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far as practicable, the list ot articles paying ad
valorem duties.”—[See American Stale Papers,
vol . 3, p. 2361
Ti ese opinions, of the great and eminent
men of our country, were never contioveited,
so far as we Know, until the present time; and
upon what principle ot patriotism or of demo
cracy was I expected to retuse to them the hom
age ot my confidence and support? What
should have induced me to forego the conclu
sionsof my own judgment, fortified by such au
thority and confirmed by the experience ot the
government tor half a century? In all my
conferences with senators, no belter reason was
given t j me for it than that the bill would de
stroy the tariff of 1842; but the remedy was as
bad, if not worse, than the disease, and the ope
ration seemed to me almost as unwise as to
“cut off the head for a cure of the toothache.”
1 have now explained to you the origin, and
reminded you of the character of McKay’s bill
of 1814. 1 have intimated to you the nature of
those party, not to say, those moral obligations,
which were contracted antecedent to the elec
tions of 1841; and 1 have told you how they
were imposed upon me, as one of your senators,
in my best attempts to sustain the democratic
party by harmonizing the countiy geueially up
on a distracting conflict of local interests. 1
have also shown you how thetariff hill propos
ed at this session was altogether a different one.
and every way objectionable in its details, and
in its principles, and in the time i f its opera
tion, and, 1 might have added, in the manner it
was urged upon the Senale, and how utterly
impossible it was with me, on account ot ail
these things, to vole tor the bill without amend
ment, even along with other democratic sena
tors, with our mouths gagged our judgments
unconvinced, and our deliberations forestalled
upon a question which I always thought to be a
national one, above the dominion of any politi
cal party whatever.
I now proceed to lay before you an unadorn
ed narrative ol my party conferences in connex
ion with this subject, and leave it for you to
characterize as it deservesthe injustice that has
been done io me by all those who have brought
into question my faithfulness to the democratic
party. Where my detainers have been prompt
ed by malice, they are entitled to my compas
sion; where they have been led by the spirit of
envy, they are more worthy of their own;
where they have been stimulated into activity
by a vain conceit or the love of notoriety, or ol
a petty political eclat, they are deserving of my
contempt, and richly are they rewarded with it.
But I owe it to honr.st men, who may have been
misled by taeir unfounded accusations, to dis
abuse their minds, so far as I can do it, without
a betrayal of that confidence which, amongst
gentlemen, is implied in private conversations,
no matter what may be their subject,and which
is seldom betrayed without misrepresentation.
If necessary, I have liberty to do otherwise, but
I shall avoid all unnecessary repetition ot the
declarations of others to me.
When the Tariff bill first reached the Senate,
I was in Raleigh,and thencommunicated loan
intimate political friend how difficult I should
find it to support it without important amend
ments, expressing to him my exceeding anxiety
and tears upon the subject. Immediately alter
my return to this city, the first day ot the de
bate in the Senate, I told several of the Sena
tors [democrats] with whom I was most inti
mate, the same thing, and, upon a conference,
suggested to two of them that I might have to
resort to a resignation : but they did not agree
with me, and I consented to think further of that.
II had been voted by the parly to have no refe
rence, and agreed to have no amendment to
the bill. N,exlday I held a long and confiden
tialconversation with the Presidentofthe United
Spates himself upon the subject, and informed
him of my determination not to vote for the bill;
but left it to his discretion whether to keep that
purpose secret or not. In that interview, such
was my anxiety to reconcile my duty with the
wishes of others, that 1 consented to waive my
opposition, and vote lor the bill, however, re
luctantly, provided it were amended so that the
new tariff would not go into operation before
the 4th March. 1847. The bill would then have
operated as a repeal of the tariff act of 1842
and so far I was willing to support it. But 1
desired its operation to be postponed to some
period which would be less oppressive to ex
isting manufactures and which might allow
Congress time to correct its errors, and, af
ter full deliberation, to amend it before the ex
isting system had been destroyed for delibera
tion had been refused, and amendments ex
cluded, although the one was due to the subject,
and the others were admitted to be necessary.
By that time, too, I hoped we might have peace
with Mexico, and, indeed, I entertained no doubt
that Congress would see the necessity lor modi
fying the act at the next session. 1 knew well
that the Senate were about passing the bill con
trary to the judgment ofa majority, under the
duress of a party drill; yet, unwise as that
was, my feelings were averse to going against
the course of my party in that body. These
reasons I assigned to the President, whose name
is not used without his express license. Upon
my return to the Senate chamber, as I had pro
rnised to do, I told several Senators who were
regarded as leaders upon this question, that I
could not vote for the bill, unless it should be
amended as above; but, if it were so amended,
1 would give it my vote. And I again pro
mised t keep my objections and purposes a
secret In in the other side, until my own- party
had been until I should be
obliged to ijet. Thesecret was kept sacredly
on my part, and no Whig Senator knew of my
opposition to the bill. With that view it was
that, down to the day that I resigned, 1 had no
conference with persons in Washington, and
out of the Senate, upon this subject, except the
President of the United States himself, and one
of his Cabinet; unless it may be, that, in gene
ral terms, I hinted to one of my colleagues in
the House that I wasembarrassed; but he asked
no interview, and I sought none. On the day
before 1 resigned, I went with a private gentle
man [a distinguished democrat] to consult with
him upon the single point of my resigning, or
of making resistance to the bill. I had frequent
conversation with Senators,and during Wednes
day and Thursday before the vote was taken in
the Senate, I held three confidential conferences
with the President, by his request, to whom my
determination to vote against the bill was al
ways known. It is unnecessary for me to al
lude to our intimate personal and political re
lations, or to state the particular conversations
with perfect accuracy. Suffice it to say, that
he had notice of my difficulties, and knew all
about my determination, except my intention
to resign. I was not willing to tell him of my
intention to resign, when there could have been
no motive tor it, but to constrain his magna
nimity into a resistance of my self-sacrifice to
his Administration. He saw that my mind
was made up, and he respected my scruples,
though he was not indifferent to their supposed
politicalconsequences to me or to his Adminis
tration. 1 will not say more.
I had been positively informed, before my
last interviews with the President, that the dem
ocratic senators could not unite, or would not
agree, upon the amendment which I had sug
gested, and the reason assigned to me was, that
it would jeopard the bill in the other House to
alter it, and that the House would reject it, if
it went back. I replied to this, that it was a
mistaken calculation; and if not, then the bill
ought not to pass with the people's representa
tatives against it 1 The sequel proved that I
was right, for it had to be returned to them, in
consequence ot another amendment, and yet It
passed, as it had done before. The democratic
senators must have regarded any effort of mine
to amend the bill, contrary to their wishes, and
after all that had passed, as a sinister attack
upon their bill, and perhaps they would have
been justified in that; and therefore I finally re
solved not to move an amendment myself As
honor and good faith to the party required of
me not to attempt amending the bill against
their will, I determined to let my opposition be,
in all respects, direct and above suspicion. So
1 was exceedingly careful not to do anything
which might expose me to censure, or interfere
w ith my confidential party relations with demo
cratic senators, and therefore resolved not to be
put in array against them at all, until I was
forced to the wall, when, (as I told them,] 1
would be “compelled to follow the dictates ot
my conscience, party or no party, and leave the
consequences «ith God.” There is no senator,
lam sure, who ever doubted my scruples, or if
he did, tie had self-respect enough to conceal
his suspicion. On the contrary, the leading
men of that body on the democratic side, with
out exception, as well as the President of the
United States, expressed themselves to me, up
on all occasions, anxiously, but most confiding
ly—all ot them concurring in the wish that 1
could vote for the bill; non» doubting my per
fect sincerity. They saw and knew the conflict
I had to endure betwixt feeling and duty, but
which lam not able to describe to you. There
was never an hour when I could not have alter
ed my course, without any abatement of their
respect, or any sacrifice to my own pride ot opin
ion, if I could have reconciled it to my sense
of duty, and my conscience, tinder any circum
stances, to vote for the bill as it was. Yet my
convictions were too strong for that. 1 could
soldo it. And nothing remained for me but to
continue in my place and vote against my par
ty triends, or 'o resign my seat, at a period
when no other question was likely to be affect
ed by it. I owe it to myself to state, that all
those who knew before hand ot my intention
to resign, with one voice, dissuaded me from
it, for reasons indicative of their confidence and
attachment, personal and political; and after
my resignation had been laid upon the table ot
the Vice-President, a number of them, without
my knowledge, interposed to have its presenta
tion delayed until I could be solicited to recall
it. But my own opinion never varied upon
that point, although my determination occasion
ally vacillated anterior to the 25th ot July, out
• ot deference to others; and, having done all
for the party that an honest man could do, 1
chose to resign. And, now, aftera calm review
of all the circumstances, I do not hesitate to
declare, that 1 should do precisely the same
thing, were it to be done over again, and these
are my reasons.
Democratic senators, numbering twentv
seven, had agreed to vote tor the experimental
c turiff bill; and so had Mr. Jarnagin, a whig
p senator from Tennessee. I knew that Mr. Jar
i - nagtn expected to vote for it, tor he had not only
[5 told m« himself, but I also had reliable intor
■:«» mation of the faet, that he hadgiven assurances
t S’* determination to do so, which it
fefe was hardly possible tor him or any man to vio
fesLJate; and 1 had knowledge, more than a week
before I resigned, that in case of a lie, the Vice-
President meant to vote in favor of it. The re
sult lias proved that I was not mistaken in my
fads. From these facts, it may be seen thai,
with my vote or without it, the bill wasdestined
to pass the Senate. It I bad kept my seat, and
voted for the bill, it would have passed by a
Vote of twenty-nine 1 It 1 had kept my seat,
and voted against, it, the bill would have pass
ed by the casting vote of the Vice-President!
But why resign, as my vote against the bill
would not have counted in the result? It was
not to be expected that 1 should vole against
my party’ friends without defending my vote.
A speech in the Senate at that time wouldhave
created great excitement, and no doubt the
same persons who now complain of my resign
ing would have denounced me for holding on
to my office, merely for the sake of making war
upon my party. My ft iends in the Senate, who
had resolved not to speak, might have had rea
son to accuse me ol selfishness, and probably
some of my reasons, uttered in the warmth of
a public speech, might have appeared as much
like arraigning others as defending myself,
n short, I deprecated the possibility ol an open
rupture with those I loved, but with whom I
dared not act, and was ever ready to sacrifice
much more than a place in the Senate to avoid
it, unless my duty to the country had demanded
that risk at mv hands—“ Country before party,
but party before self,” has always been tny
principle of action if my self sacrifice did
not secure the peace it was intended to propi
tiate out of the Senate, I am abundantly re
warded by its effects in the Senate. My firm
intention was quietly to resign, and not to at
tack a measure ot the administration after it
had been passed by my parly friends, even tor
my own vindication. And that determination
would have been kept, if the folly or the wick
edness ol others had not forced this explanation
from me in self-defence.
But I kept my intentions secret? You have
seen, that, to the extent that this was true, it
was an act of party obedience on my part, which
a partisan has no righlto condemn; ardallcan
see, who will see, that it was neither more or
less than an unselfish act of duty upon the facts
already staled. If any one had been inclined
to question the policy ot the concealment before
hand, the result proved his mistake, since it
did no harm to the party or the bill; and it it
had turned out otherwise, the fault would not
have been mine. It was a secret of the parly
at my hazard, and inslead of being blamed for
it, I might reasonably pul in a claim for credit.
Having once consented not to disclose my hos
tility to the bill, it became a point of personal
honor with me, and a prudent man, who has
that to keep, cannot be too cautious in selecting
the politicians who are to assist him.
But I resigned without a right to do so, and
without the leave of n>y State? Is that true?
Let us see. Suppose every voter in the demo
cratic party had commanded me to vote lor the
bill, and yet my own judgment had prevailed
as it did, against the joint influence of my feel
ings, my individual friendships, and my person
al ambition: is there a man who will deny that
I still had a perfect right to resign my station
and save my conscience? Did any ore ever
before suppose thatpariy had the right to claim
dominion over the man who served them, as
well as the office, they had bestowed—over the
soul as well as the station of their agent? Never,
never.
But in my case there is no room for new the
ories. The legislature that elected me passed
resolutions, declaratory of this doctrine. They
were passed by the party that elected me.
Whilst the “voice of God in the soul of man”
demanded my opposition to the experimental
tariff, a democratic State legislature, at the ut
most, only demanded of me to do otherwise “or
resign;” and for obeying both God and man, as
1 have, are you called upon to denounce me as
treacherous. No man, with a due sense of
honor and accountability could put himself in a
position where obedience to the mandates of
others was both imperative and unavoidable;
and nobody would be fit to serve the republic
who could. Upon any such terms, it would be
infamous to serve any party.
But the North Carolina resolutions, of tnem
selves, constitute at once my defence, and a
refutation ot the absurd notion that Senators
who cannot ttfrey have no right to resign with
out being criminal.
They are here:
Resolutions of the General Assembly of Sorth
Carolina.
“Reso’ved, Thalthe Legislature of this State
have a right to instruct the Senators of this State
in Congress, whenever, in the opinion of the
Legislature, they mistepresent the wishes of the
State, or the magnitude of the occasion shall re
quire such instructions; and that it is the duty
of the Senators to obey the instructions given,
or to resign their seats: Provided, The instruc
tions to be given and obeyed require not the
Senator to commit a violation ot the Constitu
tion, or an act of moral turpitude.
“ Resolved, That while North Carolina, in
the opinion ot this Legislature, will never ob
ject to any amount of taxes, equally apportioned,
and imposed for the purpose ol raising revenue
to support the governmenf, economically ad
ministered, yet this State will never consent to
the imposition ot taxes, the design and opera
tion ot which are to promote the interests of
particular occupations at the general expense.
“Resolved, That the tariff law passetl by the
present Congress [1842] is based on protective
|»i inviplc*, operating ttb ft buunij iu iiidtiu
factoring interests: and imposing unjust, une
qual, and oppressive burdens upon other branch
es of industry, and particularly those peculiar
to the Southern States; and that such being the
effects of this law, it is unwise in policy, danger
ous to public liberty, and a perversion ot that
free constitution ot government which was
framed and adopted for the protection and secu
rity of all, and which will be best sustained by
the equal operation of .is laws, and the just
dispensation of its benefits to every American
citizen.
“Resolved, That this law is not only pro
tective in its character, and unequal in its ope
ration, but that it violates the compromise of
1833, unjustly depriving the south ot the bene
fits of that act, precisely at the period when they
were to accrue to ns, and immediately after we
had patiently and patriotically endured all its
burdens; and, therefore, in the name of honor,
justice, and good faith, the legislature of North
Carolina do protest against this law, and insist
that it should be modified, so as to place it on
the basis of revenue duties.”
• ♦**♦***
“Resolved, That our Senators in Congress
be, and they ate hereby instructed, and our rep
resentatives requested, to carry into effect the
principles set forth in the foregoing resolutions.
“ Resolved, That the governor of this State
be required to forward a copy ot these resolu
tions to each of our senators in Congress, with
the request that they lay them before the Senate
of the United States.
“Ratified the 26th day of January, A. D. 1843.
“ CALVIN GRAVES, S. H. C.
“LOUIS D. WILSON, S. S.”
Are you instructionists? Behold here is a
complete exculpation ot my conduct. The
legislature says that to "resign” is not only the
right but the “duty” ot a Senator, who does not
prefer to “obey” their instructions. It is not
to “obey” without any other alternative, but it
is to obey “or resign”—either one or the other—
according to his own choice. So he does one
“or” the other, he is faillitul. Will the honest
democracy ot North Carolina, who have been
forgetful of these instructions, perversely adhere
loanerror, by which they may have allowed
themselves to pre-judge one who has spent the
best part of his lite, and worn out his constitu
tion, as I have, in upholding the democratic
party in North Carolina, against political foes
without and selfish demagogues within its fold?
Will that be honorable, or just, or democratic?
1 leave yonr own hearts to answer.
Are you non-instructionists? Then remem
ber, that I had it not in my power to sacrifice
myself to the country, for my vote could not
have prevented, no more than it could have se
cured, the passage ofthe tariff act. With or
without my vote, the deed wculd have been
done. Remember, too, that these resolutions
were passed by my own party, and the legisla
ture who elected me, and my acceptance of the
office, in the view of some honorable friends
might have been held to create an implied piedge
that I would “resign” provided I did not obey
their instructions, and therefore, that, indepen
dentof any poll ical “duly” to “obey or resign,”
1 had come under a personal obligation to do
the same thing. Hence by holdingon to my
seat and resisting, there might have been some
room for censure, but I desired to have no such
controversy, and as my resistance would have
done no good to the republic, surely all will
agree that it was my right to resign.
ft must be confessed that these resolutions
did not positively instinct the Senators from
North Carolina to vote for the experimental
tariff by that name, nor by any other precise des
cription of it. It is more than probable the Le
gislaturehad not anticipated the invention of
such a tariff; and I am sure I had not. But they
did instruct the senators to “carry into effect the
principles declared in the foregoing resolu
tion”; and a plausible argument, it not a
sound one, might be made in favor ot the con
struction, that their -principles,’ oral leastsome
of them, would be carried into effect by the ex
perimental tariff, and therefore, if 1 had remain
ed in the Senate to vote against the tariff bill, it
might have been alleged, and would have been
charged, that I had disobeyed the instructions of
the North Carolina legislature merely for the
sake of my office. And what could I have an
swered? Had 1 told you that the resolutions
were obscure, and that therefore I had not been
able to obey, my excuse would have been a
false one, tor I have already shown you that 1
dared not vote for the thing, had lhe instruc
tions been sent in the very words of the act,
whilst the alternative ot resigning conceded to
be both my right and my duty. Had 1 told you
that a higher duty imposed upon me lhe obliga
tion of defeating this new, unwise, and section
al tariff of 1846, in order to save the republic
and the people from those injurious results
which, according to my judgment, were almost
unavoidable, and that therefore I had remained
at my post in defiance of instructions, it would
have been untrue in my case, for, as 1 have al
ready staled, I knew the bill would pass with
or without my vote. I was incapable of re
sorting to any such false pretexts tor my de
fence. As a Christian and a gentlemao, it was
my duty to assume, as the party press at home
would seem to have admitted already, that the
“principles” of these resolutions were to be
"carried out” by the experimental tariff; and
not being able to obey, it was therefore right to
resign. If lhers had been any doubt about the
other “principles set forth in the foregoing reso
lutions,” there was none upon the principle of
the senator’s “duty to resign”; and his “ right”
to do that was unquestioned and unquestionable.
In so far as the legislature intended to declare
hostility to the tariff of 1842, I concurred with
them; and I again repeat that iny embarrass
ments grew altogether out of this ; that the act
by which it was proposed to get rid of lhe tariff
of 1842, was, under the circumstances of its
presentation, progress, and enactment, and in
view of all its consequences to the party and
lhe country, as bad or worse than the act ol
1842; and a support of it by my vole was utter
ly repugnant to a sense of duly to myself, and
ot fealty to North Carolina and the Union; so
that 1 retired from it as 1 would from a political
peslilence. I did not do it sooner tor lhe rea
sons already given; and for the additional rea
son that the governor ofthe State being a whig, '
il was impossible lo surrender my office to the ;
democratic pariy that elected me. Ifitwasnot ,
my duty, it was certainly my right to postpone
it until the Augustelections, and that right I ex- '
ercised for the benefit ol the democratic party, i
whose miniors have been lhe first to denounce ,
me for it! The people of Norm Carolina will
not, they cannot, in honor atidjustice, give their
sanction to such abominable iniquity. They 1
are too just, too honorable, to approve ot the
execrable maxim that “all's fair in politics.”
It may be regarded as no slight evidence of
lhe faithfulness with which 1 adhered to my
party obligations, that, alter consenting, under ;
the pressure ot strong feelings, to vote for the
experimental tariff', provided it could be amend
ed so as to postpone its taking effect until 4th I
March next, I had very considerable doubts ;
whether 1 had not gone 100 tar. Yet, in my en- .
deavors to avoid complaint, I adhered to my
pledge; and nobody was suffered to know of
my repentance. The minute before I resigned, ,
it was made known that 1 would abide by that .
offer, and a final answer was given by those
competent to reply, that the bill would certainly <
pass without my vote, and any alteration of it j
would endanger its passage in the other House, j
and therelore no amendment would be voted
for. This was communicated to me, andtherc- •
upon tny resignation was handed in to the Sen- t
ate. (
Now ,my friends and countrymen, I believe
I have told you all, and I submit to your justice 1
and common sense, whether ingenuity ar.dmal- <
ace combined can make out more against my t
conduct with this administration, upon the sub
jectof lhe tariff, than an honest difference of «
opinion? Because the President recommended <
a tax law, must your senator therefore approve <
of it, without crossing a t or dotting an i? Be
cause the administration wished to carry a bill 1
for revenues, must your senator, against his t
own judgment, therefore, vote for it ? Because f
lhe Treasury Department may have become
committed to a new experiment on the tariff, 1
did it therefore become a part of the creed of r
democracy, and bind senators who were chosen t
long before his administration was elected?—
When, and where, and how, did these become a '
partofthe political faith in North Carolina ? i
Who indoctrinated her and her people-? What c
book teaches it? What precedents enlorce it?
What age illustrates it? The Constitution ‘
provides that bills for raising revenue shall t
originate in the House of Representatives; but r
here is a new doctrine in politics, and a new .
practice in carrying it out, as well as a new
principle tor laying duties ! And will you pro- I
scribe me, simply because I resigned rather c
than give my vote thus to revolutionize at once t
and without time tor deliberation, orepportuni
ty to amend the act, all the past experience of 1
the government, and set aside th' counsels of r
Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and .
Jackson?
Ido not undertake to account, for the present 1
at least, lor the extraordinary outrage that was c
perpetrated upon my rights as a man, and a ,
senator, as soon as I had resigned, and before I
had been either asked for my reasons or allowed '
time to speak to you myself; nor to remark r
upon the servile spirit of some in our own State, t
who were quite eager to follow the ignoble
lead. There is a time for all things. But to a
those in North Carolina, of every party, who
aim to direct public opinion, I beg leave to say a
a word in which they are interested as much
as I can be. How happened it that another '
democratic senator openly denounced this very i
bill as absurd, disgusting, and unfit to be touch- a
ed and he was not noticed by party censures?
How did it come about that another democratic n
senator, in debate, averred most emphatically '
that the omission of a tax upon tea and coffee |
for revenue “was without excuse 1 ” and not a .
word of complaint was made against him?— 1
Whence was it that democrats ol Virginia vo- s
ted against the administration upon the res ilu- e
tion of notice to terminate the Oregon conven- ()
tion, and no one was heard to proclaim their
want of fealty to the parly or to the administra- c
tion ? And by what influence was it that South t<
Carolina democrats did the like, and they went
uareproved? Whence happened it that a demo
cratic senator refused to vote for the Mexican 11
War, and still he was a good parly man and z
administration man? And that other demo- 0
cratic senators voted against amendments to the
independent treasury, reported upon the recom- 1
mendation of the administration, and declared ft
by the secretary to be indispensable to his get
tingalong, and yet they were treated as true s
<a trtl 1, n M.vut nny open A n.i r - -rr
more than all, how will you account for ir, that t j
other senators have denounced lhe President for 2
the Oregon treaty, and openly charged him with y
fraud, deceit and hypocrisy, and still they re- j
mained “very excellent friends” of this adminis
fration, and received no censures? But a sena- v
tor from North Carolina, who enjoyed the per- p
sonal confidence of the President more than any n
other, supported his administration more zeal- j
ously, and I may say, more successfully, than
any other single senator has done—an early,
intimate, unflinching friend, who brought to his j
heart as well as his head, all he had of both— «
has been denounced and slandered as a traitor v
and apostate, merely because he resigned his e
seat in the Senate into your hands, sooner than p
violate his conscience by voting for a measure ],
of legislation, or disturb his friends by resisting £
it. Such are lhe undeniable facts; look ye to
their meaning. t
Your friend and countryman,
WILL. H. HAYWOOD, Jr.
Washington City, 21ugust 10, 1846. s
Mr. Webster—the Cincinnati Locofoco*. (
Our Cincinnati Democratic politicians, says p
the Cincinnati Gazette, had a glorification c
meeting al the Court House; to laud the pas., s
sage ot the British Free Trade Act, and the c
destruction of the Protective Tariff of 1842. t
They passed a series of resolutions, among
them this one;
“ Resolved , That the idea of improving the
condition of lhe laborer by conferring privileges c
upon lhe capitalist who employs him, is noth- t
ing but the old idea expressed by Daniel Web- .
ster— Lei lhe government take care of lhe rich and
the rich will lake care of the poorV
Disbelieving the allegation in this resolution *
against Mr. Webster, we sent it .to him. His t
reply, which we copy below, stamps lhe resol u- s
tion with falsehood! Will lhe free traders re
tract, or acknowledge their error? We shall ?
see. As soon as we clear off the press of mat- r
ter connected with the close of the session *4 a
Congress, we will look up and publish pertions
ot the Pittsburgh speech, referred to by Mr.
Webster. ‘ c
Washington, August 10, 1816. ]
My Dear Sir—l have received your letter of
lhe4th instant. The Resolution which you say
was passed at a late “Locofoco meeting” in r
your city, and of which you send me a copy, I
asserts an absolute falsehood. I never uttered (
such a sentiment, at any time, or in any place,
in substance or in form, or any thing like il. i
The falsehood originated in this city, ten or 1
fifteen years ago. I have contradicted the state- j
ment, time after time, publicly and privately.
No proof was ever produced, or attempted lo 1
be produced, of any such declaration made by f
me. Nevertheless, the falsehood continues to
be repeated, occasionally, in the political press. .
It your readers desire to kno-v my constant and
invariable sentiments, on such subjects as those <
lo which the Resolutions of the Locofoco meet- r
ing refer, I will be obliged to you to publish a ,
speech made by me at Pittsburgh, I think in
1833. i
1 am, dear sir, with regard, your ob’t serv’t. (
DANIEL WEBSTER.
J. C. Wright.
The Copper Region.—A correspondent of
lhe New York Post, writing from Sault St.
Marie, says— 1
1 have had conversation with an intelligent 1
geologist, who had just returned from an exam
ination of lhe copper mines ot Like Superior.
In regard to the mines, he told me that the ex
ternal tokens, lhe surface indications, as he
called them, were more favorable than thoje of |
any copper mines in the world. They are still, ,
however, mere surface indications, the veins
had not been worked to that depth which was 1
necessary lo determine their value with any
certainiy. The mixture ofsilver with the copper
l>e regarded as not giving any additional value
to the mines inasmuch as it is only occasional 1
and rare Sometimes, he told me, a mas* of
metal would be discovered ot lhe size of a man’s i
fist, or smaller, composed of copper anti sil- .
ver, both metals being closely united, and yet
both perfectly pure and unalloyed with each ’
other. The masses of virgin copper found in i
beds of gravel, are, however, the most remarka
ble feature of these mines. One of them which
has been discovered this summer, but which '
has not been raised, is estimated to weigh twenty '
tons. I saw in the propeller Independence, by
which this parly from the copper mines was
brought down to lhe Sault, one of these masses,
weighing seventeen hundred and fifty pounds,
with lhe appearance of having once been fluid
with heat. It was so pure that it might have
been cut in pieces by cold steel and stamped at
once into coin.
Copper in Great Britain.—ln 1844, there
were imported into Eng1and,55,720 tons foreign
copper ores; andofmetallic copper, unwrought,
and wrought plates and coins, 805 ions. Ot the
ores, the greatest quantities were from Cuba and
Chili.
Milk Trade —The N. York Journal of
Commerce says that the milk brought down
the Erie rail-road each day. for that market,
weighs, with the cans, !
MONDAY MORNING. AUGUST 31, 1846.
Democratic Address to lhe People ol the
Lllghth Congressional District*
The Constitutionalist, of the 26th inst., con
tains the address ot the Committee appointed
by lhe Democratic Convention, which was held
in Warrenton on the 15th inst. It is plausibly
written, but lull of sophistry, absurdity, contra
diction and statements not sustained by facts.
We cannot, in an article like this, go into a de
tailed examination of lhe positions which ate
laid down and urged by this communication to
lhe people of this Congressional District. All
that we expect, or desire to do, is, to notice some
ot its leading features; and we do so, more be
cause of lhe nature ot lhe production, emanating,
as it does, from a large and respectable party,
than for its intrinsic merits. It professes to ad
dress “ the people of lhe District, irrespective
ot party.” We are always ready and willing
10 go before the people, the whole people, with
in the reach of our journal, and would be glad
to address ourselves, at ail limes, to lhe judg
ment of every party. We have an unfeigned
respect lor all classes of our fellow-citizens,
whether Whigs or Democrats, and as we are
all profoundly interested in lhe experiment of
self-government, which is now upon trial in this
glorious land of freedom, we ever rejoice in any
and every discussion which can be fairly made
before the real sovereigns of the land.
Without wasting our lime with f urther prelimi
nary observations, we proceed to lhe considera
tion of lhe address before us. It commences by
declaring “ that Democracy is progressive.” It
is made to come to this Western world from the
Despotisms ot Europe. Any Fourth of July
oration, describing the landing and lhe difficul
ties of our pilgrim forefathers, contains a lair
description of the rise, progress and continua
tion of Democracy, as portrayed by the Demo
ctatic Committee. It was Democracy that
fought the battles of lhe Re volution—that achiev
ed our Independence, and established lhe great
charter of our liberties and rights, the Federal
Constitution. We next find il “ riding upon
the whirlwind and directing the storm” in the
war of 1812. But before we come to this pe
riod with our criticisms, let us examine, fora
moment, lhe preceding fifteen or twenty years,
not to dwell long, but to take a rapid glance at
the course of events, directed and controlled, as
we are told in this address, by Democracy, if
11 was this which nerved the hearts and arms of
our forefathers to resist British tyranny, let us
ask lor a moment who were some ot the great
actors in those “days that tried men’s souls.”
These were Washington and Adams, Jefferson,
Hamilton, Madison, and a host of others, who
live in lhebright pages of History. What part
did they act in reference to a Tariff and some
of the other great measures, which are now de
nounced as federal, oppressive and thievish?
They gave them, but particularly a protective
Tariff, their cordial support, while in the pub
lic councils, and until life, with each, “shuffled
off this mortal coil.” We refer to these, among
a host of others, who at that period, after bra
ving dangers, chains, dungeonsand death, were
ready in lhe public councils lo give their pa
triotic exertions lo lhe cause of their country
and human liberty and happiness.
But coming do wn to lhe war of 1812, we find lhe
address declaring Democracy lo be lhe master
spirited. that trying period, and distinguished in
its efforts to suslani James Madison and the liar
against their opposers and revilers. We ask
now, what part did a certain distinguished
Whig play in that memorable lime? We al
lude of course to lhe great Whig leader of the
day. Fedeialisls and traitors to their country,
shrank Irom before the lightning flash of his
eye; they quailed and quivered under lhe force
ot his invective. Who then, with clarion-voice,
called upon lhe spirit of Republican freedom,
to redress the wrongs ot our injured country,
like lhe great Orator of lhe West?—who,
in speaking of the thousands of American citi
zens and gallant tars who had been impressed
on board of British vessels, and compelled to
fight and die in her battles, broke forth in the
following noble and pathetic appeal:
“Let me suppose that the genius of Columbia
should visit one ot them in hisopnresyn£y nrk-qn. M
miuuuLTupiiu .icuHLHi min tu H lUlollom condi
tion. She would say to him, in the language of
gentlemen on lhe other side,(opposed to the
war,) ‘Great Britain intends you no harm; she
did not mean to impress you, but one of her
own. subjects; having taken you by mistake, 1
will remonstrate, and try to prevail on her, by
peaceable means, to release you. but I cannot,
mv son, fight for you.’ If he did nut consider
this mere inockerv, the poor tar would address
her judgment, and say, ‘ You owe me, my coun
try, protection; 1o we you, in return, obedience.
I am no British subject; I am a native of old
Massachusetts, where live my aged father, my
wife, my children. 1 have faithfully discharg
ed my duty; will you letuse to do yours?’ Ap
pealing to her passions, he would continue, ‘ I
lost this eye fighting under Truxton with lhe
L’lnsurgent; J got this scar before Tripoli; I
broke this leg on board the Constitution when
lhe Guerriere struck to it.’ ”
In lhe language ot Prentice, “there was
something in the impassioned gesture and pa
thetic tone of utterance which distinguished
this appeal, that lhe feeling which dictated it
passed from mar. to man, as il one mysteri
ous chain of sympathy connected every bo
som/’ The editor of the National Intelligen
cer declares that the pathetic effect produced
by the appeal admits not of description.
There were few individuals in the House
who did no! bear witness, by their streaming
eyes, to the orator’s control over their sensibili
ties. Members of both political parties—men
whose patriotic souls had been sustained by his
eloquence, and those who had been writhing
and agonizing under his indignation—forgot
their antipathies and wept together. It was by
such glowing and heartfelt appeals, united with
a power of argument and force of reasoning,
never excelled, that the President’s recommend
ation of war was sustained.
The Hon. Richard Rush, a member of lhe
cabinet of Mr. Madison, in a letter to George
D. Benton, Esq., ol Kentucky, said: “I well
remember that during the war ol 1812, having
myselt had a share in the administration of Mr.
Madison during that war, though on!}' in an
humble way, we considered Mr. Clay as the
great prop of the public cause in Congress.”
However eminent and useful others might have
been, he stood foremost in aidour, in eloquence,
in power to achieve lhe great ends, which lhe
exigencies of that period demanded.
1 his of itself is no light praise, when that
body contained such men as Lowndes, Cheves,
and Calhoun, besides others of scarcely infe
rior renown. Mr. Madison himself said:—
“ The army is doing its duty, the Navy is doing
its duty, and Henry Clay is doing his duln."
Can such deeds be forgotten? Can they be re
collected but with the deepest emotions ot pride,
admiration and gratitude?
Messrs. Fouche, Neal, McLaws and Hook,
have said in the address before us: In 1812,
“ Democracy vindicated the honor and lhe rights
'f the Republic against Britain and her allies at
home and abroadf To whom do they refer?
they mean the immortal man of whom we
have been speaking? Oh, no! They have
spoken disparagingly of him in this very ad
dress, while they have eulogized Mr. Polk,
who, at the period referred to, was studying his
Latin grammar at a grammar school, or tread
ing the flowery path* of a college life!
If Democracy was the supporter of the war,
it was embodied in Clay, Calhoun and Mad
ison, besides a host of others, who favored the
protection of domestic industry! | Mr. Calhoun
favored that policy then, though now opposed to
it. Where was Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Chas.
J. Ingersoll, Mr. Hubbard, and many other of
the leading democrats ot lhe present time, in
1812? They were federalists, and though per
haps honest, were opposed to the war in which,
according to the Democratic Committee, De
mocracy played a part so important and honor
able. So much for Democracy in 1812!
We find that we must postpone till to-mor
row the conclusion of our remarks upon the
subject before us.
State of Maine —Hon. Luther Severance
declines a re-election to Congress fiorn lhe
Kennebec district. He has been an able and
useful member, and we regret that he is to leave
'he hall* of national legislation. The Whigs
have nominated Hiram Belcher, Esq., of Frank
lin county, in his stead. In lhe Oxford dis
trict Hon. Freeman H. Morse is lhe Whig can
didate,— Nat, Int,
Inflect dhe New Tarifl upon Iron.
The Constliionalist of the 21tn instant co
pies the ioUcing from lhe Baltimore (Dem.)
Sun.
” The vali of (foreign) iron was raised in
anticipation a large expoil io the United
States.”
This is the ray the new tarlll is to favor
those who ustTun in any ofiislorms! We
thought it waio be cheapened by low duties!
It seems that nt idea was a mere delusion !
If many one anticipated blessings of the
free trade protfionistsdon’t turn out to be cur
ses, experienennd figures will prove lor once
to be deceitfuluides!
The steaMUP Southerner, built expressly
for the purpoi is to make her first trip from
New-York lolharletton on the 10th September
next. She isius described :
“207 feet from stem to stern, thirty
feel beam 14 el depth of hold, and measuring
800 tons. J Hf engine is constructed upon the
most approvi plan of lhe English marine,
combined wi»pll the improvements of Ameri
can ingenuity Her wheels are of iron, 31 feel
in diameter, I 2 feet face and 8 feel stroke.”
She has tlfe masts, and is said to be of
great strengtlif bull.
EartiiquaiC—A severe shock ot an earth
quake was felU Boston, and very generally
throughout Nw England, on Tuesday morn
ing, 251 h inst.
The steamerfeptune, recently bought by the
U. States government left New York on Tues
day for Brazospantiago with military stores,
and lhe rubber Lonton” train lor the use ol the
Army in Meiiq
Excessive rar* have taken place recently in
the coast couny of Texas, extending back
forty or fifty dies. The prospect for cotton
was becoming ?ry gloomy. Brazoria county
hgs suffered mxcihan any other. A letter from
a planter thee, dated the 15th inst., to a com
mercial ho»se in New Orieans, says :
“ I’hereis an entire failure of lhe cotton crop
in Uis secion ot country. When I last wrote
yoi 1 hada good prospect for 100 bales; now I
shaii not nake over five, if that, and think on
many plantations there will not be a bale gath
erel. Tie worms are eating up the grown
bols. 'Jhey appeared a month earlier than
usual, anl the cotun was then three or tour
weeks I ter than heretofore—so it is a clear
sweep, lam certain there will not be an eighth
ol acrofin this county.”
pym N. O. Picayune of the 23d in’»t
Yuca'AN. —We turned over a file of Yucatan
papen ysterday, of the latest dates received fiom
that Peiosula. They confirm entiiely the im
pressions hich we had been led to entertain in
regard tthe feelings of the people of Yucatan to
wards texico and the United States. No truant
schoolby could exhibit a more eager desire to
make Is peace with a village thm
Yucataimanifests to be received back into the
Mexica Union. There is a great deu’. of talking
“arouncand around, about and a!.out,” but the
truth isapparent through all disguises and pie
texts. laving availed herself of the weakness
of the Mexican confederacy, she attempted to ex
tort sore peculiar commercial privileges from the
Centra.’Government, and she succeeded in her de
sign. 3ut the Central Government has been quite
too jeious of its lights to acquiesce in these
grant* xtorted from its weakness, and all that
Yucitnnow desires is to obtain a certain and
precis«guaranty from her that Yucatan may hold
in penetuity these commercial advantage*. This
questbn settled in i*s favor, the Peninsula is as
thoroughly Mexican at heart as any portion of the
county, and the present display of independence
is buta hollow show. Every paragraph we read
in the papers from the Peninsula shows that
the population sympathize with the Central
Government in its distresses, and if the prayers
of tie Yucatecos could avail, the army and
navy of the United States wuold be utterly
worsted in the con'est going on. In the mean
time Yucatan is driving a very good tiade to
and irom Mexican ports, and the money she
make! is the sole consolation she has for standing
aloof ind taking no direct part against us.
From the Columbus Enquirer,
Muscogee Rail Road Meeting.
A meeting of the citizens of Columbus and its
vicinity was convened a i the Court Houston Satui
iay evening, the 22d August, IS-16. On motion,
Col. John Banks was called to the chair, and
K m. P. Yonge appointed Secretary
His Honor the Mayor, after explaining the ob
ject of the meeting, had read the letters received
by him from Thomas Pollard, President of the
Montgomery and West P int Kail Read Company,
Jahn P. King, President of the Georgia Rail Road
Company, and Thomas Gadsden, President of the
Charleston and Hamburg Rail RoaJ Comp my,
which were in reply to his invitation to those gen
tlemen to attend a meeting at this place, for the
purpose of ascertaining their views in relation to
a connection of the contemplated Ra ; l Road with
4he Central, and Macon and Western itaii
Road*.
The meeting was then addressed by tne follow
ing gentlemen, viz: John G. Winter. Esq, R. R
Cuyler. Esq , President of thr Central hail Road
Company, and Daniel Tj ler, Eq, Pie-incnt of the
.Macon and Western Rail Road Company ; also, by
General McDougald, who called upon <l.e < hair
man for his views: whereupon, he addressed the
meet in* in a few interesting remarks. Major
Williams then made a few preparatory remarks,
and offered the following preamble and resolutions
which were unanimously adopted:
The great enterprise in which the State of Geor
gia has exhausted her resources, ar.d entailed a
debt of some magnitude upon her being
now neariy completed, it may not be unimportant to
examine very summarily the influence which it is
likely to wield upon the great interests of tnis
State. The original plan upon which the state of
Georgia prosecuted the immense expenditure of
public money in her Cherokee Railway contem
plated that Augusta, Savannah and Coluinbu*
would connect with it by Rail Roads from each of
those cities, and we have seen that lhe two former
have done so, by the completion of immense works,
which do honor to them and the Companies en
gaged therein.
The great Central Road from Savannah to Ma
con, and the Macon and Western Road from Ma
con to Atlanta, have fully realised to the people
of Georgia ah the advantages which were con
templated, and while they afford ready facilities
to the merchant and planter, the profits are kept
within the State; an object which is much to be
desired in all gicat works of Internal Improvement
by a State or its citizens. As much cannot be
said of the- Georgia Rail Road. It is tiue that
equal facilities are afforded to the planter, but that
Road in connection with the South Carolina Rail
way, mikes a constant drain from the State < f
Georgia,for the benefit of South Carolina. These
Companies,making common cause,are not satisfied
with bleeding our State upon one side, but aie ma
king greit efforts to push iheir cnteipiise to Wot
Point, and form a connection with the Montgomery
Road. These arc important considerations lor the
people of Columbus, who have so long slumbered,
over their interests, and should induce them
speedily to mike an energetic efibrt to carry out
their pan of the great original plan contemplated
by the Legislature of Georgia. In view of this
effort, the Muscogee Rail Ro id Company has been
chartered, and whether the times be propitious ot
not for catering into thia enterprise it must be
done as awoik of necessity to our self-presei va
tion. In comparision with what has been done by
o>her Companies in the state, the work which re
mains for Columbus to do, is a small one. A line
of Road seventy miles in length will give to this
city all the advantages affordtd by lhe Georgia,
Central, and Macon Roads,at the expense of ie<s
than one raillion of doil irs ! Ought we, then,
longer to hesitate ? Our actual interests and ne
cessities admonish us that we ought not. Be it,
therefore,
Resolved, That this meeting recomn.cnd to the
Muscogee Rail Road Company immediately ! u
organise and proceed to open Books of Subscrip
tion at Columbus, Talbotton and Thomaston, and
such other places as may be deemed necessary, for
the purpose of receiving subscriptions to the Stuck
of said Company.
Resolved, A* the opinion of this meeting, That
the Central and Macon Roads have a deep interest
in the speedy completion of a Rail Road from this
city to Barnesville, and that said Companies and
their individual Sto-kholders be requested to affbrd
such subscriptions to the Stock ot this Company
as their interest may seem to require.
Resolved, That in the opinion ot this meeting
the Road from this city to Barnesville sh u.d be
place 1 under immediate construction, and that it
ougat to be completed by.the first day of Novem
ber. 1847.
On motion, Resolved, That th«» p.oceediugs of
this meeting be published in the Gazettes of the
city.
The meeting then adjourned sine die
JOHN BANKS, Chairman.
Wm. P. Yonge, Secretary.
Wno is he?—ln June, 1811 lhe Harri>bu s
(Pa.) Union, after replying to thea-serii -n « t a
Whig paper published in that ci:y, that M .
Polk was in favor ol Free Trade, as a ‘ wi ful
misrepresents tic n,” added the following empha
tic reniaik: “Now, we happen to know, ar.d
we slate, unon the au’.horrv ofa Tennesseean,
with whom we conversed at Baltimore—a near
neighbor of Col. Polk—that he holds the doc
trine of Free Trade in unqualified abhorrence.
He has never advocated it, and never will. He
is in favor of a judicious Ta rift; afford-
ing the MOST AMPLE INCIDENTAL
PROTECTION to American industry. He
is the especial friend and advocate ot the iron
and coal interest, those two great objects of so
licitude with Pennsylvania: and, believing per
manencein our law* to be of incalculable value,
he is opposed to the disturbance gs the pre
sent Tariff. These fac:* we state upon the
very best AUTHORITY.” Now, the “ very best
authority,” must have been Mr. Polk himself,
or some “neighbor of Mr. Polk,” auihorized to
speak in his name. And the press is everv
where calling for the name <4 this “neighbor.”
We hope the Harrisburg paper will give it to
he country.— Richmond Whig.
Capital in the Coiper Business.—The
number of companies engaged in the copper
business in actual operation is about ninety,
and the nominal capital is ever $15,000,000.
Boston seems to have entered the most exten
sively into the business.
From lhe N* O. Picayune of the 241 h inst.
Arrival of Santa Annu.
The British brig of war Daring arrived off the
Ballze Sunday evening, from Vera Cruz, and two of
her officers camo up to town this morning with a
mail and despatches. The Daring sailed from Vera
Crnz on the 17th inst., and brings very important
ntelligence.
Tne government of Paredes has been entirely
oveithrown. and he himself made prisoner.
The steamer Arao ariived oft Vera Cruz on the
16ih inst., with Santa Anna on board. Upon the
appearance of the Arab off Vera Cruz, Comrnod.no
Conner repaired on board the steamer Princeton,
and an attempt was made to intercept the Arab ;
but the morning was cairn and she slipped into port
without hindrance with her valuable freight.
Opinions differ as to the intentions of lhe Commo
d ?re towards Santa Anna, some believing that he
had no desire lo intercept him. Santa Annaimme
dia'cly placed himself at the head of the move
ment in that department. The Departments ol
Puebla and Mexico have declared for Santa Anna,
and Paredes has already been taken prisoner. The
revolt at the ( apital was headed by Gen. Salas.
Before Santa Anna left Havana he took letters
from Grn. Campbell to Commodore Conner, and
avowed himself, in reply to some inquiries as to
his ii.tentions, as follows: “If the people of my
country are for war, then I am with them; but 1
would prefer peace.”
News has been received iu Mexico that Monte
rey, in California, has been seized by one of the
vessels of the Pacific squadron. Another account
says that all California has yielded to the Ameri
cans.
Our advices are somewhat meagre, but they are
of the most authentic character so for as they go.
We have seen a letter received by an eminent
commercial house intimately connected with affairs
in Mexico from their correspondent in that city.
From this letter in appears that Gen. Salas and a
portion of the garrison of Mexico pronounced on
the 4th inst. in favor of the Government of Santa
Anna. Although Gen. Bra' O, the Vice President,
made some resistance, he wa* compelled to yield
caily on the morning of the 7ih inst. Gen. Salas
wa* invested with the command until the arrival
of Santa Anna, supported by Senor Gomez Farias
as counsellor. Ihe latter used his influence with
the Ministers of Paredes to induce them to contin
ue in the discharge of their functions.
The letter announcing the above intelligence,
urges as a scandalous shame, that while the revo
lution is going on in Vera Cruz and Mexico, Gen.
Taylor is advancing with his forces into the interi
or, opposed by no force of any consideration. This
is denounced as the moie disgraceful, inasmuch
as by the consummation of the revolution, 3000
troops from Guadalajara and 4000 from the city of
Mexico are now at liberty to move at once to the
frontier, and these united to the army ofthe North
would I eal.-le to make luad against the invaders.
The same letter announces that some adventu
rers from the United States, supported by the crew
ofa sloop of war, had taken possession of the port
of Monterey, in California, and the writer adds:
“God knows what will be the result of this move
ment, as well as lhe invasion made by the way of
New Mexico.” In conversing with Capt. Matson
we learn tha the intelligence ot the success ol our
arm* upon the Pacific was by no means new at Ve
ra Cruz, it having been received many Jays before
the Daring sailed lor this port.
We have been permitted to lake a copy ofthe
lollowing let.er received by a commercial house:
Vera Cruz, August 16, 1816.
* ♦ ♦ ♦ * Mexico and Puebla have
since also pronounced lor Federation and Santa
Anna; Bravo’s Government, hardly establish
ed, was overthrown, ai d Gen. Salas has pul
himself al the head ot the movement until San
ta Anna may arrive. Tranquility was soon re
siored. Gomez Farias aided lhe partisans ol
Santa Anna to bring about lhe revolution. His
sons have come down here io welcome Santa
Anna, who left Havana on the 8:h in a British
steamer called lhe Arab, .accompanied by Al
monte, Haro y Tainariz, Rejon and Boves, and
thus ought lo be here everyday. Gen. Parades
was taken pi isoncr and is kept i i the citadel ot
Mexico. Gen. Salas has issued already a letter
of convocation of Congress, on lhe principles
of 1821, and the members arc :o assemble at
Mexico on the 6th D cember next. The pie
sent conveyance carries the news of the annex
ation ot California toihe Unite! States, receiv
ed last night by express at lhe British Consu
late.
Santa Anna, who had only been signalized
when a postscript lo the above letter was writ
ten, subsequently arrived and wa* received al
Veia Cruz with every demonstration ot enthu
siasm and joy-
We learn that Paredes was taken prisoner
and confined, as it was his manifest intention to
employ the troops, eouipped tor the army ofthe
Norih’ to oppose the advance ot Santa Anna
from Vera Cruz, instead ol marching against
Ge;;. Taylor. The ievolution in the city oi
Mexico followed immediately upon the an
nouncement ot the declaration in Vera Cruz on
ihe 31st till. Some accounts say that General
Paredes is confined in the Castle ol Perote in
stead of Mexico.
Although a few Mexican papers were receiv
ed bv the Daring, we were nut so fortunate aslo
obtain the use ot them, and they were forwarded
to Washington by yesterday’s mail.
News from the Santa Fe Expedition.
The St. Louis R.publicanot lhe 21st inst.
has thefollowing interesting intelligence:
News from lhe Sunt a Fe Expedition,.— An ex
press irom Gen. Kearney’s camp at Bent’s Fo.t,
arrived al Fort i) ’orth on the 14th inst.
iML r * JUL—awfc** —»* <•»•» *.4
July.
Gen. Kearney, v ith his command, consisting
of several companies U. S. D. agoon*, the Ist
Regiment of Mhsouii Voluntceis, undei Cot.
Doniphan, and the Battalion of Volunteer Ar
tillery,under Maj. Clark, set out from ent’s
Foil for San’a Fe, on the Ist day of August.—
I’he troops were all in excel!-, nt healtn and
spirits—there had been but one death wp to lhe
time the express left.
A general stampede took place .among lhe
horses two days b. tore lhe express left, and at
ihe time ot his leaving about liny horses, chiefly
belonging to lhe volunteers, were missing, and
it was feared that tl.cy would not be recovered.
This will operate severely on those who have
lost their horses, lor in the event of their not te
covering them, they will have lo travel on foot.
A short lime before lhe express left, Capt.
Moore, ofthe U. S. Dragoons, captured three
spies, who had been sent out irom Santa Fe to
ast ettain the character,ex’ent, &c. ofthe United
States force. Alte: their capture and their pur
pose was ascertained, by the orders of Gen.
Kearney, they were shown all over the aimy,
and after they Lad seen everything, they were
dismissed and permitted io leturn to Santa Fe.
From these men, and also Irom other sources
it had been ascertained satisfactorily that there
would be no resistance made lo Gen. Kearney’s
taking possession ot Santa Fe. In fact, it is
said, that lhe Mexicans were anxiously a rail
ing the arrival of the army, believing that it
would furnish them a harvest in the way of
trade, and protection from troublesome Indians
in their vicinity. There were no troops at
Santa Fe, nor in the upper provinces, and. none
were expected. Gov. Armijo had issued a
proclamation, in which he st ites that the exist
ing hostilities between lhe United Statesand
Mexico will not interrupt ihe trade between
the United Slates ant! Santa Fe. That in all
respects, it shall be conducted as it the war did
not exist. This of itself, is a sufficient indica
tion that Governor Armijo does not intend to
offer resistance to Gen. Kearney.
Our informant states, that ihe ladies of Santa
Fe were making extensive preparations fur the
reception of the United States troops, and some
of them expected to be permitted to go with the
expedition to California. Preparations were
making lor fandango dances and other sports.
It is said that Gen Kearney will stop al San
ta Fe until C l. Pi ice’s Regiment arrives there.
I'hat, upon their arrival, that Regiment, or a
portion of il will be left to occupy Santa Feand
other important points in tne vicinity, and Gen.
Kearney, with ihe residue of the force, will pro
ceed immedi -.tcly to California.
The five hundred Mormon Infantry, under
the command ot Lieut. Col. Allen, were pro
gressing rapidly. They made thirty eight miles
in two days. It was believed they would reach
Beni’s Fort nearlv as soon as Col. Price’s Regi
ment, and quite as soon as the purpose of their
enlistment required.
A great many tradersand a very .large amount
of goods are going out. They are scattered all
along the route. The road is represented as in
splendid condition.
There were a number cd traders, we believe
al] but those whom Capt. Moore failed to over
take, at Bent’s Fort, and would move on to San
ta Fe with lhe army They aie quite discoura
ged with the prospect before them They will
arrive several months later than they anticipa
ted. and the prospect of trade is by no means
fl met ing after they reach there.
When the Li"!-: Missouri left Furl L aven
worih, < n the 16 h, there were vet a: the Furl
i nine companies, a portion <4 Col. Price’s regi
ment, and a portion of Cui, Willock’s extra
battalion.
litME and h<s Mother —It seems that Hume
received a religious education fium his mother, and
early in lite was the subject of strong ar.d hopeful
rt ft-Lus impressions, tut a< he approach'd to man
hood, th.-y were eflacc 1, and confirmed infidelity
succeeded. Maternal partially, however alarmed
at fii't,cam?l >»k vvith loss and les-i pain upon
:his declaration, and filial love and reverence seem
to have teen ab-or’.-ed in the pride of philosophical
skepticism ; fur Hurne now applied hirn«elf with
| unwt aiied, an ! unhappily, with 6U"ce-sful eiforts,
,to •pth • feundatiun of his mother’s faith. Hav-
I it!.: succecdcdin this dreadful work, he wentabruad
into foreign connllies ; and as he was returning,
an express met him in Lon lon, with a letter fiorn
his mother, informing him that she was in a deep
decline and could nut long suivive ; she said she
f uud herself without any support in her distress ;
that be ha! taken away that source of comfort up
on which in all cases of affli?tion she u*cd to rely,
and that she found her mind sinking into des
pair: she did not doubt lint her son would aff?id
her some subs’itute for her religion, and she con
jured him to hasten home, or at least to send her a
lotter, containing such consolations as philosophy
can afford a dying mortal. Hume was overwhelm
ed w ith anguish on receiving this letter, and hasten
ed to Scotland, travelling dav and night, but before
he arrived his mother expired.
No permanent impression seems, however, to
have been made on his mind by this most trying
event; and whatever reihotse he might have felt
at the moment, he soon relapsed into his obduracy
of heart.— Quarterly Review.
The drought in the Western part of the State of
New York is said lo be very great. Lake Erie
was at ihe last t,ccount& ten inches lower than
usual.
TUESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 1, IMG.
Dcmocnitlc /iddicsa to the People of the
Fighth Congressional District.
(continued ]
Leaving the war ol 1812, ihe committee next
allude to what Democracy has done in destroy
ing the Bank of lhe United States. They say
we have a sound currency and low exchanges
without the Bank. In immediate connection
with this declaration is the following: “They
find the people more generally disembarrassed
than at any former period within their remem
brance.” Yes, this is the language ofthe com
mittee. and they are referring to the present
lime, and yet, they deal out their denunciations
against, (as they call lhe tariff of H 42, which
is still in operation) this “certain evil,” “this
oppressive and iniquitous act,” and say, “We
struggle to clip the fetters that bind the wings
of commerce, to minister to the wants and pro
mote the comforts of onr race.”
It will be readily admitted by all, that this
country has experienced some halcyon pe
riods of prosperity in the past. Have they, or
have they not? The committee sav, how
ever, that at lhe present time the people are
more generally disembarrassed than al any for
mer period within their remembrance! This
is a little strange, it lhe tariff of 1842 is
such a monster of oppression ! A reasonable
man would suppose that, if it were so disastrous
and ruinous, lhe people would be generally
“embarrassed.” The committee committed
themselves unintentionally, no doubt, by this
sweeping testimony to lhe prosperity ot lhe
times, in lhe plenitude of their wish to show that
the Bank ofthe United States is not so essential
to lhe goo I condition of the country.
The committee certainly do not recollect, tha
a wise and judicious tariff, with reasonable in
cidental protection, has itself a powerful and
fortunate influence upon the currency. It pre
vents that abstraction of specie from the Banks,
which al ways takes place when lhe balance of
trade is in favor of foreign countries. For in
stance, the advocates of ihe new tariff say
that the amount of goods brought to this coun
try under low duties, will be greater than here
tofore, by many millions. It is in this way
that they r expect to obtain lhe revenue which
will be needed.
If then, one hundred millions, with an aver
ageduty of 30 percent, will raise lhe amount,
it will take one hundred and fifty millions at
20; just fifty millions more. The average duly
under the new tariff, being about 22 lo 23 per
cent, it will be seen at once what a large excess
ot importations would ba needed to equal the re
venue under lhe tariff of 1842.
This immense excess must be paid for, ar.d
the banks would be drained of their specie to
do it. This embarrasses them, they embarrass
their debtors, and soon, every' interest in the
country suffers. We have made this statement
tor illustration, an I would not be understood as
professing accuracy about the importations to
this country, or the duties under lhe respective
tariffs. It is sufficiently so, however, to show
that ihe currency feature ofa proper tariff is
no small part of its importance and usefulness.
Again— It is to the interest of lhe Banks to
keep down a United Stales Bank, at least, it has
been generally supposed to be so. So long as
any remote plausibility exists ot the re-estab
lishment ol a United States Bank, they will
endeavor to preserve a low rate ot exchange.
But the case would, perhaps, be materially dif
ferent if a Bank was given up and believed to
be buried beyond a possible resurrection.
The Committee congratulate the country, that
the Monster Bank has been riven by lhe thun
derbolts of Democracy. One would most na
turally suppose, from the views of the Coinmii
'ee, that this great principle, called Democracy,
had, from the landing of our pilgrim fathers,
pervaded this c unity as electricity does the
material universe. That it had conferred all
the good which, as a people, we have received
that it has been uninixed, unadulterated, pure
and isolated, from that lime till now. Well, let
us put this theory to the test upon the question
of a National Bank. It received the signature
of George Washington, and if he does not stand
tolerably high in the estimation of lhe world,
we nave been considerably imposed upon by
parents, teachers, booksand papers. Did he go
for a Monster! We’ll give the names ofa
number ot Southern and Western gentlemen
who voted for lhe late United States Bank’,
without reference to Stales, just as they occur
to our memory.
We must begin with Mr. Calhoun—first, be
cause he bounced up in our mind as soon as
we began lo think ot names at all; and 2J, be
cause he was the author of lhe bill, by which
the charter of the late Bank was granted. It
was voted for, besides, by John Forsyth, Na
thaniel Macon, Wm. R. King, (present Minis
ter lo Fiance,) William Lowndes, Richard
Henry Wilde, Wilson Lumpkin, James Bar
bour, Alfred Cuthbert, and a number of others,
whose names it is unnecessary to give. Suffice
it to say, it was passed by the votes of what
was known and recognized as the Republican
party, and received the signature cl that good
republican and great statesman, James Madi
son.
Where was Democracy then ? Was it with
the Federalist*, who were generally found vo
ting against it? Perhaps the Committee can
answer! The people will expect it of them, if
they can! We hope the Committee will not
despair!
Let them clear up their brows, brush away
lhe cobwebs, and tell us what part Democracy
ook in establishing the great Monster, which
threatened to swallow the Constitution! De
mocracy was standing by, patting il on the back
and claiming it all lhe while as its legitimate
offspring.
We will conclude lhe subject to-morrow.
Caterpillar.— We regret to learn that this
destructive worm has made its appearance in
the Cotton fields in this and the adjoining coun
ties within the last few days. As yet, howev
er, they are not in sufficient numbers to do any
material damage. A few days will exhibit
their extent.
New Cottun. —Eight bales of new Cotton were
yesterday received at the Warehouse of Messis.
Dye & Robertson, from the plantation of Mr.
P ul Fitzsimons of Jefferson county—quality good
middling, sold for 7§c.
Ad Valorem DuHp*— -- Mr. Clay-—Mr.
Toombs.
The Democratic papers have been publish
ing extracts from the speeches of Mr. Clay and
Mr. Toombs, lo show that the latter denounces
ad valorem duties, while Mr. Olay sanctioned
them. They take their extracts from a speech,
delivered by Mr. Clay in the United States
Senate, on the Ist of March, 1812.
It is true, that in that speech, Mr. Clay spoke
in favor of such duties, but, as was shown by
the letter of Mr. Davis ot Kentucky, which
we published recently, he wa* favorable to that
•principle of imposing duties in connection with
a valuation of foieign goods at home, and not
in lhe ports from which they are brought. In
order to place this matter in lhe fullest light,
and to ex ose the unfairness ol our opponents,
we present lhe following from the same speech,
from which they have garbled lhe extracts tu
which we refer:
“Ishall here say nothing, ur but a word or
two, on the subj ct of home valuati »n—a sub
ject which a ftiend has care of, (Mr. Simmons,)
than whom none is moie competent to its lull
elucidation. He thinks, as 1 understand, that
there can Le devised a satisfactory system of
such valuation, and I heartily wish him suc
cess in the ai.ernpt. 1 will only say that, in my
opinion, il we raise but ten miliiu’.s, without
any reference whatever lo protection, wiiboul
reference to any thing but to mere hoiiesty. how
ever small the amount may be, we should our
selves assess the value of the goods on which
we lay ihe duty, and not leave the value to be
fixed bv foreigners. As things now stand, we
lay the duty, but foreigners fix the value of lhe
goods. Give me but lhe power of fixing lhe
value ot the goods, and I care little, in com
parison, what may be the rate of duty you im
pose. it is evident that on the ad valorem pi in
eiple, it is lhe foreigner who virtually fixes ihe
actual amount of lhe dutv paid. It is the f-.-r
--eigner who, by fixingthai value, virtually legis
iates for us; and that in a case where his inter
est is directly opposed to that of our revenue.
1 say, therefore, that independently of all con
siderations of protection, independently of all
ends or motives but the prevention of those in
famous frauds which have been the disgrace ol
our custom house—frauds in which lhe for
eigner, with hisdoubleand triple ami quadruple
invoices, ready to be produced as circumstances
may require, fixes the value of the merchandise
taxed—every consideration of national dignity,
justice,and independence, demands the substitu
tion of home valuation in the place of foreign.”
It will thus be seen, that Mr. Toomb’s views
are not at variance with those of Mr. Clay, as Mr.
T’s objections to a l valorem duties are founded
upon the probable frauds which would be com
muted by foreign valuation and. corrupt, invoices.
It will be further seen, that our opponents, who
have garbled lhe extracts from Mr. Clay’s
speech, have not been quite as fair and honora
ble in doing so, as they might and ought t o have
been!
From the N> m Orltans Picayune Extra, Aug. 24.
LATER FROM THE ARMY.
Capture of China by * apt. McCulloch—
(ici:. 'Caylor at <. amargo—Advance of
Capt. Duncan.
The steamship .McKim arrived from Brazos
Santiago at an early hour on Suu lay morning,
bringing dates stem Pi ii t Isabel of the 17th
and from Camarg >, th * present headquarters of
the army, of the 13 h inst. Os the movements
ofthe army, and particularly of lhe operations
ofCapt. McCulloch and the capture of China by
his Rangers, the letters which we give from
Mr Kendall will b»* found to give full details,
and the letters of Mr. Haile are quite the latest
communications received from the advance ot
lhe army.
China, Mexico, August 5, 1816.
China is in the hands of the Americans—not
the great and«celestial Empire, with its Bang*-
ar.d Whangs, its Tings and Ling*,—but th?
little puel lo or toun in Mexico of the same
name, situated on lhe Rio San Juan some sixty
five or seventy miles above Camargo. Ben
McCulloch, with fifty-five of his men, arrived in
right off the place about 1 o'clock this mor ing,
aftera forced march of over fiilty miles. At the
Rancho de Sacatehe learned, from a Mexican
who had just arrived, thai Col. Seguin was in
China with upwards of one hundred mounted
men, and at once formed a plan for his capture.
This was yesterday afternoon about 2o’clock.
Hiring the same Mexican who brought the in
telligence, for a guide, our captain started offal
a rapid pace, only Lalling a short time towards
sundown lo cool lhe horses’backs and make a
“hasty bowl ’ of coft' e. Before reaching the
large rancho or hacienda of El Toro, within
three leagues of China, lhe horse of lhe guide
gave out, broke down completely, and it was
found necessary, to leave him. This did notin
the least alter McCu’loch’s plans, for he kepi
on at lhe same rapid pace. The hacienda ot
E! Toro extends for a full half mile along the
liver, and the wondeiing inhabitants were all
out in front ot their huts as wc passed. Nut a
word was exchanged, the Rangers riding single
file and in silence through the place. A little
after midnight the white belfry' of the church at
China was seen some halt mile distant, the
bright moonbeans bringing it out in bold relief.
A little farther on a halt was called, twenty n cn
were left as a rear guard, and with the rest of
the company our captain moved on, circling the
town and making towards the main Monterey
roaifcfo to cut off any tore? that might endeavor to
retreat We had just reached lhe opposite side
of lhe town and had arrived at a large road,
when the sharp crack ofa rifle was heard from
the rear guard, now near a mile off. A halt
was called, strict silence kept, and every ear was
ready’ to catch lhe reports ot other shots, for it
was at first surmised that the Mexicans had at
tacked our comrades; but not another gun was
discharged, and no sounds reached us save lhe
barkingof innumerable dogs, every cur in the
town having been alarmed. The order had
been giving for both parties lo enter the place at
daybreak, and as it still lacked an hour or two
of dawn, we were halted in the road and told
not to lake ether saddles or bridles from cur
horses. No further alarm save from lhe oppo
site side, and hard as was lhe rc ad, and without
blankets, many ofthe men were soon asleep
while holding their animals—the long hard ride
having broughlon n fatigue and drowsiness that
could not be overcome.
With lhe first gray of (he morning we were
again in the saddle. A delay of half an hour,
chasinga coupie of Mexicans seen leaving the
town, made it broad before we entered lhe
plaza and when there we fottn I the rear guard
already in quiet and peaceable possession.
They had had ail lhe tun and excitement on
their side, for it seemedthat they had taken one
prisoner, who was caught endeavoring to spy
out their position, and the rifle had been dis
charged at two others—fellows on horseback—
who were evidently reconnoitering and who put
spurs to their horses when ordered to halt.
During the evening following lhe. report ol the
rifle the prisoner escaped from the person
guarding him —thus ended the conquest of
Cnina by the Americans.
Upon inquiry, it was now f und that McCul
loch was u iibin an ace, as the saving is, of
catching Seguin, have noisome of his scout*
or friends given him notice of lhe approach ol
the Rangers, he would have fallen into their
hands. 1 1 , was only at dark that he received
intelligence of our approach, when seventy-five
of his men ai once broke and run lor lhe chaya
ral. At 10 o’clock—some two hours before
our captain reached the outskirts of the town
twenty-five more were in the saddle and off,
ar d il is said that Seguin himself was only two
hundred yards distant when the rifle was dis
charged at one <»t his spies, and further that he,
too, made at once for the cAa/rardZ as fast as his
horse would carry him.
The Rangers folio wed on lhe trail of tne run
aways unlit a point was reached where they
were Scouts of lhe enemy were
seen nn the distant hilltops, watching our ad
vance, hut as it was deemed useless to pursue
ihe fugitives further on tired horses, and they
knowing every loot ol the country, we were or
dered back to town, and are now occupying the
very quailers recently filled by Seguin’s men.
History mentions but few instances where a
handful of men have driven double their num
ber from a strong position, fur such this real
ly is, without some show of resistance.
In haste, G. W. K.
Camargo, Aivgust 9,1846.
I wrote you a hurried scratch from China,
giving an account ot our tt ip to that place and
of the flight and Seguin and his men. McCul
loch remained there but one day, occupying Se
guin’s quarters the while. We started on lhe
6'h inst for this place, and ariived sal? and
sound yesterday morning without meeting with
any resistance. It was thought the Mexicans
might rally, upon ascertaining lhesmall force ol
ihe Rangers, and attempt to cut them offal the
Paso de Sacate; but not an armed man was
seen as we enteted the place.
Previous to our leaving China onr captain
told lhe alcalde to give his best compliments to
Col. Seguin on his return, and further to inform
him that he had called at his room on a visit,
had remained there twenty-four hours, and re
gretted that he was compelled lo depart without
seeing him. In a few days, possibly he might
return, when he hoped he might find him at
home! Seguin will not like that, for he is a
proud and sensitive fellow.
China is but a small place, numbering not
more than 5 or7oo inhabitant. The principal
part of the men, su far as I was able to judge,
are gamblers, robbers and smuggler, and all
looked suri ya nd cross—n >»»a ppear ing to like I he
idea of a handful of Rangers taking th?ir town
without a struggle. From the high lands in
the neighborhood we could distinctly seethe
high. blue, mountains a short distance this side
m Monterey, their summits looming far above
’ us and seeming to pierce lhe very heavens. I
would give a good deal to catch a mouthful of
the fresh air that is circling about their lops, and
imagine we shall all be climbing them in the
course of a few weeks—no one cares how quick.
'l’he sh atner Ilatchee Eagle arrived here last
evening, Gen Taylor and his staff coming up
on her. 'l’he talk now isofan immediate move
ment towards Monterey, making a depot for
provisions at some point on the route. Whether
lhe armv is to move byway of China, or is lo
cross the San Juan at this place and march on
the other side < I the river has not yet been set
lied upon I believe. There are now near 3000
men, all regulars, encamped here, and hosts of
volunteers are route and shortly expected—
some of them this afiernoin.
'l’hegeneral impression among tho best in
formed, as regard* the chances <4 the Mexicans
giving another ba tie, is that Gen. Taylor will
have an opportunity of gaining fresh laurels
at Monterey ornear that pla<-e. On lhe river
ihe inhabitants appear friendly enough, but in
the interior the case is different. Accompany
ing McCulloch on bis different scouts 1 have had
a good opportunity oljuding, and the general
bearing and tone of the principal men has been
as much as t:> say, “you are having your way
now, and we must giin and bear it; in a short
lime you will be hurrying out of lhe country
ai double-quick (imp, with ihe Mexican soldiers
in the ascendant-then wc shad have our day.”
I do not be ieve, lor one moment, that the con
ciliatoty system can make ftiends o! these peo
ple. They despise and hate us, and nothing
but their fear induces them lo conceal their real
feeling*.
1 might here mention ’hat Col. Balie Peyton
came up with Gen. Taylor. 1 believe that he
is to «.c.o*.upai;y theaimv in ils mov.•minis.
1 3 G. W. K.
Camaugo, August 10, 1816.
By a boat about leaving I send you a line,
although 1 have nut an item ot news to commu
nicate. .
There was a grand parade of all the regular
troops last evening, and a magnificent shoe,
they made. Gen. Taylor and staff passed the
different regiments as they w etc extended inline,
and expressed himself highly giaiifi d with
their appearance. Gen. Worth is drilling the
men constantly, and the masterly style in which
they perform their evolutions beats anything
your humble servant has ever seen in the way
of military tactics.
The Whiteville, Capt. Dunn, by which
boat I send this, came up 'ast night with a de
tachment of G*-n. Svtlney Johnson’s T<*xas in
fantry on board. This part of the regiment is
commanded by Major Wells, Gen. J. himself
being on the way by land.
McCulloch’s Rangers arc to be disbanded to
morrow, their term of service being out. He
will have another company of mounted men
immediately in service, Gen, Taylor having
given him permission to enlist for three months
only. None but those having crack horses will
be allowed lo join,as the company is to scour
the country towards Montetey, a long distance t
in advance of the army, and may be obliged to
retreat whenever it conics across a superior
force. G. W. K.
Camargo, Mexico, August 11, 1846.
One step towards Monterey is to be taken to
morrow. Capt. Duncan’s battery, accompa
nied by a small portion ot McCulloch’s men,
leaves this place in the diicction ot lhe moun
tains, and bv some road on the opposite side of
lhe river. It may be looked upon only as a
reconnoiss'/Kcc, although an artillery force is
along. Ol whatever befalls them on the road
you shall be made acquainted all in good time.
Il th? command does not take Mier in lhe route
it will go close to that place.
Ne ws ha* reached here this morning lo the
effect th i thf' itv ofGuenero has pronounced in
favor of the United S ates Government. The
I eople of that place have all along been friendly
lowa'ds lhe Americans, or have so seemed; but
whether from any love they might bear them,
or fri m f- arol lhe encroachments (4 the Ca
manche.*, is a matter 1 am not able to’determine
at this present writing. I believe, honestly,
that the people of Guenero have some intelli
gence and are better disposed than those of any
place on lhe river.
Byway ot a letter from Mier, it would seem
that McCulloch came even nearer having a
brush with Seguin’*men atChina, than was at
first supposed. When the rifle was discharged
at one of his spies his main command was not
a mile off, an<‘a general scamper at once fol
lowed. Had there been daylight at lhe time,
although it is now said they number over 200
strong, they would not have got off su easily.
The crack steamer Brownsville, bv which 1
send this brought up two companies of the ad
vance of the Baltimore troop* last evening, the
lest coming on by land. They are a hardy
iouking set of “ b’hoys” to all appearance, and I
have no doubt will do good service. Capt.
B.anchard’s company of twelve-rnonihs’ Louisi
ana volunteers, recruited from the regiments re
cently disbanded, entered camp this forenoon.
They lo* k fierce yet weather-beaten, and ready
lor any kind of a scrape. The last I saw of
them they were hunting shade, with a vertical
sun pouring hie h tlest rays upon them. There
is no use talking about hot places so long as
Camargo stands where it now dues. Whew 1
I will write again before leaving here, if any
think ol importance turns up. G. W. K.
Special Correspondence of the Picayune.
Camargo, Mexico, Aug. 11, 1846.
Editors of lhe Picayune : Gentlemen—l reached
this place yesterday morning, and, like most
persons who have visited the place since the
flood, was much disappointed at its appearance.
You have already been informed how many
buildings were swept away and ruined by the
overflow. Camargo is but the skeleton of a
town, and the houses that remain are all more
or les* injured, the walls being cracked, and lhe
rough mortar, or mud, nearly washed out of
the stonework, near lhe base of each. The
place is under manial law. When Capt.
Miles first took possession of lhe town with lhe
7 h Infantry, his first step was to endeavor to
prevent the retailing of spiritous liquors. This
he succeeded in doing, and has persevered so
rigidly in his praiseworthy plan, that up to
this moment scarcely a man is seen intoxicated
in lhe streets. 'l’hc consequences are that lhe
most perfect order prevails here; the men are
always ready for duly, and enjoy better health
than they did at Matamoros. No citizen of lhe
U. States is allowed to remain here longer than
the departure of lhe first boat, without the written
permission of lhe officer commanding the forces
at this point, and no stores are permitted to be
opened, except by the sutlers, who are strictly
prohibited from selling intoxicating drinks.—
This is precisely as it should de, and Capt.
Mile* deserves much credit for commencing
as he did. His orders were promptly approved
of by Gen. Worth on bis arrival, likewise by
Gen. Taylor. 1 went out this evening and
paid my respects to the General. He Las es
tablished his headquarters about half a mile
apove the Plaza, where he remains alone,
with the exception of his staff. The old gen
tleman is in excellent health, and in fine spi
rits.
Gen. Worth’s command is about three-fourths
ot a mile below ihe town, encamped with much
precision on a smooth, dry place. In front of
lhe long line of tents the field has l>een carefully
cleared off, giving ample room tor exercising
the troops. The army is arriving rapidly from
below, and everything betokens an early move
ment ol lhe troops on Monterey. It has always
been my opinion thalthe Mexicans wouldgive
Gen. Taylor another chance to whip them,and
on a large scale, al or near Monterey, and 1
find that most ol lhe officers here, who are best
informed with regard to the condition of things
in that vicinity, entertain the same belief. I
shall try lo be there, al all events, to see what
occurs.
I have obtained a written permit to remain
here “ until further orders’.” The merchants
who have landed goods here al different times,
and have been sent back by Capt. Miles, were
treated kindly by this gcnUemaidy officer—the
most trifling articlesol their merchandize having
been carelull}' sent on board lhe boats that took
them back, and everything as carefully noted
down and accounted for as h the freight had
been Government property. H.
Camargo; Mexico, August 13,1846.
Editors of the Picayune: Gentlemen—l have
just heard ot ihe arrival ol ihe remainder ol the
Texas Infantry, under Col. Johnson—also ot
portionsol lhe 31 and 4th U.S Infantry, under
Col. Gatland, with Capt. Braggs’ battery. I
have already mentioned that Gen. Worth’s
Biigade was under marching orders for the
interior, lhe order being to be in readiness lo
move wiihm eight dayslrom yesterday.
Gen. Burleson and several other Texan gen
tlemen ot 'distinction have arrived at this place.
1 also see Captains Mason and Pope of Ken
tucky, and believe that they are about to join
the new spy company that McCulloch is form
ing. Capt. McU. is now out with a small
party, with Capt. Duncan of the Light Artillery,
teconnoitering the counit v in the vicinity of
Agua Leguas. The weather is fine, but ex
ceedingly warm. Citizens who hoped lo trade
at tins place are constantly arriving, and are as
constantly receiving ’ders to return “on the
first boat?’ They u > not like this, of course,
but there is no help for it. Camargo is an im
portant depot, and Gen. Taylor is determined
lhe scenes ot Corpus Christi and Matamoros,
so detrimental to the service, shall not be re
enacted here. Th? Big Hatchee is getting up
steam, so 1 must close, to ensure a conveyance
for rny hasty letter. H.
From the N. O. Times.
We have received by the AlcKim files of the
Matamoros American Flag to the 14th inst.,from
which we make the following extracts:
The First Regiment, of Texas Cavalry have de
pailed hence o.i a hunting excursion. We pre
sume, from the pilots—Hays and Walker—that
they will stiike into a section of country where
game is plenty, and with a little good hick, will
return with tiophies of some importance.
Col. Clarke, Governor of Matamoros has adopt
ed a summary method of disposing of all those
who may be inclined to kick up a row or other
wise disturb the peace of li;e city. To convince
them that he is not to be tr.flcd with, he has made
an example of some three or four within the last
week, and had them scut off to New Orleans.
Four comp -nies of the first regiment Ohio vol
unteers proceeded up the river on lhe 10th inst. to
Camargo. This regiment is commanded by Col.
M itchell.
Four companies of the second regiment passed,
up on the Virginia on the I Ith inst.
The remaining companies of these two regt
incuts arc, cn route, on foot for the place
one half going by water and the other half by land.
Those of the Maryland and Kentucky compan
ies, whose lot it was to go on foot, are also on the
road up. These men have a Jong road to travel
in this warm weather, but if report is true they
are well able to stand it.
Volunteers.— This brigade, comprising
three regiments, is now at Camp Belknap, opposite
Burita, and is commanded by Col. Jos. Lane, A. S.
Robinson, aid.
The 3<l regiment of Ohio volunteers are suttoued
at Matamoros.
The city of Matamoros wears a peculiarly quiet
aspect. An evident change is to be perceived i
the noise and tumult created by the large numbers
(4 volunteers, who constantly filled the streets,
has ceased entirely since their departure, and every
thing here is as orderly as lhe most peaceable city
in the Union. The prohibitory orders ngainst the
further introduction of spirituous liquors arc oper
ating beneficially.
Disappeared—A. captain of the Louisville Le
gion named W. L. Ball, started Lorn this place ibi-
Bu;itn,four or five days ago, and has u<4 since
been heaid of. He should have reached hrs place
of de tination the sane day he left here. There
is no doubt but he has been murdered. Not the
slightest h'pe exists of his ever being seen again.
Sickness.—We hear that much sickness prevails,
amongst the troops down al Burita and Bragoa Is
land, and that a number of cases have proved
fatal. There cannot be much surprise aiarnfested
at this by who aie familial with the situation
ol those at Burita The encampments arc bclweeu
the river ami a large swamp, many of the troops
have never ?pcnt a summer in the south, and the
burning rays of the sun that come down with
double force after each shower of rain-—these are
enough to sicken oae born in the swamps of Flor
ida Thu measles prevail to a considerable exUot.
ami the impossibility of keeping ihe patieui* dry
causes many of them to die of the disease.
We regiet to learn that horse stealing prevails to
great extent at Matamoros. A splendid cbajger.
the property of our contemporary, Capt. F. A.
Lumsden, was carried off’ on lire 1 Ith ina*.
Health of os.—Noth withstanding the
filthy condition ot our streets, the numerous pools
of stagnant water that are in and about ihe city,
and the su‘den changes of rain and sunshine, the
health ol this place continues good—so very good
that we never hear of any cases of sickness ; a n d,
as the mau in the play says, every body lives here
out the doctor*, and they have to go elsewhere to
make a living-
The 24 Regiment of Dragoon*, which is cvm;
posed now of only four companies with atwut 375
men, has abandoned its encampment between
Point Isabel and Fort Brown, and w as at Matamo
ros at last account*.
Maj. Gen. Butler is represented to be quite ill
at Point Isabel.
Spic and Traitors —There seems to be quite
a nest of these amongst the population of Mata
moros, who keep the enemy advised of all that ia
pa.-.sing there. On the 13th inst., a vast quantity
us military stores was found in possession of an
eminent citizen, Dun Jose Maria Tova, undei