest injury and annoyance ot the trading and poorer classes of society; aver red, we learn, most positively that Ihe Bill was introduced by a Wing! that it was sustained by the YVhigs!! AND THAT IT WA& FINALLY PASSED BY THE WHIG LE GISLATURE OF 1842!!! YVe presume the man has taken out a patent right to cover his invention. He is certainly tie : oldest, il not the most judicious operator in his line, and deserves to be canonized by hi.- brethren of the Democratic church. sj”The watch and jewelry store, No. 9 Astor House, New York, was robbed on the night ot tie 3d, of gold and silver watches, diamond rings, gol I chains, plate, &c ; the wholeestima ed to be Wi rth Irotn $15,000 to $20,000. No trace has yet been obtained of the robbers. Pro in the Nashville Whig Banner. 9 Teply of the Hon« Robert Caruthefcfe jc Cave Johi.sou. We congratulate our readers upon the ’ionol' a document so able and adinirab&j*- oat which we present to day. Its scathing and u ithermg exposure of the mggery of the Hon, Mr. Johnson, affords i rich treat. Ils clear and authentic eipusfcw >1 the excessive expenditures and heavy nulations oi public debt by the Van Burenjßa| Ministration, which debt was left to be he Whigs, is must conclusive and cony in . icre is the document —read it with Reply of Hon. R. Caruthers. Lebanon, June6th, ISiaM To Col. Cave Johnsen: 1 was informed, on my return from the bout the Ist of Al ay, that you had made oored reply to my brief communication todwE Editor ol the Banner, one of my late ■n tiie subject ofthe public debt, appropriatiaH expenditures, &c. But your iriends ol tne non did not see fit, for some cause or other, ring it before the public until long after its ap. pearance in your home organ, (ihe Jeffersotfe ian) as it appears from its date. The vlonday after the Union came forth with thfii oeginning ol your ponderous eight column.a>i iress to me, our circuit court commenced its session, and since that time my engagements lave deprived me ot the pleasure ol paying tujJ respects to you. I say thus mu<^_p ■pelopy to you lor the apparent n , not answering you sooi*er?->4' pleasure, embrace the opportunity afforded lij< iew leisure hours, to write to you. 1 ,o be fully able lo correct many ofthe palpable errors into which you have fallen on the subject ofthe public expenditures. It I should succeeu in doing this, I am sure you will feel gratified chat we have accidentally fallen into this friend ly controversy, for surely you cajinot desire to remain in error yourself, even if you could bring yourself to agree for party purposesanduiomen. tary success to throw dust, for a season, into the eyes ofthe people. So, as lam just addressing myself lo you at this time, you tqust allow me co speak treely, and for your good to make as clear as tne sun, the monstrous fallacies by hich you have been misled yourself, and are trying most actively to deceive others. I cannot believe that you will get mad at this, s you seemed to do ai my other letter to the Banner. Indeed, you mi st permit me to ex press my surprise at the appearance of passion you seemed to be under at that very brief ano well-intended letter. I could not by any lheans anticipate that you would take it amiss to dis cuss freely the important questions voluntarily nlroduced by you in your Washington letters, i rather thought, by bringing tuem forward so üblicly, that you invited discussion, and as you threw your missiles into my District instead >1 your own, 1 could not but suppose that you were challenging me particularly. I did not, therefore, feel t hat 1 was an obtruder ; I will not, however, disguise the fact that 1 was pleas ’d to have the opportunity thus afforded me to defend myselfand party, without the possibility, as 1 thought, of being accused by any one ol improper imerteience with ethers, against the nost unfounded charges that were evei made against any party. Every one must have ob served that your part, here and elsewhere, tak ing advantage of the just sensibility ofthe peo ple on the subject of public expendituies, have, uy misrepresentation and falsehood, labored to mislead and deceive them in relation to the ac tion ofthe late YVhig Congress on that subject. You are perfectly aware that your public press es, and speakers, and circular letter-writers, have been guilty of mystifications and perversions ol truth on this subject, that would suffuse the cheek of any honest man, knowing tue facts as you and 1 du, with a blush for the depravity ol the times. It is a shame tor public men to at tempt thus to take advantage oi the confidence it tne people, and for party purposes, to practice so boldly upon their credulity. It is a game that will not long succeed—the people are too wise and sensible. But before 1 enterupon the argument, or rath er the simple collation of stubborn tacts, and a reference to indubitable public documents, we must settle a small prelimina:y matter which you have brought into view, and which, you will pardon me lor saying, I think rather un worthy of you, and would induce a stranger to suspect, that you were more intent upon mak ing capital than enlightening the “good people ■1 our State ” 1 allude to the first paragraph in your letter of the 1 Oih April, published in the jM,ay IJhitJn which you raise the cry ■ ..or ,:,..l.M,iu-rits ■>.. pv.reeiue .. given, and whom you say nfivt*aTw!S« i against you in your aspirations. In view oi which mal-conduct by these vile Nashville lead ers, you call upon the people of your District lo indignantly rebuke them as they did in 1833, by sending you to Congress, for a similar interfer ence in your affairs. You say “YVhen it suited the views of my Democratic friends to renominate me tor Congress, notwith standing the inclination I had expressed to re tire, and 1 felt it my duty to acquiesce, I knew 1 was again to become one ofthe principal objects ol attack from the leaders in Nashville, wh > seem lo think themselves entitled to the control of the affairs of this State, and none entitled to any office wno does not yield and give active support to their pretensions.” You also say, “and as you had figured large ly in my district in the hard cider campaign, a your friends believed with some reputation, * * * your services were sought or you volun teered them as the champion of whiggery and of that Congress, under a belief no doubt t a they were needed and would be appreciated .n my district.” Now, sir, allow me to assure you that no citi zen of Nashville had any knowledge of my in tention to notice your litter of epistles fr. m Washington until I had done so. I was no prompted to do so either bj’ any desire to injur you or your election particularly, but my objt c was to refute error an! misrepresentation, to e teet and ex, ose trickery, and bring truth as it is before the people generally, but pa. ticul.iriy my late constituents, among who n you saw fit to cast your poisoned arrows. It was certainh very natural and justifiable, that I should fee some solicitude, even though I was not on thr field tor re ele tion, that those whohadso latelj honored me, and for whom I have acted in ; highly responsible station, should have correct imormat on as to my course, and be enabled t decide correctly upon the important question o I arty responsibility for the present ueplorabh state ot things. Now, tn this view of the case are you not surprised at yourself that you havr got into a passion, and indulged in such unbe coining and groundless suspicions against the people of Nashville, just because I did not per mit your attack upon me and my party, before my own constituents too, to pass unnoticed ? Are you afraid ofthe truth, and do you call tha persecution? You should remember that it is only such as are persecuted for righleousnxst sake that are promised a blessing. You are not in that category. Did you expect such an art luliy contrived imposition on the subject of thr public debt, made up of disjointed scraps iron, the records by T. L. Smith, register of the trea sury, tacked together by such remarks as vou were pleased to make, to pass unexposed, where so many Mere wrongfully implicated and the re futation so easy ? If so, it uas a vain delusion, as the result has shown, and a man-of your ex perience might have foreseen it. If you hon estly believed you were right, and really fell that desiie you profess tor the enlightenment o; the people, it is strange that you should regart. it as im jtroper in me, or in the least personal tn offensive to combat your positions. But froe ihe tone of your fetter, one would conclude that you deemed it a very improper interference in your coming election for any one at Nashville, or near Nashville, to r -fute yourcharges againsi the opposing party, even though they were firs promulgakd in the midst of that city. Now you will observe that in the first of your three celebrated letters; all dated at YVashington on the 3d March, (the day of adjournment) you said, “I felt it lo be due to the citizens of om Slate” to make known to the people the astoun ding fact that the Wnigs had increased tw’entj millions. So as vour proclamation was to al the people ofthe State, and directed against al your YVhig colleagues, and the party to which they belong every where, it is with a bad grac that you strive to excite ihe focal feelings of the good people in your district against foreign in tei le.eiicc, on the ground that a blow given by you in another district was repelled by one ot its citizens. The impropriety of your complaint against me is made still more glaring by the fact, tha: vour unfounded accusations agdim the YY i.ig Congress, of which 1 had the honor to be at. numble member, was sentto one of my consiit ■lents, tin- E iter of the Union, to be by him pro nulgited in tue leading Locofocoorgan of the Slate, in the midst of my constituents. Now what is my offence, ol which you seem so bitter ly to complain 1 YY r hy, I addresser! a brief com nunieation t. another one or my own constitu ■nts, the Ei.i'or of Ihe Banner, in which 1 expo -ed vourartful trickery—administered an ano tote to your poison, and gave full and correc locumentary information to guide io correc • inclusions’ all who desired to know the truth. BI had voluntarily gone into your district wit: erious chaiges against you, and endeavored r riminate you before your constiiuents, then would have been more plausibility in you raeeless charge of foreign interference in you ending election. But taking the facts as’the re, is it nut most farcical that you should crj .iit’so lus.ily toyourcons'ituents.that the Nash tile leaders are again upon you as they wei in 1833. and that if they do not come to the res- ue as they did then, you must perish 1 I war ■ ware ofthe fact that it is away you Locos ha vi of trying to workup most every thing that hap pens into a kind of humbuggery to tool the peo ple,'but 1 could not suppose that a man of youi profound sagacity and great experience wouh conceive the idea of making capital by the cry 1 ’ft persecution, under the circumstances of thir j case before so intelligent a constituency as yours. I Ihe little acquaintance 1 have had the pleasure Lai form with them would have enabled me to J know that such a movement would not take I w itn them. I You seem to think that my “services were (/sought, (by the Nashville leaders of course) oi I liar I volunteered them as the champion ot I Whiggery and ot that Congress” in this particu- I lar case, be cause, in what you are pleased to | call “the hard cider campaign,” I had, “as my l/'ricMals supposed,” made some reputation in youi I district. If it be true, sir, that 1 had the good I fortune to win the favorable opinion of my fel |’taw citizens in the district in which you residfc by a discussion before them of the great and vi ' -uil questions involved in the memorable can vass of 1840, it is an achievement of which I should ever feel proud, and on that account, /would be the more careful not to do any thing j ustly calculated to forfeit their confidence. The same feeling of gratitude.should restrain you, (after having so long enjoyed their support from such barefaced attempts’to humbug them info '.he support of your party. YVhen will you get Lifed of this stale practice of playing upon the ifefo’judiccs of the people against Nashville lead- city dictation ? It seems that you have this holiby for ten years at least.— VSH yon nbt Kfto v all the time that there was nothing in it, and that it was only alow fabrica tion to get votes ? Let me advise you to qui it; you have got too old and honorable for this kind ol work—leave it in future tor younger demagogues. But if it be true, are not the Lo cofoco Nashville leaders as guilty as the Whigs! Be ashamed of such stuff, and quit it. You seem to think that inasmuch as I did not see fit to take the field again as a candidate for re-election, that it was unwarrantable in me to expose your fallacies. Itisfrue, that for reasons heretofore made known to my constituents, I did not seeproper to yield to their desires that I should again become a candidate for Congress. I certainly had a fair chance to withdraw my ileclension as you did, even afer my return nome and become the sole candidate tn my neu district. In this, my course accorded with that sound republican maxim of rotation in office, and a fair division ol the honors of the public service. This, you know, is a well established republican creed. But because my appetite was not as insatiable for office as some others, and 1 therefore saw fit to persevere in my M ithdraw <tl, is that any reas n why 1 should not defend myself against imputations brought info my own district by a veteran colleague, out of it, against me for my past conduct as its represen tative? But you must not conclude that I make the least complaint against your invasion of my territory, for if my course and that of the party with which it was, and is my pleasure to act, and with whom I am ever willing to stand ot ■all, cannot be successfully defended against any assaults that have been or can be made againsi it, even bv the combined forces of Locufocoism and their traitor allies John Tyler &Co., let the withering condemnaiiun of our masters come upon us in all its fury. Our cause being just, we feel lhat we have nothing to fear from the ■ullest and freest examination and discussion ol what we have done ana propose to do in f uture, ind will not in any event cry out persecution, an I call for sympathy. YVe think we stand up on a rock which the angriest waves of faction cannot move. Let me, lor your good, inform you that you and your party have got into a great er.or recently. You seem to havearrived al the lame and impotent conclusion that as the Whigs prevailed against j’ou by charging and pressing home upon you a host ol official cor ruptions and party mal-practices, lhat by the use ol the same u’eapons of war you may van quish them in turn. I suppose you go upon the axiom in philosophy that “the like causes will always produce the same effects.” But you have failed entirely to mark the important qual ification, that the circumstances under which ihese causes operate must be similar. With out this, it is not an axiom--it is clearly un irue. Now, the circumstances are, tn the two cases, entirely dissimilar in several important particulars; in our case, the charge-, though numerous, M'eie nevertheless true andfully sus tained by proof; in yours, they are false and unfounded. In our case, we had great princi ples and ques.ions of public policy coming down from Washington, Madison, and the fath- Sgfs Uon-stjiuiion, which you had trampleo ... how, and where are we to find them? You had power four years under Mr. Van Buren, and what did you do for the country? You exhaus ted an overfloM ing treasury, dried up the sourc es of revenue, spent eight millions a year more than thecunent income from the usual sources, —more than double the annual expenses of the Government, and after a mighty effort for fout years brought firth that monster tne Sub-Trea -uiy, when there was nothing to put into it.— And what have you now to promise? nothing, nothing, M orse than nothing. YY hat folly, then, is it in you to expect, by a great and false clam or against the YVhigs, you will get the people to trust you again. But enough on incidental matters. The ques tion in dispute between us is a grave one, amt ought to I e lully and plainly discussed before the people. It is, how ever, one of figures, and though nut well calculated for interesting discussion, yet il is one in which much interest is fell by aany, and certainly susceptible of being made plain lo all who will lake the pains to examine the documents amt consider the proof. Os all tno strange things that I have seen in the conflicts of parties in these latter days, it has seemed to ie the strangest that there should be two opin ions on the question of what partv is responsi ve tor the present pu' lie debt, and that any re q ectable man of any party should sup|>ose that he people could be so blinded by r oliticians .nd party zeal as to have even a doubt ofthe re -poiisibility of your party tor lhat as urell as the general embarrassment of the country. But, some hoM’ or other, you leaders have got to be f opinion that the peo le are so gullable that oihing is too absurd for them to swaliow, ii presented to them by the prominent men ot their ■arty. In confirm di moi this, 1 would remind you of a hackneyed remark used by you and your brethren in Uonyress and elsewhere, that he YVhigs beat you tn 1840, by “hard cider,” coon skins anil merry songs”—and you call it the “hard cider campaign” in your late letter to me. You will also recollect that one of your lead ing editors said in 1810 that “a lie well stuck to was as good as the truth. '* Now’, sir, what re spectcan party leaders have for die intelligence red virtue of the people, or even their ability for -ell-government, who openly charge that they ire capable of being carried off by these means m a great party coniest in which all the talents if the nation were brought into action ! Still you claim the name of iiewioira/s, and profess to iave great faith in the people, and to he their peculiar friends and admirers!! One less cha itanle than myself would be induced to exclaim, ■e hypocrites, how long M illyou continue to de ceive the people with your false pretersions ot ■ ove, confidence, and adoration ? Now, sir, laving a high degree ol respect and friendship for you personally, I will endeavor to convince you at least of ttie error of your ways on this particular question. What are the facts and the only facts stated <y you in your first letters to which 1 replied? ■Vben the Whigs came intopover on the 4th March 1841, the public debt, according to your lateim nt, was $7,840,692 18, and on tne 13th . eli. 1843, near tne cluse of tne second year of Whig rule in Congress, it was $27,389,221 65, miking an increase ol $19,908,529 47. This is II you say in your first summary exhibit. Sen ate doc. No. 41 makesthe punlic debt4thMarch 11 $8,379,059, but M-e will not cavil about tuat. m my answer, 1 admitted that what you said was t:ue; but that in consequence of tailing to ell the whole truth, as you were bound to do, coming forward as a witness as well as prose cutor, your statement was calculated to have, md did have the same effect with the unimfonn •d on the subject as if it bad been utterly un rue. Whether you were guilty of wilful con cealment tor the purpose ot deceiving, 1 will not say, but leave it to others to determine in view of the tacts. 1 supplied your omission by explaining what was meant by the term public lebt at the Treasury Department, and giving at ength document No. 281, by which il was mown by j’our own T. L. Smith, Register ot he Ttea-tiry, that your Iriends left on the 4th vlarch, 1841, when they went out of power, lia . 'ilities ami demands, or in plainer language eto against the government to the amount of -35,527.325 instead of $7,819.6112 18, about five uillions of which last sum, however, isincluded n the former. 1 also explained the reason of he apparent inconsistency oi the two statements, >v giving the meaning of term “public debt’ at lie Treasury, which was Mell known to you, »it carefully' withheld from the people. This explanation is not, nor will it be, denied by you, ml unlocks the nhole mystery, and lobs your nighty effort of its thunder. This explanation .vas, that at the Treasury and upon their books i.i .lennn'is again-l the government, but those for which its bones or notes are out, are classed under the head of “public debt,” all ether de nands are called “liabilities" but areas binding 'ln your great Stale Orean. the Unum. of January 21. 1842. vol 7. So So. you u-ill lind it boldly asserted in the JUotial column in relation 'o the Presidential elecuou i l-ii‘. that -h d d<' Vi'h g • !■ i d te een a llr.ve ,.rs tlvvMY. n.u r the old Ll'nir I. he would h v c-n iiecte c” X ihousand such-entimenta sould be given li eui your uewspaper» aud speechea. tnd as hard to pay as the former, if you an not satisfied on this point, examine again tin wo lihle Tstatesment first published by you but more recently by your august friend ant leader, Gov. Polk, in the Union of May 23u, and doubtless by every little Democrat in th- State for the same purpose you had in vieu when you obtained them. I will here again in sen them that all who read may be convinced: 1. Amount of the Public Debt on Uh March, 1841. Old funded and unfunded debt: Funded debt—interest and princi pals 296,642 05 Unfundid debt—old Trea sury n0te54,595,20 Mississippi 5t0ck4,320,09 Registered debt 26,622,4 4—35,537 73 Debt ofthe corporate cities ofthe District of Columbia, assumed by the United Statesl,soo,ooo Os Treasury n0te55,648,512 41- Total debt,87,480,692 lb Treasury Department, Register’s Office, ) February 13, 1843. 4 T. L. SMITH, Register. 2 S'atement ofthe Public Debt an 13M Feb. 1843. Old funded and unfunded debt: Funded debt—interestand princi pals2Bß,396 40 Unfunded debt—old Trea- sury n0te554,317,44 Mississippi Stock 4,320,09 Registered debt 26,622,44 Debt of the corporate cities ofthe District of Columbia assumed by the U. States 1,380,000 00 Treasury n0te511,711,210 17 Loan of 1841 and ’4213,974,445 11 Total debt 527,389,221 65 Treasury Department, Register’s Office, I Febuary 13, 1843. J T. L. SMITH, Register. And now to make what I say still more mani fest, let me again call your attention to lhat ter rible document, No. 281, which has so signally fi ustrated your schemes, and as it seems ■ ven excited your ire against the member who ot tered the resolution which drew it out ol your friend T. L. Smith. I will not get offend -d with you for this, because it is unreasonable to expect a man to keep his temper when a scheme so art fully contrived, is at once frustrated by the shining forth ot the whole truth. But as un pleasant as 1 know it must be to you, friends who have joined with you in this contri vance, 1 must once more bring it before your eyes though it may be as terrific to you and them as the ghost of Banquo to the bloody Mac beth. Here it is, read it as Belshazzar did the wri ing on the wall. [27th Con., 2d Ses.l [House of Rep.,l Doc. No. 281. Liabillities of the Treasury, March 4, ’4l. Aug 10, 1842—read and laid upon the table. Treasury Department, I Register’s Office Aug. 8, 1842. ) Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you a statement of the amount for which the Treasu ry was liable on the 4th March, 1841, prepared in compliance with a resolution ol the House of Representatives of the 6th instant. I have the honor to be, Sir, your obedient servant, T. L. SMITH. Hon. John White, Speaker of the House ot Representatives. Statement of the amount, and tor which the Treasury tvas liable on the 4lli March, 1841, agreeably to a resolution of the House of Re presentatives ofthe sth August, 1842. Specific appropriations of all kinds undrawn on the 4th March, 1841, $27,134,721 30 Indefinite appropriations drawn betu’een the 4th March and 31st December, 1841, 1,771,269 46 Treasure Notes outstanding on the 4th March, 1841 6,621,334 44 $35,527,325 20 From which deduct cash ba- Ince in the Treasury on the 4th March, 1841, exclusive of deposites with the States and the unavailable funds due by defaulting banks as ascertained from the books of the Treasurerot the United. States, 862,055 81 Totali .. ..$114,665,269 30 The above balance (©862,055, 81) in the Treasutyjiqesnot include tne sum of S3OO,(XX) trust funds.- - SMITH, Register. Treasury Department Register’s Office, Au gust Btb, 1842. Such are the facts, beyond all controversy on both sides, and the question is, Who is responsible for the present public debt! It will be admitted even by you that the Whigs could not refuse to pay the debts the predecessors had coni racted, and appropriations made by them no matter how extravagant oi unwarrantable they might consider them—they could not repudiate. T his might do for Loco foeos, but surely no one any where would re quire or expect it of Whigs. Then, it is clear that your party on the 4th oi March, 1841, left the Government, then handed over to the Whigs, bound to raise over and above any additional debts they might afterwards con tract, the enormous amount ol thirty-five mil lions five hundred and twenty-seven thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars, (35,- 527,325.) But you say lhat this sum included the support ofthe Government for the year 1841, and over this fact you make a great flourish, as il j’ou had discov; red something new. Nowatthis 1 was a little surprised, as I could not but sup pose you had read my communication to which you were making so laborious a reply, and in thaif 1 expressly stated such to be the fact. Youi effort therefore, ti make a different impressiou upon the public mind, is unjust to me as well as to yourself. It is not material whether this vast amouut of debt was ol ol t or new contract ing, it was cast upon the Whigs and had to be met as demanded, or the Government disgraced oy the i uin of its credit. But this was not all the liabilities fell upon us, as 1 think 1 can clear ly show you. Let me give you a lew out ol many additional items and prove it from the records, Appropriated at the Extra Session 1841, See Ho. Doc. No. 62 and Act- of that Session. Balance io Florida Military for services in 1840,d0c. p. 4, Acts n. 31519,388 Amount for same (Sedentary corpse, I suppose,)for six month’s service ,com mencing Nov. 1840 to Ap’l 1841,same page 5297,213 “ for Georgia militia tor services in 1840 and 1841 —same pages 78,495 “ for airearages for roads, harbors, &c. same 40,000 “ for Greenough\statue of Washington contracted for by previous Congress, same doc. p. 6, an I acts p’ 32 20,100 “ for the Navy Pension Hind, which had been to that extent exhausted by pre vious administration, and was of course a debt against the Treasury, same doc. p. 3, and acts p. 7139,666 8594,862 Here is half a million and more appropriated at the called session for outstanding contracts and liabilities, not included in document 281 be cause not then actually appropriated, and conse quently not noticed on the books as a pending lia bility against the Treasury. The large item of $497,657, to pay the Democratic debt against the Post Office Department to be seen in doc. No 62, p. 6 and in the acts of p. 33, is not included be cause it is probable that the same amount uas included in previous acts, and is therefore em braced in the doc. 281. Appropriated at 2d Session ot last Congress and not included in doe. 281. For printing ordered by’ Senate 26th Congress, doc. 293, p. 2527,282 “ printing, binding, &c. documents or- dered by Senate 1836 and 1837—same page 12,250 “ deficiency in fund for contingent ex- penses of House, 26th Congress— same page 98,335 “ repairs of building occupied by Post Office Department under contract with Amos Kendall, 1836- same page 2,572 “ expenses of 6th census, page 10, taken 1840110,000 arrearages since 1834, in General Land Office, page 19 22,628 “ Florida militia, called into service in 4839 and ’4O. page 25 and acts 124... 166,242 “ Georgia militia tor services in 1835 ’36—’37 and 38, acts p. 84175,000 “ Louisiana militia, for services in 1836 acts p. 16961,378 “ Maine militia 1839 acts p. 36 indefinite but at least by estimate2oo,(loo $876,678 Besides the foregoing, we found ourselves bound by solemn treates to pay tor the year 1812, and had to appropriate accordingly. For fulfilling treaty urith Miaunes ol Nov. 28. 1810, (same doc. 283. p. 30) and act 5383,750 “ same with Winnebagoes—same page,..92,860 [ “ fulfilling about 42 other Indian treat- se, fir which reference is made to the same doc, and page as well as the acts 011842..... 649,028 Total liabilities under Indian treat ies for the year 1812—many of these liabilities continue, but I only notice the amount for the year 1842 $1,125,6313 Add this to foregoing appropriations for other debLs 875,68 And you have the amount the Whigs were bound to raise in 1b42 to pay democratic liabilities $2,001,32; To which add amount voted in , 1841, for same, as above set forth in letail 594,86 $2,596,18. And we have the round sum of two mn.iui, ive hundred and ninety-six thousand one hun red and eighty-seven dollars, for which tl< Jovemment was solemnly bound, and had ti appropriate and pay within their two first year m addition to the amouut contained in uocn rient 281, besides a vast amount in private biff ind indefinite appropriations not here taken in to the account, in discharge of obligation contracted by their predecessors. Total liabilities. Those in doc. $35,527,32/ These above enumerated 2,596,18. $38,123,51-. Thirty eight million one hundred and tweni.; three thousand, five hundred and twelve dollar thrown upon the Whigs with the Government on the 4th of March, 18411 Now 1 am sure you willnot deny this, and I have been particular in refei ring you to the pro,, i that you may satisfy yoursell and detect erroii if any there be. lam sure you will not conlro ven any thing your friend T. L. Smith has cer tified in ttoc. 281, nor the plain aclsol Congres. but you were bold and reckless enough to saj in your reply to my former cointiiunicaiion, that your party left the means to pay the appropria tions made by them for 1841 and the other lia bilities which tne whigs inherited from them, but you rely upon naked assertions and piouucv no proof. This 1 have before, and do now most positively deny. So we are at issue on this point also. Then let us resort to the law and testi mony. YV hat means did you leave us to meet and discharge this heavy toailof debt? Why you say there was cash on hand and all the du ties from imports and proceeds ol the sales ol the public lands coming in during the year 1841. That is all true and ery good as lar as it goes. But suppose all this fails far short of raising the amount required, and we were bound to borrow money and give our bonds on time and issue treasurynotes, lhat is give our bonds and prom isory notes lor the balance, after applying all the means provided by you out ol y. ur tai iff and land laws, and these bonds and notes con stitute the publifiaebi, then tell me who is re sponsible for that debt. You seem logo upon the idea that as the Whigs borrowed the money and gave the bunds ol the Government tor it, and issued the treasury notes, which two items make the addition ol near 20 millions to the public uebt pioper or tue public debt in the technical language of Smith and Johnson, that they are responsible and chargeable with waste ful extravagance, even thoueh they may have applied the money thus borrowed and the notes issued to the discharge ofthe dent cast upon them by Van Buren! But the honest people will laugh at your absui dity as soon as the ques tion is barely slated to them. Then let us see what means you actually pro vided. Your favorite treasury officer, T. L. Smith, as you will see in lhat most useful and honest document2Bl (took at it once more) says there was in cash in the Treasury on 4th Match, 1841, $.i62,055. Here we start. The receipts into tue I'reasury from all sources under the laws left by you (except 1 reasury Noles) according to report ol Secretary of Treasury made 20:h Feb. 1841 on the State ofthe Finances, see Ho. doc. No. 18, for three quarters ol that year, that is from Ist Jan. to Ist Oct. 1841, was $12,755,487 viz. From Customs.... $10,847,557 From Land 5a1e51,104,063 From miscellane- ous sources9o,69l From bond of U. S. 8ank662,049 From Banks which failed in 183751,127 But by House Doc. No. 2 of Ex tra Session, it will be seen at page 2- there was received and expended of lhat sum between Ist January and 4th March, by tejected adminrstra- * tion 2,428,247 Leaving to be applied to Demo cratic debt 810,327,240 To which the receipts from all sources during the 4th quarter is to be added. But it must be borne in mind that the W hig tariff' on luxuries, silks, wines, &c., passed at the called session was in force, and catne in aid ot the receipts lor that quarter. In said Doc. No. 18, at page 2, it will be seen that the Secretary of the Treasury estimated, that is, con jectured lhat there would be receiv ed irom all sources except Treasu ry notes and loan during that quar ter, viz: from Ist Oct. to endot the year, 1841 4,390,315 Making total receipts with aid of Whig tariff from 4th March to 31st Dec., 1841514,717,555 You Mill remember that the actu al receipts ol tiie 4th and last quar ter of 1841 tell tar short of the above ■ stimated amount, and the proceeds of th- Whig tariff of the called ses sion added largely to the receipts of that quarter. But 1 will only de duct lor these causes a sum which every one who knows any thing a (iout it, wil) agree is far short oi the true amount 1,717,555 $13,000,(XX) Add to this the cash on hand 862,055 13,862,055 So it appears that the democrat ic party, when they Mehl out of power, left me ir successors bound by legal and honorable obligations to pay, as lully proved above, at fea5t..1..538,123,512 With means trom evety source to amount ol 13,862,055 Leaving a balance unprovided for ol $21,261,457 Now it will be observed that what you and your iriends are | leased to call the wasteful and extravagant expenses and appropriations ofthe called session, ate not included in the above statement, but that independent ol them, wheth er justifiable ur nut, they were bound by the most solemn obligations to raise over ano above all the means (rum every quarter left on hanu 'or provided for during the year by yoyr party, the enormous sum ol more than twen y-J ur an a halt millions! How was this to be paid but by borrowing money upon the credit of the Gov ernment, or liqui atingthe accounts by giving our notes, that is, issuing treasury notes to run upu interest, on the exa tuple set us by our pre decessors, and only justifiable by the urgent ne cessity ot the case? Can any other plan be de vised? Was there any alternative left to the Whigs but to take this c< rurse or see the credit ot their Government utterly ruined? Such a party as ours had no diffi eulty in choosing be tween these hard alternatives. So they raised some of the money by loa n and issued treasury notes for an amouut sufficient to satisfy pressing demands and keep the Government in motion until they had tithe to liuake Mriser regulations fir revenue. And in tb.at way, the “liabilities” the accounts and approjoriations, weresel'led by bonds and notes, and tin ese constitute the public . e/it, so it is only a cha uge in name but not tn substance. Now, sir, as an hor test man, answer me. YY ho is rcsponsibleto thie people lor the increase ofthe pmblic debt ? the Whigs who borrowed and applied the money, or the Democrats who created the debts to w hich the money was ap plied? But, it may be said that the whole am ount of your debt was not required to be paid the first year. That is very true, but still it does not affect the question for it was still a subsist ing debt falling upon and crippling the operation of the next year. The unexpended appropriations at the close of the veaz..-.1844), was 12,366,515 do d0....1841, “ 11,210,864 do d 0.... 1842, “ 10,412,003 These facts appear in Senate doc. 98, page 2 of last session. By this it will, be seen that a less balance by upM'ardsof a million M'ent over to the year 1842, than that which was cast upon the year 1841 from 1840. Yet what we did not pay in’4l came upon us w'ilh interest in 1842. It will be borne in mind that all the laws and rep ulations left by the other party, compromise ar-t and all, continued undisturbed, until thetar i fl of 1842 passed in August, except the tariffon 'luxuries passed at the extra session, which aid ed vour laws and enhanced the income as it is estimated at least three millions, and except al so the distribution act Cara part ofthe year, by which less than one million was diverted from ihe National Treasury and distributed at*ong the States. What now becomes of the assertion that youi party left means sufficient to meet their appro priations for the year 1311? You should neve: indulge in general remarks oi this kind on a con troverted point without giving proof. It is in jurious <o your character with men of sense.— But I was bold enough to state in my other let ter, that instead of the public income of 1811. being sufficient to pay off the liabilities left by Mr. Van Buren, indud.ir g of course the appro priations just made by him for the curre .t ex penses of that year, thnt the whole revenue from VOL. VII-NO 37. II sources, land money and all, for the year 841 and 1842, would not pay the democratic d bt existing on tire 4th March, 1841. 1 now proceed to make this ctiaige good, not ,y vague assertion, but by indubitat le evidence. Amount of liabilities on 4th March, 1841, as elore clearly shown ab0ve538,123,519 841, The whole revenue in- cluding cash on hand as shown ab0ve13,262,055 .842, First two quar ters of 1842, reven ue from customs, land, and a’l other sources, Senate doc. 371, 2d sess. page 18,733,834 i’wo last quarters ol 1842, Senate doc. No. 98, last sess. p 2, revenue from cu5t0m5,...6,421,877 toms,...6,421,877 tevenue fin lands and other sources, not given n this doc tor these quarters, but say . hey were the same as the first ' which is < too high .759,145 7,181,022 15,914,856 29,176,911 Balance of liabilities of 4th Match, 1841, remaining after applying all the revenue ol 1841 and 18428,946,601 Now, if any one sbould retuse to take the pains to examine the proof in “Uppotl of the additions I have made to the liabilities, officially established by Document No 281, which latter no one will be so bold as to dispute, or raise a squabble over the u hole or any particular item, 1 will see how the ac count will stand by taking olf the ap propriations for democratic liabilities not included in that docu.rent, because made sii.ee 4th Mai ch, 1841, by the vt hig52,596,187 Deficiency still remaining6,3su,4l4 Do not forget to obseive that in the foregoing calculation, you have included all the proceeds ol the public lands lor both years, altnougu in fact a portion ol them lor 1812, about one mil lion, 1 believe was distributed to such ol the .states as would receive lueir shares. But I have in this calculation given you tue advantage of them, because as you left the law they would have flowed into the federal treasury. Let me again appe.il to youi candor to say whether 1 iiave not made out lire proposition be yond all cavil that under the laws an . financial arrangements of your party the whole revenue oflB4lahd 1842, wiln me aidol the Whigtariffi upon luxuries, (many of which, particularly silks and wines, were free, and wouiu have pro duced no revenue under your laws) aid not yield money enough even to pay oft tne debts, lor which you belt the government bound, on me 4ln ol March, 18411 1 leel confident you will give it up, al least as soon as your election is over, because you see, that alter applying the whole ol the income in those years, mere is still left a balance of upwards ol sue millions. But you lelt us an army, navy, judiciary, and executive to support tor 1842. Alt L.ese—eve ry branch of tne government you lelt organized on the most extravagant scale, as you fully ad mit by your laudable course in the way ol cur tailing and retrenching with myselt and others at the two last sessions. The only misfortune is that your party would not do any thing ol ihe kind when in power. Suppose the Whigs could have brought the expenses of me Govern ment at once down to the scale that the federal, aristocratic, extravagant administration ol Ad ams, Clay, &c., had it belbre we aenocralic,eco nomical, retrenching Jacs son men came into power, to wit: about thirteen millions lor 1842, still by adding to that you* seven millions and the above balance you have a debt ol twenty eight millions. But no one of any party suppo ses that the government can now be carried on tor thirteen millions. And if it could, no one would be so unreasonable as to require a party to etlecl a ieduction of twenty millions in two years. Much more lime would be necessary to accomplish so great a work without doing vio lence to the public service, and injustice to those who are engaged in it. For instance, you re member that it was the middle of the year 1842, before we could succeed in reducing the demo cratic standing army of upwards of 12,000 men, down to a whig army of about 8,000 men, but as the men had served to that period ol the year, it would not answer to disband them at that sea son, and cast them oil to starve, with perhaps the scars ol honorable war upon many ot them. Consequently provision had to be made lor their pay during Hie year. The same remaik will properly apply to many other things upon which we eliecteu important reductions, the enumera tion of which in detail would probably take up more of your time to read, than you can hnd it convenient to spare Irorn your present can vass. But under the circumstances, we felt it our duty to apj roj riate for the service of that year, exclusive of $4,485,900 for the transpoitalion of the mail, &c., which aie always intended to be discharged by postages and not tluown upon the treasury except when badly managed, $20,071,- 277. lam aware that you and many of your patty have been in the habit of stating this sum much larger. But 1 have the proof letore me, and will reter you to it, (for you have the same testimony 1 have in your files-) so that it you misrepresent this fact any more it shall beclear ly wiltul, anu not through mistake. You shall not even have the miserable apology recently made in the public prints by one ol your late democratic colleagues now in the field again, for certain statements maue by him, which was hat he had found them in circular letters ol the lion. Lynn Boyd of Kentucky, ana the Hon. Geo. Houston ol Alabama, two democratic m- mbers . fti.e late Congress, both running lor re-election! I x lien with this precaution and friendly ad monition, permit me to refer you to House Doc ument No. 293, page 32, where you will find the w; ole appropriations lor 1842 to be.. 24,557,177 And at page 11, you will Una the amount lor carrying the mail, paying post masters, &c., which is included in the above, and amounts to 4,485,900 $20,071,277 This sum of twenty millions you will find by examination, also includes all the items hereto fore enumerated, which we had to appropriate to pay your debts and contracts, amounting, as you u ill remember, to $2,001,325, which, ii you will take the pains to deduct from the above sum, will leave only $18,060,952. 1 his cer tainly does not look very extravagant to the eyes of a democrat, who has been in the habit of looking upon the annual appro) nations ol his own party for the four years that Mr. Van Bu ren was in power, with a majority all the time in both Houses ol Congress. 7 hese were as I stated in my former communication, as follows: For 1837, regular and extra session, as ap pears by doc. no. 223, and doc. no. 465.34,375,325 For 1838, doc. no. 46438,413,064 For 1839, doc. no 24936,862,242 For 1840, doc.no. 26523,696,032 Making for four years a grand to- tal 015133,347,265 Which makes an average for the four years 0f533,336,816 Now, I have the original documents showing the above facts in my possession, all signed by your favorite party clerks, Walter S. Franklin or H. A. Garland, who would not of course make them too strong against their friends— they would be more apt to err on the other side. You were a member of Congress in 1839-’4O, and doubtless have the same documents in your possession, and ot course will be able to point out any mistakes your friends (the clerks) have made against your party. Now, 1 pray you ex amine them before you write again, and do not fill your next letter with long extracts from the speeches of members ot Congress, and new spa perslang, but march up to the law and testimo ny, and argue like a man —giving to the good people the truth as it is. Being an old and able lawyer, as well as veteran politician, you know what is evidence and what is not. 1 am aware of the high importance of the present contest to your party, and that you all legard the issue as decisive ol your fate forever in this State, it you should be vanquished in August, by that noble Whig phalanx by whom you have been so often routed. But although two Senators in Con gress, the gubernatorial and Legi'lative power perhaps lor years, if not forever, depends upon the result, the people should be fairly dealt with that they may decide the contest upon principle ind be content with their decision. You must excuse me for wedging up the proof so closely at all points, and dovetailing the work upon you and your party ; tor notwith standing I cannot tail to know that it is unplea sant to you or any oneelse to he so fenced about that there is no way to escape, yet 1 will not dis guise the fact that the uncalled for temper and tone of your letter renders the auty I am endea voring to perform to you and the country, a ple«r