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FRIDAY MORNING AUGUST2B 1846.
Letter of Acceptance of R. IV. Flournoy.
The letter of this gentleman, accepting the
nomination of the Democratic Convention, as
their candidate to represent the B.h Congression
al District, will be found in to day’s paper.—
When we read the sentence, in which he con
siders himself to be the leader us a ll forlorn hope,”
but urges his fellow Democrats to meet the
“enemy” “as gallantly” as though victory await- 1
ed their efforts, the following description of a pat
riotic purpose was called up to memory:
“What is thafynu would impart tome?
If it be au”ht to the general good,
Set honor in one eye and death i’ Hie other,
For. let the god* so spted me, as I :ove
The name ot honor mote than I fear death.”
Mr. Flournoy evidently looks for “death” in
the contest, but he is cheered in the gloomy
prospect, with the consoling reflection, that if I
he should die by the hands of the heathen, like
a good spirit he will receive his reward. He (
alludes to himself of courseas the Missionary, ;
and the 8 h Congressional District as the heath
en land, in the following complimentary sen
tences in his singular letter :
“The Missionary is most needed where
the light of truth shines most dimly’ * * “This
Congressional Dish ict is at present the Citadel
of Error in Georgia.”
“We find where civilization, learning and
refinement once flourished, ignorance and bar
barism now have their abode. Where truth ‘
was once universally acknowledged, error at 1
present exists. There is a sad illustration ot
this fact in this District.” I
Mr. Flournoy is certainly not as honey
tongued as some who court the people, but '
while base flittery we despise, ive think a pro- 7
per regard to propriety and decency is due to
his fellow-citizens, from whom he asks, and t
would receive, a high station of honor and pio- ‘
fit.
But we will pass over all this, as wc will see,
in time, what this Missionary, so lull ot lumi
nous material, will do to extirpate “error” from
the “Citadel” and restore “truth” to the places <
from which it has been so rudely driven by
(he “blindness of prejudice, and the bigotiy of
ignorance.”
As to Mr. Fiournoy’s allusion to the light of
truth penetrating “the home of our Anglo-
Saxon Fathers,” we shall say but little now—
we have shown on various occasions, hereto
fore, that the reductions in the English tariff
have been made as much fur the protection of
the interests of England, as any high protective
duties which her government ever imposed.—
We shall have much to say upon these things,
ere long, and pass for the present to the allusion
of the Democratic candidate to the “Conscript
Fathers” of the old Stale Rights party, and to
his own firmness and immutability as their
“scholar” and adherent to the “faith” which
they “taught” him.
Some min Is are too great for change—Wash
ington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, Calhoun
and a host of o het great men may have changed
their views upon some important question or
other, but still there are minds too subtle, 100
luminous, too nearly allied to inspiration, even
to find a reason or necessity lor a change of
opinion upon any subject. Such men are teal
geniuses, philosopher, statesmen and Solomen
at birth. As the young idea shoots forth, it hits
the mark invariably every lime. No opinion
can be adopted in violation of fact and truth.
A secret Mentor follows them at every step,
unlocks each difficulty in the way and portrays
with living light each character of tru:h upon
every question and subject that can possibly
come before them. They are right by destiny,
and consequently can never err, and are ot
course as firmly established in their opinions as
the sun is in the heavens. They have no use
tor reason, and it is utterly vain to seek to in
fluence them by facts, as they see by intuition
and can never be wrong, for their bosoms are
the glittering temples ot unerring truth.
“Thescholar hasadvanced as directed against
the Tariff, while the masters have turned aside
to heap proscription upon his head.”
The “scholar” wasa nullifier —is he one still?
He was in favor of resisting the operation of a
lawof the land, it we have not been misinformed,
Is he for this violent policy yet? Does he go
before the old Union men, with such principles
as these, and ask them to clothe him with power
and influence for evil?
The candidate of the Democrats, certainly
does not look to any of bis “ old State Rights
friends” to come to his aid in this hour of bis
need ! He certainly cannot expect that, or he
would not speak of them as follows:
“ This political apostacy is the result of pre
judice. You would rather be wrong in oppos
ing, than right in agreeing with your political
opponents—you give them the choice of sides
.on all questions, and conient yourselves with
rtbe glory of opposing them. But more than
this. You desert your own principles rather
then have their company. The blindness of
prejudice and the bigotiv of ignorance could go
no further than this. Thus driven from pillar
!O post, you seem anxious not to guard the or
thodoxy of your political faith, but to escape
from truth to error, with a facility perfectly mi
raculous.
He charges them with to be tt wrong
rather than rig AL” With giving the "choice of
sides on all questions” lotheir opponents, and
■then taking the other to oppose them. Mr.
Flournoy certainly holds their Armrs/y in the r.vi/
highest estimation! “But mote than this,” lie
says. He charges them with their
principles” for the mean reason that they woul I
prefer to do that to keeping company' with the
Democrats! He says of them, that they are not
anxious to guard their faith, but are only anx
ious to escape from troth to error \\ !
“ Whom the Gods intend to destroy, they first
make iuad. : ’ 7'his seems tu be verified in the
rase ot Che “uandard bearer” us the Democrats
in this Congressional Dishi«*t. We will not
notice now Mr. F.’s laudation of Mr. P Ik,nor
his boast that the soldiers of’ (he United Stales
can whip the “ boastful Mexican*.” He might
have called them the weak and cowardly Mexi
cans and kept his conscience clear at that ’
The Whigs want no better weapon placed in
•their hands than this letter of Mr. Flournoy.
He would benefit them by writing some mote
fl ike it. If he does no , and he meets Mr.
"i'ooinbs, as he professes to be so “ anxious” to
do, we expect his demolition to he suddenly con
summated.
We hoped the Democratic candi late would
take higher ground than the abuse of his po
litical opponents! But he has made his choice,
let him bide the consequences.
Sawyer, of Sausage notoriety, has been re
jected by the Democracy of his District, and a
Mr. Armstrong nominated over him. Wheth
er his constituents have bettered themselves, re
mains to be seen ; they certainly deserve some
credit for declining io renominate such a black
guard as Sawyer. The Democracy in other
sections might profit by this example.
The Hon. George McDuffie —I he Co
lumbia South Carolinian announces that “it is
now understood that Mr. McDuffie will vacate
his seal in the Senate of the United States.”
A Leiter from Stockholm says that about
1000 of the better class of Swedish peasants
were to emigrate to the United Slates in the
past month ot June. It is their intention to
form a colony in some of the Western States.
The Cincinnati papers ot Wednesday an
nounce the death of Cui. Fanning, ot the U. S.
Army. He expired at the llenrie House in
that c»ty on Tuesday, ot apoplexy, alter an ill
ness of about an hour. The Cincinnati Atlas
says:
Col. Fanning was a veteran officer in the
service of his country, and was engaged in more
hard fought battles than perhaps any other offi
cer in the army- He acted a conspicuous part
in the battle cl Bridgewater—and other battles
of the iate war with Great Britain, and in the
late Seminole war. He was several limes
wounded and l<»st one ot his arms, which was
amputated. He was brave as Caesar, and high
ly’ respected by all who knew him, both in the
army and out of h.
More New Cotton.—The Savannah Republican
of Wednesday morning says: Thirteen bales of
new Cotton w- re received by the cars last evening,
fiom the plantations of Chas. Cunningham and
Wm. B. Hodgson, Esqrs., in Jefferson county.
Gen. Taylor’s Biogaai’hy, lately published,
contains the following, which was not given
in the papers al thetime it was issued. It is
one of the best of the many evidences the peo
ple have had of the energy and bravery of old
Rough and Ready :
HeadGLuarters, Army of Occupation, |
Point Isabel," May. 4, 1816. $
The army will march at 3 o’clock to-day in
the direction of Matamoros. It is known that
the enemy has recently occupied the route in
force—it still in position the General will give
them battle.
Th? Commanding General has every confi
dence in his officers and men. If his orders
art carried into effect, he has no doubt of the
result, let the enemy meet him in what manner
they may. He wishestoenjoin on tl e battalions
ot infantry that their main dependence be
in the bayonet.
By order of Bri". Gen. 'Baylor.
Signed, W. W. Bliss, A. Adj. Gen.
The Razor Strop Man’s Toast.—Henry
Smith, the Razor S op Man, attended a public
dinner, held atCharlottsville, Ya., on the 21st
ot February, the day before the anniversary of
Washington’s birthday, and gave the following
toast:
“ To-m<>rrow, the best day in the week, the
birthday ot Washington, a man so truly great,
that our only regret is, that there are not a ftw
more left of the same sort. 11
A man got angry with him and called him a
fool. “ Well,” said he, “it lam, there’s one
more left ot the same sort.”
r l\l('graphic Cor. of the Baltimore American.
Very Late From Rio de Janeiro.
Philadelphia, Aug. 24, 8 P. M.
Advices from Rio de Janeiro to the 16th ult.
were received at New Y’ork to-day. The news
ot the breaking out ot the war between the U.
Slates and Mexico had been received at Rio and
caused a great sensation. It was utterly impos
sible to obtain freights for the American ves
sels in port, and Capt. Rosseau, ot the U. S.
frigate Columbia, had notified American sh p
masters that the Plymouth and Bainbridge were
expected at Ri<>, and would convoy any vessel
out that required it.
The Brazilian Government were sending
troops to the province of Rio Grande, in conse
quence of anticipated difficulties with Buenos
Ayres.
From the A’. O. Tropic
From Vera Cruz.
By leitersreceived in thiscity from Pensaco
la, we aie advised of the arrival of the U. S.
steamship Mississippi at that poit on the 10th
inst., in lour and a halt days from Vera Cruz.
An encounter had taken place on the 7(h
insl., between a portion ot nur squadron ami me
Mexicans, at the port of Alvarado. Com. Con
ner had ordered the steamships Princeion and
Mississippi, and three or four smaller vessels,
to Alvarado, forthe purpose otcutiingout some
vessels that were moored there under the protec
tion of the gunsol the fort. Unfortunately, neither
of the steam vessels could gel in, owing to the
shoalness ol the harbor, and the undertaking
had, therefore, to be abandoned on the 8:h, with
out succeeding in its object. The Princeton
and the Mississippi, however, were enabled
from their position io bring their heavy metal
to bear on the enemy’s works on shore, and suc
ceeded in a short time in silencing the gunsand
battering down the fort. No damage was sus
tained by any of the vessels ot the squadron in
the attack.
Ti e (evolution in Vera Cruz, in favor ot San
ta Anna, ot which we had previous intelligence
bv way ot Havana, is confirmed by this arrival.
It is also stated that a similar revolution had
simultaneously broken out in the ci’yof Mexi
co, ihe results of which were not definitely known
at the time <>t the Mississippi’s sailing. No
mention is made otthe arrival of Banta Anna
at Vera Cruz, ami the presumption is that he
had not arrived, as the British packet in which
he was to sail from Havana would not proba
bly leave there before G,e morningot (he sth,
making his arrival at Vera Cruz improbable
before the 15th or 16th.
A melancholy occurrence,and one which cast
a gloom over the squadron, took place on the
night ol ihe 241 h ult, at Vera Cruz. A sail was
observed in the oiling the day previous, which
alter wards proved to be the Si. Mary’s, a boar
was manned from the Mississippi and put to
sea, tor the purpose ot overhauling yessel.
and in a violent squall it was capsized and Mid
shipm&n Wingate Pillsbury, ot thiscity, and
a seaman, were drowned.
We have since seen a letter addressed to a
gentleman of thiscity from Pensacola. It is
there stated that Santa Anna was daily expect
efl at Vera Cruz, and that one hundred guns
had been fcrefl at the Castle ot San Juan de Ulna
in anticipation ot his arrival.
Late from Havana. — The schf. Merchant.
Capt. Kean, arrived nt this port yesterday, in 4
days from Havana. Bv her wc received files of
Havana papers to ihe 20thmst inclu’ive.
By an arrival from Campeach}' intelligence \vs*
received at Havana t<» the sth inst. An official
paper (El S gio A'Z-V) published at Merida th?
capital of Yucatan, in its editorials expresses it
self in favorable terms of the declaration (pronun
ciamenio) of several Mexican Departments, and
applauds the call for Gen. Santa Anna. The same
paper states also that the Congress of Yucatan had
unanimously appioveit a bill for ihe admission,
free of duty, of all saltpetre and sulphur, intended
for the manufacture of gunpowder.
The Diario de la Marina of Havana states that
the steamers Montezuma and Gaudaloupe, which
lately belonged to the Mexican Government had
been purchased by the commander in chief of the
Naval post of Havana for the Spanish service, and
now form a part of that Navy.
Capt. Keau confirms the accounts before publish
ed, of Santa Anna having sailed from Havana on
the 9th inst. on board the Br. steamer Arab, for
Vera Cruz.— Charleston Courier of yesterday.
Chief Justice Marshall and the French
Spoliations.— During the late debate in the
of Representatives on the bill for the settle
ment of claims for French Spoliations, anterior to
the year ISOO, Mr. King of Massachusetts moved
for the reading of the following letter from the
Hon. William C. Preston, the late distinguished
Senator from South Carolina, in which is given an
authentic statement of the opinion of Chief Jus
tice Marshall upon the validity of this claim upon
the Government of tbe United States.
Columbia, January 25, 1845.
Sir, —I have this moment ieccive.l your letter of
the 24th instant, inquiring of me concerning Judge
Marshall's opinion on the claims tor Fren. h spolia
tion anterior to 1800.
When that subject was under discussion in the
Senate some yeais since, as a member of the com
mittee to which it had been given in charge I be
stowed no little pains in the investigation ot it,
and as 1 believe it will happen to cvcrv one that
docs so, I became thoroughly sati*iicd with <he
justness of the claims.
While they were under discussion in the Senate
they happened to bo the sul ject of conversation be
tween Mr. Leigh, Mr. Calbonn, and my c elf, one
evening in our mess parlor, when Judge Marshall
stepped in,and, having overheard or being inform
ed of the subject of conversation, asked to share
iu it, saying that, having been connected with the
events of that period, and conversant with the
j circumstances under which the claim aro*e, he was
I from his own knowledge satisfied that there was
i the strongest obligation on the government to com
pensate the sufferers by the French spoliations.
| He gave a succinct statement of the leading facts.
> i and the piincipies of law applicable to them, in so
precise and lucid away that it seemed to me a
• termination of the argument by a judicial decision.
. I It was apparent from his manner that he felt an
interest in the inculcation of his opinion, arising
1 from a deep conviction of its truth.
I most heartily desire that the long delayed and
very inadequate justice, now proposed to these un
' fortunate claimants, will be made this session.
I am, dear sir, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM C. PRESTON.
James H. Cavsten, Esq.
Mr. Flournoy’s Letter.
Sander vh.ee. August 18, 1546-
Messrs Hook and Aid 'onncll, Committee.
Gentlemen—Y’our note infortnirg me that the
Democratic Convention for the Bth Congressional
DLtrict, assembled in Warrenton, have done me
the honor of selecting me as the candidate to rep
resent the Democratic party of this district, “m
the ensuing campaign,” and expressing the desire
that I wouM accept, has been received. I duly ap
preciate the kindness of the Convention, and in
accepting to lead the “forlorn hope,” I know of no
reason why we should not as gallantly meet the
enemy as though victory awaited our cffoits. A
conviction of the correctness of tiic principles wc
advocate, should nerve us in their advancement,
in sunshine or iu storm. The Missionary is most
needed, where the light of truth shines most dimly.
Defeat in a just cause can bring no disgrace; the
honor remains with justice, though trampled under
the feet of numbers.
That honest differences of opinion may be en
tertained by honest men, I doubt not ; in fact it is
a truism admitted as soon as stated ; still, the right
is only on the one side, the wrong is with the
other. Most minds are capable of airiving at cor
rect conclusions, if uninfluenced by prejudice or
unswayed by interest. Ihe mass of the people
aim at what is right,and therefore our faith is un
shaken, tnat when left to that tribunal, truth will
triumph. Y'et error marshals a numerous aimy of
deluded followers, and will for a while retain its
stronghold in despite of the light of reason, and
the force of truth. This Congressional district is
at present the citadel of error in Georgia. Upon a
question which has exercised an exciting and con
trolling influence for many years in our slate, and
which is destined to be a subject of controversy
for years to come, a gieater difference of opinion
exists at present than formerly. Ihe time was,
that in Georgia, no party could be found to advo
cate a protective taiiff. The Union and State
Rights parties both opposed it: they differed as to
the mode of redress. The question remains just
where it did at first. It is free trade and restric
tion. Truth and error cannot amalgamate. While
the luminous star of the one has ascended rapidly
in the accomplishment of its bright and glorious
destiny, the dusky banner of the other has been
unfurled, though trailing in the dust. Whilst the
vital influence of the one has spread over the
larger portion of cur own country, its light has
penetrated the superstition of centuries in other
lands, and in the home of our Anglo Saxon fathers,
it has uprooted, overturned and destroyed this
idol of aristocratic veneration—this oppressor of
toiling millions.
We find where civilization, learning and refine
ment once flourished, ignorance and barbarLm
now have their abode. Where truth was once
universally acknowledged, error at piesont exists.
There is a sad illustration of thh fact in this dis
trict. 1 know not what new light has broken up
on the vision of myoid State Rights friends, who
now plume themselves in having dropped their
principles as well as name, in their amalgamation
with the wings. It was from you. conscript fa
thers of that once existing and rejected party, I
received my fns f lessons of opposition to a pro
tective tariff'. Believing yon sincere, and standing
as I knew you did upon the firm foundation of con
stitutional justice, 1 gave you my adhesion. It
however, that the lessons you taught me,
havo made an impress! n more lasting, than the
faith oi my political teachers. The scholar has
advanced as directed against the tariff while the
masters have turned aside to heap proscription up
on his head. Consistency, where is tiiy blush !
This po itic il apostacy is the result of prejudice.
You would rather be wrong in opposing, than
right in agteeing with your political opponents—
you give them the choice of sides on all questions,
anil cuntent yourselves with tbe glory us opposing
them. But more than this. You desert your own
piincipies, rather than have their company. The
blindness of prejudice and the bigotry of ignorance
•onld go no further than this. Thus df.ven from i
pillar to post, you seem anxious not to guard the
orthodoxy of your political faith, but to escape
from truth to error, with a facility perfectly mira
culous.
Now that a law of deliverance and justice has
been passed by Congress, abolishin.. odious duties
which, with an iion heel, have been crushing the
eneigies of the laboring man, and al! others not
interested in the monopoly of manuiacturcs, a
panic has been attempted to be gotten up, and fac
to: ies have failed four months before Ue law is to
go into effect—strange too, that this (ftjrt should
be produced, when the great Sanhedrim us wbig
gery has announced that the higher the duties the
lower the prices, and ah his satellites have ciied
amen. The duties are to be reduced. If Mr.
Clay is right, tbe price of goods should rise. Do
factories fail, because they get more for their
goods ? But this question need not be blinked, I
do not look upon factories in a national point of
view—they stand upon the tame footing as any
other property of the country, owned by iudivid
uas If they cannot exist, without taking money
out of the pockets of the many, for the benefit of
the few,jlet them go down. But the cry of repeal
has been started in the Senate, and is henceforth
to be the war cry ot attack, it oecomes inc urm
ocracy to be up, and arrest this scheme, and
strangle it in its in’ancy, for upon them depends
tho future admini (ration of this government iu
the spirit of the constitution.
There is much to encourage us to persevere
The President of our choice has nobly met the ex
pectations of his friends, and deserves to receive
the approbation of his enemies. He has forsaken
no pledge—he has left no promise unredeemed.—
Planting himself upon the democratic doctrine of
the Jeffersonian school, he has conducted the affairs
of the govern nent with an ability, and success,
gratifying to his friends, and mortifying to his oppo
nents. In peace, and in war, his administration
stands out prominently before the world, and iu no
period of our country’s history, has she progressed
so lapidly in that icnown which renders nations
immortal. A large accession to our territory has
been acquired ; the beneficial effects of which, will
not much longer be a matter fur doubt. A treaty
has been made, defining our boundary to another
extensive portion ol territory,and removed the 1 .st
subject of disagreement between us ana (treat Bri
tain ; thereby piomising a long and beneficial peace
to both countries. The arrogance of France, in
attempting to establish her balance of power doc
trine on this continent, has been met, defied —and
more than that, defeated by that weapon most po
tent with Frenchmen, ridicule. Our name is known
and respected in all countries, and our aims have
vindicated our supremacy upon the Rio Grande,
and taught our boastful enemy, that justice wit!:
us is sustained by might.
In conclusion, I would say to my friend, Col.
Toombs, that if it will meet his convenience, tu
canvass this district, it will give me pleasure to
meet him in discussion of the political questions of
the day. I say, if it will meet his convenience, as
he has been long absent from the State, and just
returned home. I wish to be understood, howev
er, as b£m£ anxious to meet him. If he will do
so. let nim signify the points at which he can be
found, thtougb the papers,or by loiter, to myself.
I am gentlemen, very respectfully ymirs,
H. W. FLOURNOY.
Wantof Humility.—Our friend, Sum Flour
noy, of tbe Columbus Enquirer, seems to ques
tion the humility ol his kinsman, tor accepting
the democratic nomination—he says:
“ ThePeniocratsof lheSih district have nomi
nated Mr. R. W. Flotirroy of Washington
county, as their candidate lor Cougits.: in that
district. Mtycy upon us! what a name tobe as
piring so high! We thought humility amounted
io almost a fault in ihe family, but il our kins
man accepts this nomination \ye shall not only
change our opinion, but will desire the next
Legislature to change his name. Would not
greene be some name lor somebody ?■’
The Volunteers —We know not who is in
fault—but the volunteers complain bitterly oi the
delays that arc interposed to the payment of the
poor pittance that is coming to them.
A morning paper says the amount demanded of
some of the companies for clothing has been great
ly reduced, when the accounts came to be ex
amined. Who’s in fault ? We trust this question
will be answered ; and above all, we trust those
brave men will not lose a cent tnat is their own.
—.V. O. Courier.
The Santa Fc Expedition.
The St. Louis Republican of August 18 says:—
‘•Wc understand, from a reliable souice, that ap
prehensions aie entertained at Fort Leavenworth,
and by the United States officers concerned, that
the requisite supply of provisions cannot be for
warded to Gen. Kearney. Great exertions have
been ma le by the Quattermasters nt this place and
at the Fort, and through their agents and assis
tants, to procure the means of transportation. All
the wagons which could be made or purchased
have been I ought and sent up to the Fort. A
large number us wagons and tea ns—in fact, nearly
every one that could be had, have been bought in
' the upper country; yet, with all these exertions,
• only piovisions sufficient to supply for six months
' the men Gen. Kearney has with him have gone
forward. He expected to receive provisions for
i twelve months ; and this amount will be necessary
for the subsistence of his troops; for all the tra
ilers and persons acquainted with New Mexico
concur in saying rhat provisions for such a force
are not to be had in tbe provinces.
“In addition tu the troeps with Gen Kearney,
Col Price’s regiment of about 1,000 men; Lieut.
Col. Willock’s extra battalion of about 500 men;
Lieut, ('ol. Allen’s battalion of the Mormons,
about 503, which, with &c , will make
a body of about 2.500 men, have yet to go forward,
and for these but a small amount of provisions
have been sent forward; probably not more than
sufficient to supply them on their march. In a
few days the regime: t of Infantry now raising will
also be ready to march, and they also must be sup
plied.
We trust that the difficulties may be overcome
by the energy and industry of the officers who
have the matter in charge. As an evidence of the
great demand for wagons, teams and drivers, the
sutlers have agreed to pay as high as fifteen cents
a pound lor the transportation of their stores.'’
Thesteamer Hibernia touched at Halifax,
and reported ihat a tew hoars alter leaving Bos
ton, while surrounded by a dense fug, they r an
down the schooner Maine, oi Cohasset, sinking
her immediately. Six out of eleven personson
board perished; the remainder were rescued
and landed at Halifax.
AUGUSTA, GA,, THURSDAY MOVING, SEPTEMBER 3. 1816.
SATURDAY MORNING, AUG. 29, 1846.
How arc the Debts of the Government
to be I’aid t
More than fifty millions oi dollars have been
appropriated by Congress, at its late session, to
meet the public wants. More than thirty-five
millionsot that sum were forthe Army and Navy
and the Mexican war. Ata lime, then, when
the whole world was comparatively al peace
—when the great nations of the earth, with a
sublime humanity, were wreathing branches ol
the olive around their flag-staffs and their seep
tres, we are plunged into a cruel and expen
sive war. Fitly odd millions ot dollars, instead
of halt that sum, are appropriated to keep the
wheels of government revolving, and enable ii
to crush its weak and distracted neighboring
voZces of republican institutions. The issue of
Treasury notes and loans of money are autho
rized to keep them from stopping. But every
Treasury note which is issued, involves a debt
to that amount, and every debt incurred by that
means, or loans, must be met and paid in some
way, and at some future period.
What provision did Congress make for the
payment of ihe public debt ? It is admitted that
the public lands will yield but little income—
how then is the money to be raised to pay the
creditors ot the nation ? Ot couise by the “ex
perimental Tariff'’ of 18-16! The qmsX san
guine friends ot that law, do not anticipate from
it more than twenty-five millions ot dollars.—
That is not more than enough for a time of
peace. But it it should be found, as most pro
bably it will be, that ihe act will fall several mil
lions short of raising that sum, how much
greater will be our monetary difficulty!
There can be no remedy lor the evil, no pro
vision forthe payment ot the thirty millions of
debt incurred the first year, and increased every
year thereafter, if the present tariff remains in
force, but a resort to direct taxation. It will
come to ihat. The Administration could not
prevent it, even if it could “coin their hearts,”
and “drop their blood for drachms,” with which
to meet the imperious duns of the public credi
tors. This difficulty, too, is brought, or will be
brought, upon the people with diminished means
to bear it. Georgians will recollect tl.e heavy
taxes which they have borne, to pay the debt of
their beloved State, and save its honor pure
from the foul stain of repudiation. They were
willing, as honorable citizens should be, to bear
it all lor so noble a reason. How will they feel—
when their State is fast diminishing its debt by
the wise legislation of the Whigs, and the pru
dent management and wisdom of Lieirexeellent
Governor—how wilt they leel, we say, to see
ihe minions of the general Government prying
into ther f ouses, swearing them as to their ac
counts, their debts, their dues, their bonds and
every branch of their business, to burthen them
with taxes and harrass them for their payment?
Are the people ready for this?—for thirty, filly,
perhap* a hundred millions to be placed upon
their plantations, their capital, whether nroduc
tive or idle, to annoy them with the presence
ol tax-gatherers and embarrass them with his
exactions?
The present administration, sustained by the
party which placed it in power, is fast bringing
on this happy condition of things’
We are to have the operation ot a tariff’,
whif'h, while it will not secure revenue to meet
the wants of the government, will cripple the
energies of the people. It sets the government
a begging, and at the same time cuts down the
wages of labor. It oppresses the country with
debt, and lakes the bread from the mouths ot the
daily workman and his wife and children.
A. short while since, the country was at peace,
Iruu ajld siriJL Jivrl ve jjjlOlonS 01 SUI-
plus funds on hand—the people were prosper
ous and happy : —and now, we are speculating
how an enormous debt shall be cancelled and
the people kept from embarrassments and heavy
direct taxation! Our markets will soon b'
flooded with foreign goods—the currency will
be deranged by the withdrawal ot specie to pay
for them. This, added to the prostration o
home business and labor, and the bona fide ope
ration ot lire Sub-Treasury, v ill produce uni
versal confusion and pressure, and it will be
fortunate for us if the banks are not forced to
another suspension of specie payments, and
thousands ot our people compelled, again, to
take a last look at their property under the ham
mer ot the sheriff!
There is a remedy, however, in the hands of
rhe people. It is to displace the “experimen
ters,” and put in their steads, sound, sensible
and practical men. Let the present tariff be
repealed andanother substituted for it, that will
raise a revenue to meet the annual wants ol
the country, and pay off a portion ot its debt.—
This was done by the tariff of 1842, which has
been repeale I. That must be re-established,
with such, or any alterations, which time and
experience have shown to be tequired, either
for greater equality, or revenue. But, above
all, we must turn out from the national man
sion, theoccupant, who, incompetent from want
of comprehension to direct public affairs, is
yet still more so, from taking into his lofty
station, the narrow cunning, thepliantacquies
cence, the bigoted spirit, of the mere pattizan.
Till these things are dene, the country will
be prostrated, the public treasury beggared, and
the national credit and honor impaired.
Ej-Both the mails due last evening came
I through as far North as Philadelphia —only ont
from New York.
Igwa.—The Burlington Hawkeye says the
Constitution has been accepted by 3 to 400 ma
jority. It so, another new State is added to the
Union.
The New York Express ol Monday afternoon
says: The enormous expense ot the Govern
ment is producing its natural effect on the price
of Government stocks; and holders are now
willing to sell at lower rates. Sales of 6’s at
1044 took place, at a decline of 1} per cent, up
on the last sale; and ofs's at 08, a declined 1
per cent.
Santa Anna.—The Pensacola correspondent
ot the Picayune says that Santa Anna was look
ed tor at Vera Cruz daily, in the British steam
ler Hector. It is said to be Commodore Con
ners intention to make him prisoner on his ar
rival, in consequence ot his avowal that he
should take pan in the war against the United
States. He will, however, it is thought, have
sense enough to land in Mexico in some small
port, where we have no vessels. This is sub
stantially all the news the steamer brings, and
if true, we may expect from Santa Anna’s firm
ness and decision of character that he may pro
long the war and give our troops another chance
ot adding to their laurels.
There is a rumor going the rounds that Mr.
Pickens, of South Carolina, will be appointed
by the president Minister to England in place
ot Mr. McLane, who is about to return home.
Wedon’t believe it, says tbe Columbus Enquir
er, but if it be so; why, let it be so. This is the
day ot small things at best.
The Worm.—The Clinton (La.) Whig of
the 13th inst., says that the appearance of the
worm is universal; they have been satisfied by
the most unequivocal testimony front every
quarter of the parish that nothing short of provi
dential interference can avoid the wholesale
destruction of the growing crop. In Pointe
Coupee the same story is told.
A provincial clergyman is said to have writ
ten lately to a Paris newspaper, to beg that it's
copy might be printed in larger type.
Preciois Stones.—Agate is found in abun
dance in the copper and silver region ot Lake
I Superior. We have seen beautiful specimens
I in the possession of Dr. Hawks, of this city,
i and other gentlemen.— Rochester American.
ADDRFS
OF THE HON. WM. H..AYWOOD, Jii
To the People of Nor Carolina.
I have never appeared belc the public, by
myselt or otberwi.se, io write?wn an accusa
tion against me, but have flu r o chosen to
bear unjust rebuke in silenc and relv upon
nine and my manner of life consign to ob
livion the whisperings uDthtiovious and the
calumnies of the malignant.! do not affect to
ccnceal that a denaituie Iromjis rule gives me
mu Ii pain, am: I am persuaci that it many ol
my fru nds did not think ihatJis a duly 1 owe
i<» th? people n-Ito remain shjT- under the re
e nt cen>ure of phrenzied pJsans, 1 should
leave it as far as concerns ni to my known
character and the self-dcnyin! act which has
proved it, to vindicate the paPßsm and puriiy
<d my motives; reposing coni’?mly upon ihe
discernment and judgment olp intelligent pub
lie, in view ol the simple lad as they occurred;
md not doubting that, sosoojas the occasion
had passed by, and there wasno longer a ne
cessity for overawing othersAto it might have
been supposed were more lin’d in their pur
pose, an<l no chance to d jive the people at
the North Carolina election by unscrupulous
libels against me, my assaints would cease
from their “dirty work,” pd bad men, who
measure the motives ot thelnuous by a stand
ard of morals which vice is erected in their
own bosoms, would go hunng atier some fresh
victim to gratify their ignolp malice. But I
come before you at this timek) speak of myselt,
not ol others, and to delemfrny own faithful
ness, not to exnose their dins; and I think
my-elfhrppy that I have tbe£urit’7 people ot
North Carolina, to judge uy ante. 1 invoke
ask no congas*, n. and I thank
God I nerd them not. Bm, xiith the proud
consciousness of one who has dard to do his
dutv as a servant of ’.he Republic, ttnidst dan
gers and trials such as, I trust, areiot io grow
common in our Government, 1 start before you
io lay claim to the confidence, respet anl ap
probation of all good men, more epecialy ot
those belonging to the Democratic paiy. I
leel and know this day, and will pove e r en to
my enemies, that in my station a a Senator,
and in retiring from it. I incurred to giilt—l
deceived no one—l betrayed no parr —1 made
no sacrifice ol your interests, and n suirender
of your rights—none a all, directly >r irdirect
ly. And they who have charged ih ccntrary,
with all who from any motive, per -aal or po
litical, havegiven it to their aid andcuaenance,
did “ bear false witness.”
It is true, that on the 25:h of July,a lew mo
ments before the vote was expected (have been
?aken on the new tariff bill of 1816 (inproperly
called “ McKay’s Bill ’] I resigned iv seat as
i Senator in Congress into’.he hand of North
Carolina, to whom it belonged, behving that
it was my duty iodo it sooner that cast my
vote against my conscience for alawthatl
eannot approve, and knowing that . was my
perfect right to do it, and that I woild be but
exercising that right in precise accorance with
the last written doctrine ct the Legisiture and
•»f ihe party who elected me. In this»nly have
I offended; and in manly sincerity, but with
that plainness of speech which the humblest
man in the community will be able o under
stand for himself. I proceed to lay bdbre you
my explanation.
The subject of the tariff, and the system of
laws by which taxes are imposed and collected
lor the use of th? General Government.hrottgh
ou’ the Ur ion is one of deep importance, but ot
much intricacy and great difficulty in its judi
cious arrangetnen’. Soon after lakingmy seat
m the Sena’e of ihe United States (it; Decem
ber, 1843) I for one felt what any man, when he
fir«t goes into Congress directly from private
iie will be apt to experience, and that was a
lack of necessary knowledge and informal on
upon it. With an ambition to learn my dity
is a legislator of this great Republie, anc a
fixed determination to pursue it afterwards. 1
immediately gave my whole mind to be stidy
and consideration of ihis tariff' system, veil
knowing that upon it depended in a good degree
the chief operations in commerce, agriculture
and manuractures in the other States as well as
ms. During the first session of the last Con
gress, and after having devoted nearly ail my
time tor some months to this study, I hoped 1
had made myselt qualified, and my political
associates believed me fit to be consulted and
counselled with in our united efforts to arrange
a tariff with justice io all sections, and with
entile safely to the business, prosperity, ha’ino
ny, pead* and independence of the Union. To
admit that this could not be done was to declare
ihat the Union cannot be preserved and the
cause of tree government had failed.
'T’u _ o ----r»o m ooU-
urring as we did then, and do. *.<•-«.*l. m. «>,
exceptions at the Norm, in a sentirnent of oppo
ution to the tariff ot 1843, desired to see it
changed. That act was believed to be extieme
n its protective character, and therefore tine
qnal and unsatisfactory to large sections ot ihe
Union; and our aim was to modify it by the
nearest possible approach to ihat happy mean
oetween ihe extreme opinions <4 such as de
mm I a total abandonment of a!l i rutecrion on
>ne hand, and of th -sc who in>i>t upon protec
iun as a primary object on the other. 1 have
-s d ;'.ibl that ihis is the only foundation upon
vhic h wise and just legislation can be based,
when imcre c ts really conflictingare to be affect
ed b/ the action ol the General Government,
f'onierenccs with each other, and with ihe
Chairman ot ihe Committee of Ways and
Meansot the House of Representatives, (Mr.
McKay,) were frequently held as to the best
node of altering and reforming ihe tariff 1842.
I'h? more eminent men ot the Democratic par
ty in the Senate, and leading statesmen from
difleient sections of the Union in Congress,
ook part in the deliberations and investigations
which preceded and accompanied the formation
f what was then called and known as “.Mc-
Kay’s bill and report,” viz: in Match 1841
In ihe councils whence that bill proceeded, I
nad the honor to be admitted as an humble and
inpretending participator, so that I knew, and
it cannot be denied, ihat quite all the Democra
ic Senators from the South and Wes:, and very
neaUy every one from 'he North and Ea«i, as
sented to or acquiesced in il. It formed a sub
ject of congratulation, I remember, amongst the
members of the party from all sections at that
me, (1844.) that the opinions and views of De
nocrats in the National Counci.s had been thus
brought to harmonize in what was thought to
he a reasonable, prudent, practical measure ol
legislation upon this subject, w hich seemed *ike
iv to put at rest and settle the tariff dispute.
Unfortunately, it did not pass the House of Re
resentatives: 1 will not stop io state the cause
But, notwithstanding its temporary defeat in
that body, ihe Democratic party at once put
themselves before the people of the Union upon
ihat bill as a common platform, and it was pro
nulgated as their proposed '-rheme of reforming
he tariff act of 1842. “ McKay’s iepon”of 1841
was published and sent forth as the true and
authentic interpretation ot their views in regaid
to the change we we.c afterwards to insist upon.
So 1 understood it at the time, and ever since,
in iso have 1 constantly declared. The bill
was named alter its author and advocate, (Mr.
McKay,) a statesman of North Carolina—a
Southern man and a Democrat. My own opin
ions in its favor were freely expressed in all my
intercourse with vou, and they are not unkown
m any quarter. The Democratic press in North
Carolina, without exception, applauded it.—
The Democratic party zealously approved ol
it throughout our limits. If there was a single
une of them who did not, I am yet to learn the
act. Hundreds, it not thousands, of the other
paity in oui State gave their approving voice in
os favor. Our elections in 1841 and 1845, all
• 4 them, were conducted upon that basis, so far
as the tariff question entered into them at all.
Everv intelligent man in the nation knows the
fact that the fail elections of 1844, and those in
rhe spring ot 1845, throughout the U. States,
for members to she present Congress, were car
ded on, if not upon the same basis, with a
knowledge of that bill and report. The North
saw in it a pledge ot the South and West that
we did not mean to break down and oppress the
abor and industry of ihe North and East. The
South saw in it a reasonable concession to
their demand lor practical free trade. The peo
ple everywhere saw in it the hope for moderate
legislation, and the prospect of a permanent ar
rangement of a question that had been agitating
ihe nation for a quarter of a century: and it
your memory still serves you with a recollcc
tion ot any of the speeches ot our candidates for
ihe last Legislature or the present Congress,
made in North Carolina only a year ago, 1 beg
to know whether it was not uniformly proclaim
ed that all trce Democrats were going in favor
of “McKay’s bill” of 1844? Bear in mind
ihat the “McKay bill”of 1844 and the McKay
bill of 1846 agree in nothing but the name, as I
will show you hereafler.
Ar.d what, let me ask, was the result ol all
(his? In the North, as well as in the South
and West, the elections to the present Congress
ended favorably to the Democratic party. A
Democraiic majority ot more than sixty were
leturned to the House of Representatives. The
same party held a majority in the Senate. And
a Democratic President, nominated after the
• Mt Kay bill” ot 1814 had been framed and ap
proved by the party, was elected by the votes ot
States in the North as well as South; a South
ern and a Western President, whom we could
not have elected wiihout the votes of Northern
States. Os course 1 cannot undeitake to affirm,
is a tact, that ihe Northern States which voted
tor ne Democratic party were induced to do it
ny McKay’s bill and report of 1844. But this
I kn<>w, and will say, that it uas put forth as a
political peace offering u. un the tariff, and that
the Northern people at once rallied io the sup
port of the party in numbers largely beyond
■hose which had heretofore supported its and
that it was erpeeb d by us when that offering was
made that V would, conciliate the Nor diem Demo
cratsj and I have no doubt that it enlisted the
support ot thousands who would not have sus
tained the part}' without it. Now, then, 1 pul it
to ihe conscience ol the people of Notlh Caro
lina, who 1 know love a'l their country—Notih,
South, East, and West—whether, under such
i i• cu instances, 1 was bound to violate my sense
of duty, and, contrary alike to this party-pledge
and to my own sobei judgment as a Senator, to
assent tu an act which violated, out and om, ihe
“ iVlcKay bill” ot 1844, when there was no pub
lic emergency to require it, and no natii nal exi
gency to excuse it. and that when I did mosi
confidently believe that the new tariff act of the
preset.t Congress was, in itself, unwise and full
of mischief to the Republic? Was it my duly
to you, or to the Democratic pariy of North Ca
rolina, to Lave dune that? And had I no right
to resign and retire from il? Was 1 bound to
hold on to my office, and put up the pretended
excuse that the Democrats of North Carolina
had changed their minds, and repudiated “ Mc-
Kay’s bill” ol 1844 for a new and different
measure in 1846, or that the people desired me
io pass the latter, when, forsooth, I did nut know
ihe fact to be so, and in my heart I did not be
lieve it. So far from its being the case, 1 more
than doubi whether thousands cf you have not
taken ii fur granted, or bet n led to believe,down
io this day, that the “ McKay bill” of 1844 was
<he same thing ihat is called so in 1846, where
as they are as different as light is from dark
ness. No, my constituents never required such
things of me.
Believe me, I do not mean to bring into ques
tion the course of other Democratic Senators
who condemned the act, and yet gave it their
vote. Il Dmy right to state that there were not
a few of them who did that. Neitherdo I mean
by this to assail my friend Mr. McKay. Far
from it. They are my friends personally and
politically, and in taking a different view of
their duty they did me no wrong, and in defend
ino my own conduct, I intend not to arraign
theirs. Whilst I have pursued the light of my
conscience, they have followed theirs. Inques
tions of conscience, it must be conceded that
G id is the judge, and every man must stand or
fall according as each believes fur himself. So
that not (infrequently there are cases where men
i i the same circumstances may act differently,
and yet both be guil'less.
But what I have said upon the history and
purpose of the “McKay bill” of 1841 did not
form all of my objection to the new tariff ot
1846, improperly named “ McKay’s bill;” and
which I shall, forthe sake ot discrimination,
more properly call the “ Experimental Tariff.”
My opinions shall be laid before you without
disguise, and you shall see whether, taken in
connexion with an unnecessary and improper
abandonment of the real McKay bill of 1844,
ihey do not show, that in my hostility to tbe ex
perimental tariff, I was faithful to you and my
country, and true to myself and my party.
Fortunately for me, those opinions, so far as
they looked forward to its ultimate conse
quences on the harmony of the party or the
welfare of the Republic, I am no longer
under the necessity of supporting by labored ar
gumer.it>. For good or evil, the law has passed.
If it should be repealed or modified al the next
session, that will be of itself a complete vindi
cation ot my opposition to it at the present. If
it should be permitted to remain in force in the
form that I was required to vote upon it, then
time will soon determine whether my opinion
<f it was right or wrong. I abide the result
without tear; yet, it I know myself, without a
wish to see evil come ot it, merely for the sake
of claiming heieafter the merit of political sa
gacity for my resistance to it.
These, then, were my opinions, as they are
now:
First. Cur country is involved in an expen
sive war, and the wisest among you cannot
foiesee its close. We have a large army inva
ding Mexico, and a large navy oft her coasts,
along the Pacific Ocean and the Gulfof Mexi
co. Tho sum already appropriated by Congress
fur the Government expendituies ot the fiscal
year exceeds fifty millions of dollars.—
Will the experimental tariff raise revenue
sufficient “to pay as we go?” Certainly not.
Congress knew that, and therefore authorized a
loan of ten millions, at the very lime we were
passing this tariff; and the first act of the next
session will probably be one for ten millions
more ! Will il produce revenue enough to pay
one half ot the appropriations? 1 am quite sure
it will not. Its advocates do not assert that it
would do much more. Wherefore, if this ex
periment works as well as its warmest friends
have predicted, the Government will fall in debt
twenty five millionsthis(fißcal) year. So long
fisibcl'var lasts, and for such a period ol lime at
«<r ttAM-LuutJU’&r expenses continue, it will be tiie
satne thin gT BOHf nrtmpe.'iitient" whirs ns—
illy as its more violent opponents have said of
i , why then it will hardly go at all. I think
ihe truth lies between them. It will work, but
it will work badly, and workyou deeply in deb : ;
and if it is adhered to “ wiihout alteration,” the
public debt wil! be increased not much short o:
thirty millions the first year, and I can see no
way io prevent ifs yearly increase, except by a
resort to <lire«-ttaxes.
Direct taxes ought to be our very last resort
public debt is an evil that I abhor more than
ever since 1 wasa member of Congress; and
therefore it was the conclusion of my mind that
this tariff experiment ought Lot to be tried, and
certainly not ai ihis particular time. The acts
of a Congress which went to diminish the re
venue, but to increase the expenditures, did not
seem to me to be consistent with prudence in
any Government, more especially in a time ot
war. The lariffsystem, according to my judg
ment, was a most unfit subject for party experi
ment; and al the lime ot a yearly expenditure
of fifty millions of dollars, and of a foreign war,
such experiments amounted to party rashness.
If the war should end scon, still the Govern
ment here, we knew, expected to terminate it
by a treaty for peace and a new territory, viz :
California. No honest country would take tne
lerritory without paying the owner lor it, and,
if we would, Mexico cannot yield it upon any
oilier terms. Hence, whether we were to have
peace or war with Mexico, we needed much
more money to carry on the Government.—
When the plainest rules of arithmetic and com
mon sense thus compelled me to withhold my
support from a tariff experiment, to be made
1 now, at the expense oi the nation’s credit, how
could 1 hesitate?
Sec( nd. Th#* tariff'of 1842 ought tohave been
modified, but not by an act which reduced the
duties as carlv as the Ist December.
In all great alterationsol the tariffdiininishing
duties, the reductions ought tn be made upon
reasonable notice to the people whose properly
and business will be affected by them In that
1 case there may be inconvenience to some, but it
• does not bring ruin down upon so many inno
r cent people Not giving lime, infant factories
are destroyed by the hand ot legislation, and
the older and more mature establishments are
compelled to diminish their operations fuith
with, and consequently to discharge a number
• ot their laborers, and reduce the wages of all.—
1 The laborers suff r more than ihe owners, be-
• cause they are less able to bear it. The sudden
1 loss ot work will b»* to many ot them and <heir
• families a loss ot food and raiment; and that
’ which the law-maker is commanded to pray
1 tor—his “daily bread”—he would be thus rudely
1 taking by law from the workingman of his
country. And the experimental tariff act was
I the more objectionable, inasmuch as man}’ ot
‘ our countrymen—the Northern laborers, who
‘ ate io suffer under it—will be put outofem
r ployment in tne beginning <4 winter, when oth
-1 er employments will be obtained with great dis
-1 ficulty; and al the North the poor, without la
r bur and wages, encounter a degree ot suffering
• in that inclement season which we have no just
• conception <4 at ihe South. Y’ou must see it
1 before you can fully appreciate it. Also, a
, sudden alteration cf the tariff must of necessity
• disturb the home market of our rr anufacturers,
1 coal diggers, and mechanics, and involve hun
' dreds and thousands, in losses to some, ruin to
- others, and suffering to many.
? Evena bad tariff law, then, should not be
? repealed so as to fall down too hastily, when its
' gradual abrogation would create less incon-
• venience to ihe Government, and its sudden
? change may oppress the poor, or do injustice
• to any section. The Government ought to
J have compassion on all the people, and particu-
I larly upon the laboring classes. The manu-
- facturers at the North ate not all “ Abbott Law
r fences,” whose fortune has been the theme of so
> many tariff speeches. The compromise tariff
- act, under General Jackson, in 1833, jeduced
• the duties gradually and periodically tor nine
1 years. It gave nine years’notice. This Ex*
•I mental tariff wi 11 red ocea 11 thed u t ies u pon
*' only four months’ notice! The latter was
I harsh, cruel, unjust legislation; harsh to the
wealthy, cruel to the laborer, and unjust to
1 both, and the general welfare did not require
i it.
s Third. The Independent Treasury, of itself
l a great change; the Warehousing act another‘.
; and the Experimental Tariff, the greatest of
? them all, will, when taken together, work an
! entire revolution of our fit.ancial system. One
“ at a time they might have been introduced
- more safely, some <4 them wisely. But, by be
s ing so nearly united, as they will be, in ’he time
-of their commencement, it is calculated to ex-
J cite apprehension and alarm. To put them
j into simultaneous operation was, indeed, a
political movement of partv 100 violent and too
j potent for good. Thev will affect ali the busi
t ness cf ihe people mo«t injuriously; and, with
s a Government expenditure of fifty millions and
a a revenue under twenty million®, the Govern
t mem itself may be crushed und**r their com
>• binedoperation. To attempt it when the na
ff lion was at war abroad, and the Government
ff was in the money market, or soon expected
there, a borrower at home, clearly appeared
to my mind lobe unwisely jeoparding public
credit and private confidence. Revolutions
are seldom refoims. and certainly reforms need
not alwaysbe revolutions. One must reasona
bly fear that, wiihout a miracle, such strong
measures, acting with their combined power
against the existing order of things in the coun
try, may cieate a revulsion in trade, pecuniary
distress, hatd times, popular excitement, and
sectional agitations, preceding another contest
forthe Presidency, and do nobody any good but
a tew political agitators ai d rich speculators.
I thought they would go very far towards pro
ducing an overthrow of the Democratic party,
if they did not entirely Eccomplish it. These
consequences were too natural not to be appre
hendand the last mentioned result was open
ly predicted by some and probably anticipated
by others of my own friends, who yet voted for
ihe experimental tariff bill without approving
ot it. Unless it should be repealed, or material
- modified, its consequences now belong to ihe
developments ot theiuiure ; so 1 need not illus
trate the grounds of my conviction by minuter
statements. L.#*i time test its correctness.
Fourth. In none of the tarifl’acis of the Uni
ted States in former years was the industry ot
our own country burdened by discriminations
made against home manufactures. Their poli
cy was to build up and not to destroy, to protect
and not to oppress. Not so the experimental
tariff. And is il not a mistake to suppose that
the republican people of North Carolina were
at any time hostile to tho®e acts merely because
they were “protective ?” Our hostility was
aimed at the exient of the thing, not the’ thing
itself; at extreme protection, not protection per
se. With here and there an individual excep
tion—for republicans in those days were allow
ed io differ—l boldly affirm that this was the
republican doc'rine of our State; and the people
will know it to be true when I remind them
that it was precisely the point ot our dispute
with the Nutlifiers. They were against protec
tion out and oui: we, the [Jacksonj republican
parry of North Carolina in particular, went for
incidental protection, moderate protection by a
“judicious tariff.” They were for declaring
the tariff ol 1828 and 1832 unconstitutional, and
nullifying it because it protected manufactures.
We thought it was unjust because the protec
tion was extreme, but not unconstitutional, and
that ihe “Union must be preserved.” What the
publican party of North Carolina thought then,
I thought, and spoke, and wrote.
And, coming down to more recent events, let
me say'that McKay’s bill of 1844 was a tariff
ot incidental protection, which you and I, and
all the democrats in Congress from North Caro
lina approved and sustained, and the people of
our party in Nonh Carolina no where opposed
last year, and the press of the party defended it
up to the inauguration and afterwards, and even
down to the day oi the report from the present
Secretary of the Treasury. Careful study,
longer experience, and closer examination,
have confirmed me in the faith of those limes,
fortified as it was by the authority of the admin
istration ot Washington and Jefferson, and
Madison, and Monroe, and Jackson, all South
ern republicans and Southern Presidents. Is
consistency treason? It may be a misfortune
to me that 1 vas unable to change with the
times, but it would be a crime to deny my faith.
To avoid misrepresentation I give you the
words of those wise, and eminent and patriotic
men. Hear Washington:
Extract of a speech of George Washington, Presi
dent of the United States, to Congress, Jan
uary 9 t 1790.
“A free people ought not only to be armed,
but disciplined ; to which end a uniform and
well-digested plan is requisite; and their safely
and interest require that they should promote
such manufactories as tend tu render them in
dependent of others for essential, particularly
military, supplies.”
“The advancement of agriculture, com
merce, and manufactures, by all proper means,
wdlnot, I trust, need reeo'nmxndation. 1 ’
In accordance with this general recommenda
lion, the House of Representatives passed a
resolution directing the Secretary of the Treas
ury (Mr. Hamilton) to report lo them upon the
subject ot manufactures, and particularly as to
the means of promoting such as would tend to
render the U. States independent of foreign na
tions tor military and other essential supplies;
and his report was submitted in December,
1791, wherein he said:
“ The expediency of manufactures in the Uni
ted States, which was not long since deemed
very questionable, appears at this lime to be
very generally admitted.” P. 123.
Andagaia he said:
“A question has been made concerning the
constitutional right of the Government of the
United States to apply LhisßOPripsolencQiirage
-niLin [il iH.iTufeS'j but there is—certainly
no good foundation for such a question.”—P.
136.
And again he said:
“It is not uncommon lo meet with an opin
ion, that, though the promoting of manufactures
may be ihe interest (4 a pail of the Union, il is
contrary to ihat of another part. The Northern
and Southern regions are sometimes represented
as having adverse interests in thi- respect. —
Those are called manufacturing, these auricul
al States; and a species of opposition is ima
gined to subsist between the manufacturing and
agricultural interests.
‘ldeas ot a contrariety’ of interests between
the Northern and Southern regions of the Union
are, in the main, as unfounded as they are mis
chievous. The diversity of circumstances on
which such contrariety is usually predicated, au
thorizes a directly contrary conclusion. Mutual
wants constitute one of the strongest links of poli
tical connexion; and the extent of these bears a
mutual proportion to the diversity in the means
of mutual supply. Sugsestions of an pposite
complexion are ever to be deplored, as unfriend
ly to the steady pursuit of one great common
cause, and to the perfect harmony ot all its
parts.” P. 134 (See State Papers, Finances,
vol. pages 123, 124, and 136.)
These were the doctrines of Washington, and
of Washington’s Administration. And now hear
Washington again:
Extract of a Speech of George Washington,
President of the United States, lo Congress,
December T, 1796.
“Congress have repeatedly, and not wiihout
success, directed their attention to the encour
agement of manufactures. The object is oftoe
much consequence no’, to ensure a continuance
of their efforts in every way which shall appear
eligible.”
Hear Jefferson :
Extract of a Message from Thomas Jefferson,
President of th -United States, to Congress,
November 8, 1808.
“The suspension ot our foreign commerce,
produced bv the injustice ot the belligerent
Powers, (of Europe.) and the consequent losses
and sacrifices ot our citizens, are subjects of
just concern. The situation into which we
have thus been forced, has impelled us to apply
a portion of our industry .and capital to internal
manufactures and improvements. The exient
ot this conversion is daily increasing, and little
d<»ubt remains that the establishments formed
and forming, will, under the auspices of cheap
er materials and subsistence, the freedom of la
bor from taxation with ns, and of protection
duties and PROHIBITIONS,become permanent.”
Hear Madison:
Extract of a .Message from James Madison, Presi
dent of the United States to Congress, Nov.
5,1811.
“Although other subjects will press more im
mediately on your deliberations, a portion ot
them cannot but be well bestowed on the jtm
and sound policy of securing to our manufac
tures the success they have attained, and are
still attaining, in some degree, under the im
pulse ot causes not permanent.
“Besides the reasonableness cf saving our
manufactures from sacrifices which a change
of circumstances might bring on them, the na
tional interest requires that, with respect tosuch
articles at least as belong to our defence and our
primary wants, we should not be left in unne
cessary dependence on external supplies.”
Extraxt of a .Message from. James .Madison,
President of the United S'ates, to Congress,
Dec. 5, 1815.
“ In adjusting the duties on imports to the ob
ject of revenue, the influence ot the tariff on
manufactures will necessarily present itself for
consideration. However wise the theory may
be which leaves to the sagacity and interest of
individuals the application of their industry and
resources, there are in this, as in other cases,
exceptions to the general rule. Besides the con
dition, which the theory itself implies, of a re
ciprocal adoption by other nations, experience
teaches that so many circumstances must con
cur in introducing and maturing manufactur
ing establishments, especially ot the more com
plicated kinds, that a country may remain
long without them, although sufficiently ad
vanced, and in some respects even peculiarly
fitted, for carrying them on with success. Un
der circumstances giying a powerful impulse to
manufacturing industry, it has made among us
a progress, and exhibited an efficiency, which
justify the belief that, with a protection not
more than is due to the enterprising citizens
whose interests are now at stake, it will become,
at an early day, not only safe against occasion
al competitions from abioad.but a source of do
mestic wealth, and even of external commerce.
In selecting the branches more especially enti
tled to the public patronage, a preference is ob
viously claimed by such as will relieve the U.
Stales from a dependence on foreign supplies,
ever subject to casual failures, tor articles ne
cessary for the public defence, or connected
with the primary wants ot individual®. It will
be an additional rccommendati >n of particular
manufactures, where the materials of them are
ex ensively drawn from our agriculture, and
consequently impart and ensure to that great
fund of national prosperity and indepemtenc.t
an encouragement which cannct fail to be re
warded.”
Hear Monroe:
Extract, of a Al ssagc from James Monroe, Presi
dent of the United States, to Congress, De
c.mocrl, 1819.
“ It is deemed of great impoi lance lo give en
couragement to our dpmestic manufactures,
in wh;.t marine.* the evils which have been ad
verted to may be remedied, and how far it may
be practicable in other respectslo affoid lolhtm
further encouragement, paying due regard to
the other great interests ot the nation, is sub
mitted to the wisdom oi Congress.”
Extract of a. Message from. James Monroe, Presi
dent of the United Staffs, to Congrtss, De
cember 3, 1822.
“From the best information that 1 have been
able to obtain, it appears that our mauulactures,
though depressed immediately after the peace,
have considerably increased, and are still in
creasing under the encouragement given them
by the tariff of 1816, and by subsequent laws.
Satisfied 1 am, whatever may be tne abstract
doctrine in favor of unrestricted commerce,
provided all nations would concur in it, and it
was not liable to be int rrupled by war, which
Xas never occurred, and cannot be expected,
.<iat there ate other strong reasons applicable to
our Fituation and relations with other countries,
which impose on us the obligation to cherish
and sustain our manufactures. Satisfied, how
ever, 1 likewise am, that the interest ot every
part of our Union, even of those most bent-fined
by manufactures, requires that this subject
should be touched with the greatest caution, and
icritical knowledge of the effect to be produced
by the slightest change. On full consideration
of the subject, in all its relations, 1 am per
suaded that a further augmentation may now Le
made of the duties on certain foreign articles, in
favor of our own, and without affecting injuri
ously any other interest.”
Extract of a .Message from James Monroe, Presi
dent of the United States, to Congress, De
cember 2, 1823.
“ Having communicated my views to Con
gress, at the commencement of the last session
respecting the encouragement which ought to be
given our manufactures, and the principle on i
which it should be founded, 1 have only to and
that those views remain unchanged; and that
the present state of those countries with which
we have the most immediate political relations
and greatest commercial intercourse, tends to
confirm them. Under this impression, 1 re
commend a review ot the tariff, lor the purpose
of affording such additional protection to those
articles which we are prepared lo manufacture,
or which are more immediately connected with
the defence and independence ot the country.”
Hear Jackson:
Extract of a Message from Andrew Jackson,
President of the United. Slates, to Cong/ css,
December 8, 1829.
“No very considerable change has occurred
during the recess of Congress, in the condition
ol either our agriculture, commerce, or manu
factures.
“To regulate its conduct so as to promote
equally the prospet ity ot these three cardinal
interests, is one of the most difficult tasks of Go
vernment ; and it may be regretted that the com
plicated restrictions which now embarrass the
intercourse of nations could not, by common
consent, be abolished, and commerce allowed to
flow in those channels to which individual en
terprise—always its surest guide-might direct
it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation
in other nations, and are therefore compelled to
adapt our own to their regulations, in the man
ner best calculated lo avoid serious injury,
and lo harmonize the conflicting interests of
our agriculture, our commerce, and our manu
factures. Under these impressions, 1 in
vite your attention to the existing tariff, believ
ing that some ot its provisions require modifi
cation.
“ The general rule to be applied in graduating
the duties upon articles of foreign growth or
manufacture is that which will place our own
in fair competition with those of other countries;
and the inducements to advance even a step be
yond this point are controlling in regard to those
articles which are ot primary necessity in time
ot war. When we reflect upon the difficulty
and delicacy of this operation, it is important
ihat it should never be attempted but with ihe
utmost caution. Frequent legislation in regard
to any branch of industry affecting its value,
and by which its capital may be transferred to
new channels, most always Ire productive of
hazardous speculation and loss.
“ In deliberating, therefore, on these interest
ing subjects, local feelings and prejudices
should be merged in the patriotic determina
tion to promote the great interests of the whole.
Au nHowijwe in them wtih the party con-
flicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and
should be discountenanced. Our action u»»n
them should be under the control of higher and
purer motives. Legislation subjected to such
influences can never be just, and will not long
retain the sanction of a people whose active pa
triotism is not bounded by sectional limits, nor
insensible lo that spirit of concession and for
bearance wh : ch gave hie to nur political com
pact, and still sustains it. Discarding all cal
culations of political ascendency, the North,
the South, the East, and ihe West should uniie
in diminishing any burden of which either may
just’v complain
“ The agricultural interest of our country is
so essentially connected with every other, and
sosuperior in importance to them all, that it is
scarcely necessary to invite to it your particu
lar attention. It is principally as manufactures
and commerce lend to increase the value ot
agricultural productions, and to extend their
application to the wants and comforts ol socie
ty, that they deserve the fostering careot Govern
ment.
“Looking forward to the period, not far dis
tant, when a sinking fund will no longer be re
quired, the dulieson those articles ol importa
lion which cannot come in competition with
our own production, are the first that should en
gage the attention ol Congress in the modifica
tion ot the tariff. Os these, tea and c >ffee are
ihe most prominent, they enter lately into the
consumption ot the country, and have become
articles of neces>ity lo all classes.”
Extract, of a Message from Andrew Jackson,
President of the U. Slates, lo Congress, Dec. 7,
1830.
Among the numerous causes of congratula
tion, the condition ot our impost revenue de
serves special mention, inasmuch as.it promises
the means of extinguishing the public debt
sooner than was anticipated, and furnishes a
strong illustration of the practical effects of the
present tariff upon our cominerical interests.
“Theobject of the tariff is objected io by
some as unconstitutional; and it isconsidered
by almost all as defective in many of its
pans.
“The power to impose duties on imports
originally belonging to the several States
The right to adjust those duties, with a view
to the encouragement of the domestic brancnes
ot industry, is so compteiely incidental to that
power that it is difficult to suppose theexistence
ot the one without the other. The Stales have
delegat’d their whole authority over imports
totneGeneral Government, without limitation
or restriction, saving the veiy inconsiderable
reservation relating to their inspection laws.
This authority havingthus entirely passed from
the States, th* tight to exercise it for the pur
pose of protection does not exist in them; and,
consequently, if it be not possessed by ihe
General Government, it must be extinct. Our
political system would thus present the ano
maly oi a people stripped ot (be right to foster
their own industry, and lo counteract the most
selfish and destructive policy which might be
adopted by foreign nations. This surely can
not be the case. This indispensable power,
thus surrendered by the Slates, must be within
the scope oil he authority on Hie subject express
ly delegated lo Cong ess.
“ In this conclusion I am confirmed as well
by the opinions ot President Washington, Jef
ferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each
repeatedly recommended the exercise ot this
right under the Constitution, as by the uniform
practice ofCongress, the continued acquiescence
of the States, and the general understanding of
the people.
“ ihat our deliberations on this interesting
subject should be uninfluenced by those partisan
conflicts that are incident to free institutions, is
the fervent wish of my heart. To make this
great question, which unhappily so much di
vides and excites the public mind, subservient
to the short sighted views of taction, must de
stroy all hope of settling it satisfactorily to the
great of the people and fur the general in
terest. I cannot, therefore, in taking leave of
ihe subject, 100 earnestly, for my own feeling®
ortho common good, warn you against the
blightingconsequences of such a course.”
Extract of a Message from Andrew Jackson.
President of the United Slates, lo Congress, De
cember 6, 1831.
•‘The confidence with which the extinguish
inent of the public dent may be anticipated
piesentsan opportunity lor carrying into effect
mo»-e fully the policy in relation to import du
lies which has been recommended in my former
messages. A modification of the tariff which
shall produce a reduction ot our revenue to the
wants ot the Government, and an adjustment
of the duties on imports with a view io equal
justice in relation to all our national interests,
and to the counteiaction of foreign policy, so
far as it may be injuriousto ihuse imeiests, i*
deemed to be one oi the principal objects which
demand ihe consideration of the present Con
cress. In the exercise of that spirit of conces
sion and conciliation which has distinguished
'he friends of our Union in all gnat emergen
cies, it is believed that this object ii ay be effect
ed without injury to any nations* interests.”
VOL.X.-NO. 36
Now, the experimental tariff, as I interpret
it, fundamentally violated (his doctrine, It dis
criminated, but it did so against our domestic
labor, and in that way and to that extf it it
made war upon the vital interests of the North.
And pray, what inducements were offered lo
North Carolina by this experiment, that her
Senators .should help to carry on the unnatuial
con flic' ? What but the naked oesire lor an
appaient party unity where there was really no
party concord. For North Carolina had no
local or State interest which will be served or
elevated by it. None, whatever.
I he limits of th” address will not allow of il
lustrations by a tedious detail of enumerated
article-: 1 reserve that for a more suitable oc
casion, only remarking for the present that it
anv should he disingenuousenoiigh to deny this
c laracterisiic ol the new tariff, no one who
legards hi® reputation will venture to con
tradict the fact that the experimental tariff does
not discriminate in favor of American manu
factures; and not to discriminate in their favur
moderately and reasonably, by a “live and
let live” law of love amongst brethern of a com
mon country, is the same thing in principle
though n<»t in degree as to discriminate against
them. Verily it appeared to tne that its pas
sage would be substituting the theories of yes
terday, learned in the law office, for the expe
rience of fifty years ot our own Government and
the practice of all civilized nations, forthe sake
of perpetrating an experiment upon the people
of the United Stales.
Fifth. The last objection 1 shall trouble you
with is to the new principle, that all “duties are
to be laid ad valorem.” It is not the least re
markable circumstance, connected with th?
passage of the ac r , that this new ad valorem
article in the democratic creed was supported
by the sanction of no distinguished name but
Henry Clay’s! and Mr. Clay’s friends say,
that even he has been misrepresented, to fur
nish the authority.
Another not unimportant circumstance is,
that the people ot iny State have been com
manded to dishonor m#*, as one not true to the
doctrineof a party tariff of “ad valorem duties;”
and, therefore, treacherous to them ; when I put
il to your consciences that there are thousands
and lens of thousands ot good North Carolina
democrats, who, so far from having adopted it
in their political creed, did never so much as
hear of it until long since my election to tbe
Senate! Let each one answer for himsrlt—
Did you ever understand it before? Insinceri
ty, I declare, that until after my election to the
Senate, 1 did not, and I presume you did nor.
But I think I understand it now, my country
men, and 1 venture to guess, that the more you
know of it, and the longer it shall be tried, the
less you will like it.
But let me tell you what it is: It is to lay du
ties or taxes upon goods imported fiom foreign
countries, according to the value of the goods
at the market from whence they come—the law
fixing the per cent., and the collector of it ascer
taining the toieign value of whatever is taxed
—viz: the sum of the tax—tor which he is not
responsible to you, but to the Treasury Depart
ment. And a specific duty is the same tax
imposed upon the same article—the Zaw itself,
however, distinguishing the values, by estab
lishing the particular sum of taxation, and
leaving nothing for the collector to do but lo
weigh or measure the quantity, wherein, if he
be gail y of fraud, he may probably be con
victed, or if disposed to oppress the merchant,
he can be prevenfed. In short, where the tax is
specific the collector only weighs or measures
the quantity; where it is ad valorem he not only
measures or weighs the quantity, but likewise
determines, upon Lis own judgment, the foreign
value of the things imported. The uniform
rule, as approved by your government, has been
heretofore, that ol making all the di ties specific
which can be made so, and let the others be ad
valorem; but to reduce the list of ad valorem
duties from time to lime, by adding lo th? list
of specifics. The experimental tariff condemns
and repudiates this policy altogether, and pre
scribes a new one of having all the duties ad
va!orein,and none of them specific. With this
explanation, you can have no difficulty in com
prehending my objections to the new principle
of the experimental tariff.
It was a maxim of the revolution, that “rep
resentation and taxation should go together.”
Now, ibis is a great principle of liberty, never
to be despised; and ihe abiogation of ii cannot
he necessary to the interest ol the Republic.
But it means nothing, unless it creates ihe dntv
of laying taxes bv the law, and not by the offi
cers who collect it; solhat the citizen who read®
the law may, as far as practicable, sec in it
what it taxes him: officers, too, whom the peo
ple have no agency in appointing, and cannot
remove—officers who, in assessing values, ex
ercise their own discretion, and wnose individ
ual judgment, in as to the inaiket
value of property idW.l lastd*, ennnot
be successfully impeached, ise the witnes
ses to do it live abroad, and cannot be got here;
and if they could, it would still be almost im
possible lo convict the officers of intentional
falsrhood. It must be proved that he was wrong,
and knew it so. Is not this new doctrine, then,
mure than a slight departure from this maxim
of ihe republic? Shall it be approved, upon
the notion that this great principle of a repre
sentative democracj has become impiactirable?
Shall we sanction the pretence that theyevipfe's
represent olives will cheat them in adopting the
specific duties, and assume at the same time that
custom-house offieeis will be more scrupulous
and more j j>t to you, in fixing the values under
a system us ad valorem dudes? Ought such a
departure from a great and fundamental doc
irineo! representative government to be tolera
ted, much less ingrafted permanently into the
laws of a free people, wiihout unavoidable ne
cessity, and sanctified as a part of our demo
cralic faith, without notice to the people? A
step or two further, and we shall be carried to a
point where Congress can do nothing but de
cline the aggregate revenues which may be
levied tor the government and leave the Trea
sury Department to collect them as may seem
best to its officers, and according to its rules.
1 come row to show that what the experi
mental ’arifl makes the rule of taxation, the
fathers of the republic made the exception.—
What they declared was a fruitful im.hcr of
frauds, it has adopted as the only parent of our
revenues!
In 1795, when Washington was President,
Alexandei Hamilton, his Secretary otthe Trea
sury, in a report to the House of Rrpresen.a
lives, used ihe following words, viz:
“According to the present laws, iinposingdu
ties on articles imported into the United Stales,
not inoch short of one-third of the wh<»leamount
<4 the duties is derived from articles rated ad
valorem.
“In other nations, where this branch of reven
ue, as with us, is of principal, or very consid
erable consequence, and where no peculiarity
of situation has tended to keep the rates of
duty low, experience Las led io contract more
an l more the number of articles rated ad valo
rem, and of course to extend the number oi
those rated specifically; that is, according to
weight, me; sure, or other rules of quantity.
“ The reason of this is obvious: it is to guard
against evasions, which infallibly happen in a
greater or less degree when duties are high. R
is impossible tor the merchants of any country
to have manifested moffe probity than those of
the United States on this subject; and it is firm
ly believed that there never was one in which
illicit purchases to »he disadvantage of the re
venue have obtained so little as hitherto in this.
Yet would it be delusive expectation, ihat, wi’h
duties so considerable as those which now exist,
a disposition will not be experienced in some
individuals, who carry on eur import trade, to
evade the payment of them, and this to an extent
sufficient to make it prudent to guide with cir
cumspection, and by every reasonable pi ecau
lion, against the success of such attempts. It
is needless to repeat, that this will contribute as
much lo the interest of the fair trader as to that
of the revenue.
“ft is b-lieved that in our system the method
ofratingnd valorem could with convenience be
brought within a much narrower compass, and
it is evident that to do so, will contribute mate
rially to the security of the revenue.”-(See
American Stale Papers, Finance, vol. I, page
348.)
In 1801, under Jefferson’s Administration,
Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury, in
a report to the Senate, said that—
“ In order to guard, as tar a« possible, against
the value of goods being underrated in the in
voices, it would be eligible to lay specific duties
on all such articles now paying duties ad valo
rem, as may be susceptible us that alteration ”
(See American Stale Papers, Finance, vol. 1, p,
702.)
In 1816. under. Madison’s Administration, A.
J. Dallas, th? Secretary us the Treasuiy, in a
report to the House ol Representatives, and in
answer to a resolution of the preceding session,
alter a thorough examinali< n, said:
“ That articles imported to a great amount
should rather be charged with specific duties
upon their weigh’ and measure, in order io
guard against evasions and frauds, than with ad
valorem duties un their value.”—(See Amer
ican State Papers, Finance, vol. 3 p. 91 )
In 1818, under Monroe’s Administration,
William 11. Crawford, the Secretary of il»e
Treasury, in answer to a resolution ol 1817,
directing him to report such measures as rotahl
<»e necessary lor the more effectual execution cf
the revenue laws, said :
“ In order to provide an adequate remedy
against the frauds and evasions which already
• xisi, and to prevent their further increase, il is
respectfully submi’ted,” &c-
And then, alter recommending twenty-four
iddiiional laws, be adds .-
“ Whatever may be the reliance that ought lo
be placed in the efficacy of the lorvgoing pro
visions, it is certainly prudent to diminish, aj»