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THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
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.fMWST.f, G.1.:
THURSDAY MORNING, DEC. 10, 1846
From the Columbus Times.
"Llpon what foundations do the whigs of the
Union build their hopes ot success in tire next
Presidential struggle? What principles dothey
laydown in their political chart, to which the
friends of Republican liberty and equality, will
delight to rally ? What measures do they pro
pose, sanctioned by the constitution, and instinc
tively drawing to their support the uatrioltc and
nouesi appiodauou or me people7
“Is it a ‘Prot'ctive Tariff’ that is going to
smooth their path to power ? Mr. Webster says
“yes” and raises the cry '■( “restoration,” and
with shame be it said, the IFAtg Si.iil.t takes up
and sends back that cry. ‘Restoration!’ ‘Re
storation’ ot what?’—of high taxes and* low
prices—of cclton at 4 cents the pound instead of
B—of corn in the grain growing States at ten
cents per bushel—ot the cunningdevicesol real
taxation on false values; of minimums and
specific duties, whereby the agricultural and
working classes of the Union were forced to
pay 91 millions ot dollars annually for the
naked benefit of the manufacturers of the
North.”
The whigs “build their hopes of success in
the next Presidential struggle,” upon measures
“sanctioned by the Constitution and instinc
tively drawing to their support the patriotic and
honest approbation of the people.”
The golden clouds in the East give hopeful
signs, that a sun of prosperity, under the con
troui of the whigs, is about to illumine the land,
and give it new hopes, new energy, and new
lile. The darkness of political night is dis
pelling before its glotious coming—the people
are comprehending more fully the dangers and
evils of mis-called democracy, and,"before it is
too late, they are resolved to strike for law,
good order, the happiness of man, and the
sacredness of the Constitution.
The whigs oiler to the people professions to be
ful/Ulnl, a love of country more than a love of
party —a modification of the one-man power,
by w hich a tyrant is instituted over their will—
they propose to legislate for American labor,
interests and citizens, in preference to legislating
for British. labor, interests and subjects—they
propose to repeal an odious, impracticable and
ruinous system of keeping the public funds, by
which, even when it can be carried out, a cur
rtney of gold is established for the government,
while the people wijl be left to such a currency
as they may chance to find floating through th e
country—a system which is already the con
lemptof thousands of thedemocrats themselves,
not only because it embarrasses the banks,
contracts their issues, and blights every interest
dn the land, but because it places the govern
ment in an attitude ot hypocracy, destitution
and want, if adhered to, calculated to prostrate
its energies, and disgrace its fair name at home
and abroad.
A gold and silver currency, indeed! with
demopratifi. Secretaries begging for bank djh's
committing perjury, violating the law, because
it is too senseless and impracticable to be enforced.
The Whigs propose to place an administra
tion in power, who will call lor the blood of our
people, for the tears and sighsand agonies of
the bereaved, only when necessity, honor, and the
national rights and character, appeal to the gal
lant sons of the Republic to make the imrnola
tion. They want no wars to bleed the country in
a double sense, in violation of the constitution
and without reasons of the most imperative
necessity. They propose to place in power
men who can guard the rights ot the nation and
protect the sacred lives of its citizens, till de
manded by a wave of public feeling which
proves that freemen’s pulses have felt the stings
of national wrong, aggression or unretracted
insult—to place in power, men who can direct
the arm of war with vengeful power, i<
is stretched out to blast the foe—who can tell,
when, and how, with true magnanimity, to offer
the olive branch ot peace, and heal the wounds
of war with the blessings ofkindness and friend
ship—who will turn their eyes to the venera
ble constitution, established by our pure, noble
and chivalrous ancestors, not to disregard, but
to follow its injunctions—who will not profess
to be its guardian strict constructionists, only
to deceive the people, and violate it in the mo'e
insidious and deadly manner—-who will not
claim to follow the advice of Washington, and
yet trample the Constitution beneath the unhal
lowed feet ot dangerous and remorseless con-
quest.
We tell the Times, it knows full well, that
the tariff never brought cotton to loitr cents per
pound, nor corn to ten cents per bushel. Will
it assume the responsibility ol gravely taking
a position so absurd and groundless'! Will it
gravely maintain the oft-retuted, stale and .oath
some story, that the tariff of ’42 forced the peo
ple “to pay ninety four millions of dollars
annually, for the naked benefit ol the manufac
turers ol the North;)”
But we have no arguments to offer now. We
have offered them heretofore, and we intend to
reproduce them at a proper time, that the dis.
simulation and tricks of party may be exposed
as they deserve to be.
The whigs delight to rally around their prin
ciples, and they have a cheering hope of suc
cess in the Presidential struggle —a hope found
ed on recent, successes, and the goodness of
their cause, that will nerve them with invinci
bility, and crown their efforts with triumph, and
the land with blessings.
Death or Albert W. Smith.—A few days
since, we performed the melancholy duty ot an
nouncing the demise ot one of our most worthy
citizens, and to-day a similar task devolves up
on us. Albert W. Smith, of the late firm ol
Scranton & Smith, is no more. He died at the
Mansion House in thiscity yesterday morning.
For some months he had been in feeble health,
but such was the character ot his disease as not
to excite any fear, in the minds ot his numer
ous friends, of his approaching dissolution, un
til a late bonron Tuesday night, when it be
came evident his career was near its close.
He had been long a resident of Augusta, and
had established a reputation lor sterling worth
and integrity, which endeared him to all with
whom he had intercourse. A sagacious and
intelligent merchant, be enjoyed the confidence
ot commercial men wherever he was known.
A man ot warm heart and generous impulses,
he never touted a deaf ear to the entreaties of
the destitute—charity with him was one ot the
noblest virtues, and he dispensed it without
ostentation, whenever and wherever her appeals
were made.
The demise of suth a man will produce a
vacuum in any community not easily filled.
Peace to his remains.
Our Book Table.
Mr. Grenville has laid on our table, from
the press of Lea & Blanchard, a very choice
little volume, “ Tie Hural Resister and Al
, snanac for 1847 ." Apart from the astronomical
calculations, it contains a great variety of mat
ter ot value to the Horticulturist and Agricul
. turist, illustrated bv numerous engravings in
I both departments.
Savannah LUcction.
The election tor Mayor and Aldermen in
Savannah, on Monday lasi,resulted in the com
plete success of the Whigs—electing the May
or and all the Aldermen by an average majority
of about 110 voles. We annex the vote for
Mayor:
Henry K. Buruovghs, Whig 731
R. M.Charlton. Dein;rat ~...584
Capt. McMahon.—Our citizens will be
pleased to learn, sayslhe Savannah Republican
of Tuesday, of the return to the city of Capt.
McMahon, of the ZrtsA Jl/snsr Greens. Capt.
M. has obtained temporary leave of absence
fronzGen. Taylor, in consequence ot illness in
his family, and ot private business which re
quired his presence at home. Os course he
will hold himself in readiness to return at a
moment’s warning in case ot an apprehended
immediate collision with the enemy.
Z7y the Ncic Orleans Picayune, of Dec. 4.
Izater from Tampico.
LOSS OF THE STEAMSHIP NEPTUNE.
The U. S. sloop of war St. Mary’s sailed from
Tampico on Saturday the 28th ult. at 3 o’clock,
P. M., and arrived off the Rio Grande at 5 A. M.,
on the 30th, where she landed Adjutant Austin, of
tne 3d Artillery. Thsnce she sailed at 10 o’clock,
unH ma.lA the liuht-hoiiic at •**
Capt. Rollins, ot the steamship Neptune, came
passenger on the St. Mary’s, »nd arrived in the
city this morning. He reports that the steamship
Neptune arrived at Tampico on the 22d Novem
ber, with 450 regular troops under command of
Col. Gates, and the steamer Sea on the 23d with
200 n.ore. [These aie the same troops whose de
parture from Brazos for Tampico we announced on
the 2 ultimo.] On their arrival at Tampico the
city was formally handed over by the Naval force
there to the Army. Fort And >niga was immedi
ately garrisoned under the name of Fort Conner,
and armed with two long 8-pounders. A battery
of two 42 pound cannonades (called Fort Ann in
honor of Mrs. Chase, lady of the late American
Consul at Tampico,) commands the Altamira road.
And besides these some field pieces are mounted
on the house tops.
The town of Tampico is already in a good state
of defence and reinforcements are arriving daily.
The state of Mexico is represented to be in a worse
condition than ever. Santi Anna lately addressed
his troops, apparently with the view to extract
from them an invitation to assume the command
of the Government. It was understood that he
was much disappointed in his expectations as the
Army received his address in profound silence. He
immediately afterwards started wiih all his caval
ry, it was stated, on a scouting expedition. Some
supposed it was to cut off one of the divisions of
the American Army,but the better opinion seemed
to be that he had gone to the City of Mexico to
watch and dsrect the new Congress, which was to
convene about the Ist of December.
The Saint Mary’s left off the bar of Tampico
the frigate Potomac, steamer Princeton, sloop of
war John Adams and the smaller vessels of the
fleet, under command of Commodore Conner. The
steamer Sea was ashore abreast, the town on a mud
bank. She would sail for Brazos Santiago as soon
as she gets afloat. Met the U. S. steamship Mis
sissippi sixty miles north of Tampico bound in.
Officers of the Saint Mary’s all well.
Operations in Tampico or Panuco River.
We have received from our Pensacola corres
pondent the following items of intelligence brought
to that place by the U. S. brig of war Porpoise,
It contains news of considerable interest, apart
from the operations of the military, and explains
the reason of naming one of the fortifications at
Tampico after the lady of the late American Con
sul at that place:
Pensacola, Dcc.-21,1846.
Editcrs Picayune— Last evening the U. S. brig
Porpoise, Lieut. Commanding Hunt, came to an
chor off this yard, 7 days fiom Tampico. I have
just seen one of the oflieets, who gave me the fol
lowing information:
When the Porpoise left Tampico the frigates
Raritan and Potomac, steamer Princeton, and sloop
of war St. Mary’s, were all anchored outside of
the bar, while all our small craft were inside of the
river. A detatchment of 600 troops had arrived
from Gen. Patterson's command, and many more
expected. The steamer Monmou'h had been at
Tampico twice with troops from Brazos or Point
Isabel.
Capt. Tatnall, with the steadier Spitfire, had
gone up tire liver 60 or 70 miles from Tampico,
and tak-n ■■■■;.,r. < r t-Oi-e
he captirreiTten large cannon,and a heavy quantity
of ammunition, which had been removed from
Tampico when the Mexicans retreated from that
place. The two regiments whichevacuated Tam
pico revolted when they got to St. Louis Potosi,
and were disbanded. They were opposed to Santa
Anna. Great dissentions prevailed at St. Louis
Potosi —army about 16,000, and in a state of star
vation, four different factions among them, as fol
lows: Santa Anna, Arista, Herrera and Paredes.
The recent election in Mexico was much in fa
vor of ex-President Herrera, who it was generally
believed at Tampico would be the President.
Mis. Chase, (the American Consul’s lady) at
Tampico, has behaved most nobly, anti shown to
lhe world she was a patriot under all circumstan
ces. When our small vessels were about to ap
proach lhe town of Tampico, she ran up our flig
in defiance of the alcalde and other civil officers,
and told them they had better be quiet; that our
Government had then on the march for that place
an immense force,&c., &c. Some time before Mrs.
Chase wrote to Com, Conner, informing him how
lhe place could be taken, and at the same time
gave him a diaft of the town and harbor.
The Porpoise will fill up with water and provi-
P. 8. In the body of this letter 1 neglected to
notice tint Com’r Ingraham, formerly of the Som
ers, came a passenger in the Porpoise, and is bear
er of despatches for Washington. He is unwell,
and may not be able to proceed for a day or two.
Later from Monterey and Monclova.
We arc indebted to Capt. Baker, of the steamer
Monmouth, from Brazos Santiago, for the follow
ing memoranda. Our correspondence is no doubt
on board the Telegraph which is hourly expected :
On the 26th November, the JJ. 8. steam frigate
Mississippi arrived at Brazos Santiago, from New
Orleans and left the same day. On the 28th, the
schooner Arispa, loaded with coal, stores, and two
sixes, was towed out, bound for Tampico. At 3,
P. M., the U. S. steamer Telegraph left for New
Orleans, via Matagorda. At 5, P. M., the U. S.
iron steamer Mary Summers left for Tampico,
with about twenty men and stores for the Army
The U.S. steamer Undine also left the Rio Grande,
with troops for Tampico. Gn the 29th, the steam
ship Virginia, nearly unloaded, camp over the
Brazos bar, to take troops to Tampico. The schr.
Gertrude also taken up by the Quartermaster to
load for Tampico. On the 28th, the U. S. steamer
Col. Cross arrived at the mouth of the Rio Grande,
with a regiment of Alabamians, their destination
Tampico. Requested to report the schooner He
roine, Capt. Jai vis, cleared from the Rio Grande,
on the 28th, for New York.
The btig Orleans lying oft’ and 00, at the Brazos,
ready to sail for New Orleans on the 29th. On the
30th ult., at meridian, off .Matagorda Bar, saw two
brigs going in, and the U. S. steamei Telegraph
inside. On the Ist inst, met the high-pressure U.
8. steamer Win. R. McKee, between the Calcasieu
and Sabine, standing to the westward. On the 3d
inst., passed the barque R. 11. Douglass, at anchor
in the S. W. Pass.
Mr. A. L. Daunoy, who came passenger on
board the U. S. steamei* Mvumouth, gave me the
following items i
On the 6th Nov. ariived at Monclova, found
Gen. Wool and army encamped, his army in line
condition; remained at Monclova until the 14th,
then started with an escort with despatches for
Gen Taylor; found the road foi 100 miles a per
fect desert, destitute of water, and strived at Mon
terey on the 19th; ascertained that Gen. Taylor
bad left for Saltillo, 70 miles. Lieuts. Franklin
and Deschields, with the dispatches, left for Sal
tillo with the same escort, on the 19:b. The dis
tance from Monclova to Monterey is ISO miles,
thence to Saltillo 70 miles, whilst from Monclova
to Saltillo it is but 180 miles, water plenty and
corn in abundance, and no doubt Gen. Wool will
advance direct from Monclova to Saltillo.
Mr. Dnunoy thinks that Gen. Wool and Army
are now at Saltillo. He (Mr. D.) left Monterey
on the 19th ult. Eleven miles from Monterey met
a train of sixty wagons. On the 21st, met another
train of fifty wagons, escorted by four companies,
having two long 18-pounders. Dr. Hawkins along
with the train.
Note. —The'Telegraphleft the day before the
Monmouth, and had the mails on board, and is ex
pected to arrive to-day.
From Ike N O. Picayune of t'i. 4th, inst.
Later From Galveston.
The steamship Galveston, Capt. Wright, ar
rived here yesterday from Galveston, which
place she left on the Ist insl. By this vessel
we have Texas papers as late as due.
We find in some ot ottr papers further specu
lations as to the destination ot Gen. Wool's ar
my. We make the following extract from the
Victoria Advocate:
We have conversed with an intelligent.young
gentleman connected with the Quartermaster’s
Department olGen. Wool’s division ot the ar
my, arrived at this place on Monday evening
last on his way from San Antonio to port Lavac
ca; and Iron: him we learn that an express ar
rived at San Antonio on the 11th inst., bearing
despatches from Gen. Wool to Capt. Irwin,
Quartermaster at Pott Lavacca. The express
left Monclova an the 14th, at which time Mon
cl-.va was in possession of Gen. Wool, the
place having made no other opposition than the
al.-alde protesting in tl-e name of the Mexican
Government against this entrance. Gen. Wool
understood on his arrival that some 3500 vol
unteers or rancheros had intended to defend the
place, but iu consequence of orders received
from Santa Anna, a taw days before Wool's
arrival, thislorce had left Monclova for the pur
pose of joining Santa Anna at Saltillo. It is
said Sants Anna’s orders were to make no re-
sistance to Gen. Wool’s entrance, but to let him
advance as far into the heart of the country as
he wished, and repair to him at Saltillo, w here
lie, at the head ut 70,000 Mexican troops, ex
pected to meet the American army.
So soon as the train of wagons with Govern
ment stores, now on the road from San Anto
nio, should arrive at Monclova, Gen. Wool de
signed to leave that place for Chihuahua. He
is not to join Gen. Taylor as was rumored.—
Communication has been opened with Gen.
Taylor since he had been at Monclova.
The instructions to Capt- Irwin, we under
stand, are to send what teams there are now in
the employment ot the Government, load’d
with provisions, tn Monclova, under the escort
ot Capt. Henry McCulloch, (who has just
raised a noble company of rangers,) and then
break up this line of supply to the army. The
Government stores now at San Antonio, and
most of which arc to remain there, are estima
ted to be sufficient to maintain Gen. Wool’s en
tire division (3000 men) lor five months. They
will be of use, however, to the'Texan volunteers,
eleven companies ot whom are already or in
process ot being raised; but whether to act in
concert with Gen. Wool’s division, or to be un
der Gen. Taylor, we know not.
We doubt if the future operations ot the ar
my can be safely predicted at present. The tak
ing of Tampico may have an important bearing
upon the plan of campaign.
"The Austin Democrat makes the following
announcement:
A train of wagons laden with provisions will*
leav- ttrm mmntn mr Montf-ira in a few days,
ft is so be guarded by Capt. McCulloch’s com
pany.
Messrs. Callahan and McClellan, accompa
nied by three Mexicans, on their return lioin
Gen Wool’s army, were recently attacked on
the Seco, a tributary ot the Rio Frio, by a party
ot Indians, numbering about twenty-three. The
attack was made early in the fbreno n. The
parties were engaged until dark when the Tex
ans succeeded in making their escape, leaving
behind them two Mexicans, whom they sup
posed were killed; one ot them arrived unhurt
in San Antonio, but the other was founddead
by a party who visited the place of combat
shortly aiter the fight occurred. He had been
wounded, and crawled to water, and there died.
Mr. Callahan was of opinion that someol the
Indians were killed. They captured a mule
from the party upon which were packages con
taining despatches from Gen. Wool. Mr. Cal
lahan thinks the Indians who attacked his par
ly were certainly Lipans.
A great deal oi uneasiness was felt in the up
per country on account oi the Indians and the
absence ot adequate means of protection against
them.
The recent call for additional troopshad
reached Texas. The Civilian and Gazette, in
sneaking of the regiment to be raised in that
State,exclaims:
Right glad are wethat Texas is included in
this call. Her tegirnent will be promptly forth
coming, and will embrace lhe elite ol'the chiv
alry ol the country. Thecommand willdoubt
less be given to the gallant Hays, while the ve
teran McCulloch will naturally fall into the
place of lieutenant-colonel. “One regiment ol
mounted men from Texas!” Only one! We
fancy such a scene as sometimes lakes place
when a dinner bell rings ai a Western tavern,
on court day—such an elbowing, crowding, and
jostling, for plares, and then lhe disappointed
looks ol those who have to wait—only think.
[ln the above paragraph the editor doubtless
alludes to Capt. Ben McCulloch, brother ot
Henry, who has started lojoinGen. Wool. We
have it from good authority that Ben McC. has
been empowered by Gen. Taylor to raise anoth
er spy company, to act in advance ot the army
the same as his rangers did last summer. We
further learn that be has already many recruits,
and none butthose having tip-top horses are
admitted. Our own opinion is, that McCul
loch will prefer a separate and detached com
mand lo being lieutenant-colonel ot the regi
men'.]
The remains of the Texas Navy, says the
Civilian, were sold at public auction on Mon
day, and, like the independent sovereignty ot
the country, went for about nothing, leaving
Texas with a heavy debt for the acquisition,
and yieldingbut little to the coffers ot the Union
y lhe transfer o! ownership.
The papers contain numerous notices of the
success oI sugar cultivation in Texas. From
all accounts the experiment in sugar growing
has proved eminently successful.
—me /uHownigTrum the rexatr ue
mocrat.
IVild Cal.— It is stated upon the authority of
Col. McGarry, that the celebrated Seminole
chief Wild Cat is now in Texas, at the head
0f309 warriors; 150 ol that numberbeing Semt
noles. He is said to have expressed a determi
nation to do as he pleased. Several families
who settled in the upper Cross Timberson the
Trinity, have deserted their homes, liavingsut
fered severe loss by the killing of their working
oxen, stealing their horses and soon.
Capt. Smith lost fourteen of his horses and
started twenty men on the trail ot the thieves.
They followed six or eight miles and came to a
spot where about sixty Indians appeared to
have encamped the night before; they halted
and sent back for reinforcements; Capt, Smith
was in the act of marching when McGarry left.
'This party ot Indians were thought Irom the
hoof marks to have had at least forty shod or
American horses with them, and it was believed
that they were a part of Wild Cat’s band.
Prom Um Cons! i!u!ionn! mt of lies!er do n.
We have been kindly permitted to publish a
letter from an officer of the Richmond Blues,
to his brother in this city. It is ol recent date
and in many respects interesting to our citizens.
We know that we could publish nothing more
interesting than communications from the
Army:
Camp Allen, near Monterey, )
November 10, 1846. }
Dear Brother— I have been anxiously expect
ing a letter from you or ,'alher giving me the
details ot all occurrences before, during and
alter the elections. But mail after mail arrived
and no letter or paper. Here let me request
you, once every week to forward me a news
paper by letter, whether it contains anything
worthy of the expense or not. It may seem to
you not worthy the trouble, but were you in
the wilds of this land as wc are, you would
think the old advertisements whif-h have met
your eye each morning for years, worth more
than such a letter will cost.
Our camp is a beautiful spot, eight hundred
feet square. The one-halt of the camp, in
which our tents are pitched is shaded by the
live oak, lignum vitas, ebony and wild almond.
The first bears.on its branches the long white
moss so frequently seen in the lower counties
ot our State. These add to 11;e appearance of
the place, covered with tents and frequently
bristling with glittering arms. The remaining
half is well cleared and forms our parade
ground, in which we are to be seen thrice a
day, with arms and accoutrements; and nut (in
frequently Capt. Hardee, with bis squadron of
cavalry, joins our parade. You may imagine
the scene, and forget not in the picture the stal
wart form, military carriage and long white
hair <>t the General, Georgia’s son, who fre
quently comes to our camp, tells the news, and
cheers our spirits with his anecdotes, lie goes
with us to Tampico. We do nut know when
we leave, but they say as soon as Gen. Taylor
returns from Saltillo. Who he will leave there
to garrison the town, we do not know, nor who
at Monterey. We are as yet ignorant on all
these points. However, Gen. Wool not being
able to go farther than Monclova, it will cause
a change in Taylor’s operations.
Gen. Quitman said last evening at our tent,
(for he is intimate with our Captain, who, let
me assure volt, is respected by every one and
loved by hi- company,.) that this failure of
Wool’s expedition would enable Gen. T. to
prosecute his intentions on San Luis Potosi,
and our motions are dependant on those ot the
enemy. No one can say more than that it is
probable—and that probability is that Santa
Anna will attempt to take advantage ot the
division of our army on the inarch and make
an attack on a detachment at a time, (I refer to
our march upon Tampico,) which he could
easily do. The Mexicans march wi’h ease
thirty miles a day and are not encumbered with
trains, for they issue an order to each province
to have at slated places and stated times, pro
visions, so when they reach a place they are
certain ot meeting a depot, whilst with us, even
though we lorage, our train must be large, and
we leave our depot behind. But we are not
airaid ot him, as Musgrove remarked after he
ha:! heard that we would probably have a tight
on the march, if not at Tampico, 1 don’t want
to go home before we meet the enemy in battle,
tor I would feel mean, is the sentiment common
to all.
With the exception of chills and fever, our
regiment enjoys perfect health, phinizy and
Dill were sick when I was at Camargo, but they
have recovered. Baker and Wright were also,
but they too are well, and the prospect of a fight,
together with the splendid scenery and fine cli
mate and pure spring water create sensations
in each soldier’s bsom, that cause Col. J. much
trouble to prevent them from committing the
unmilitary act of shouting frequently; and if it
once commences the whole camp sends forth
long and loud halloos. To-morrow, if lean
make up a party, 1 will visit all the places of
interest ink.r.near the town. I desire to go on the
mountains, see the neighboring ranches, &c.
Lee W. is much liked by his companions and
makes a good officer. He looks very well, and
has enjoyed fine health I was glad he was
elected, for my own sake. Independent of va
rious other reasons which caused me to rrjniee,
he was moral and possessed none of those vices
so common every where, thus enabling me to
find a congenial spirit of my own age.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 16, 1846.
.11Ol'ST.i, G. 3.:
FRIDAY MORNING, DEC. 11, 1846.
Manufacturing.
Those cities increase most rapidly that foster
and encourage usclul manufactures and the
mechanic trades. The same may be said of
nations and communities. The city dr nation
that expects to grow, flourish, anti prosper, must
not be dependant or. other places for those ar
ticles that can be well made by her own citi
zens. Those, who have a deep interest in the
permanent prosperity ot a city, should make
special and continued efforts to increase and
extend its manufacturingestablishments. This
is the special duly of those who are deeply in
terested in the real estate of a city. — New Era.
The truths contained in the above remarks of
the New Era commend themselves, with special
force and application, lo the inanulacturingen
terprise of our city. Cities that encourage ma
nufactures and the mechanic arts increase rapid
ly in population and wealth, simply because, by
that means, their trade is extended, and this in
vites additional enterprise and competition.
The history of many Northern towns and
cities, and important places in the VVest, illus
trates this position too plainly’ to leave a single
doubt to burthen the mind, in contemplating
their sudden and extraordinary advancement."
It has been said that Rail Roads which pass
through towns and cities, are calculated gener
ally to injure their prosperity. This maybe
true, to some extent, but they do not and cannot
permanently injure them, when their situation,
when nature or art, gives them the means of
concentrating capital in the profitable branches
of manufacturing. We may cite the town of
Lockport, in New York, on the Erie Canal, to
prove our assertion. What has given that
place its eight or ten thousand inhabitants but
its immense water power. At Lockport, the
Canal descends by five double locks from the
level ot Lake Erie, and the sagacity ot capital-
ists caused them to seize eagerly upon the ad
vantages ot the water power thus afforded, and
the result is a large and flourishing town, with
out a river or any other special advantages than
the water power referred to, with the Erie Canal
running east of it, and a rail road west to the
Niagara river.
That large towns should have sprung up, such
as Rochester, on the Genesee river, where the
canal crosses it, (being near its mouth,) is not al
all astonishing; but that Lockport should have
become su large and flourishing a place, must
be attributed mainly to her manufactories.
How does it happen that Lowell, on the
Merrimack, in Massachusetts, has its twenty
five or thirty thousand inhabitants, while New
buryport, at the mouth of the river, though an
important commercial town, has less than a
third ot that number of inhabitants?
Why is not the prosperity enjoyed by Lowell,
transferred to Newburyport? The Railroad
from Boston to Lowell does not terminate there,
but passes on to Concord, the capital ol New-
Hampshire. This latter place, though the ter
minus of the road, has a population of less
than six thousand. The prosperity of Lowtll
can be accounted for only by her numerous and
extensive manufactories.
We might refer to a number of other cities
who owe their advancement to the same cause.
We ask then, what is there in the locality of
Augusta to prevent her increase in wealth and
population to at least double what they are now ?
Nothing, nothing is wanting, but the spirit of
enterprise, the resolve to make her what her
many advantages, if used in time, would per
mit her to become.
A~rtver flows by lhe city to the Atlantic
ocean. The same is true ot Lowell. A Rail
road irom the interior passes by to an Atlantic
sea port town. The same is true ot Lowell.
The Railroad from the interior to Augusta is
several times as long as that to Lowell, and
comes from, and passes through a country far
more rich in the various productions of the
soil than the latter.
What then is to prevent Augusta from ar
resting the immense tide of trade, al least so far
as to give her industry, labor, population and
riches, double or treble that which she now en
joys. Do not thp citizens want something
more of that “go ahead” principle which builds
a Yankee to.'.n as if by magic, and dots the
growing west with cities of tens ot thousands
cl inhabitants? What advantages did Lou ell
or Lockport possess which are not enjoyed by
Augusta? We could show them to exist in
favor ot the latter place, so far as the surround
ing country to support it may be concerned,
and tfie immense facilities for bringing to it
the rich and varied products ol those sections
with which it is now connected, ft would seem
that lhe real estate owners of Augusta would
use, without hesitation, the elements of wealth
which surround them. If their profits in man
ufacturing should not be as great as desirable,
the increased value of their property, in addi
tion, would at least offer inducements lo them
to go extensively into the business. We will
continue the subject soon, if not to-morrow.
Thomaston Lime.—The town ofThomaston,
Me., has become celebrated for its lime, the ma
king of which has become a very important
branch of business in that place. From some
statistics which appeared a short time since in
the Yankee Blade, it appears that there are, in
all, 140 lime kilns in Thomaston, which have
each twelve burnings annually, and turn out
each on an average 400 casks of lime ata burn
ing, making the whole number of casks yearly
produced, 672,000 casks. This, at the average
home vaiue, amounts to the very respectable
sum ot halt a million ol dollars.
The above paragraph, which we find in an
exchange paper, is especially commended to
the attention of that portion ot the citizens ot
Northwestern Georgia, who inhabit the lime
stone region. What has been accomplished in
Thomaston, in Maine, may be accomplished in
Georgia, it Georgians will only permit a little
“ Yankee Enterprise” and “ Yantee Industry"
to be infused into them. They have now no
excuse fora failure to develope the resources ot
that section in this commodity, for Bail roads,
communicating directly with two important
markets on the coast, penetrate the heart of the
limestone country, and if they only supply the
markets of Savannah and Charleston and Au
gusta, they will secure to themselves annually
thousands ot dollars, which now go to reward
the superior industry and enterprise of ihe hardy
and persevering sons of Maine. Let Geor
gians look to this matter, and profit by the sug
gestion.
Fine Stock.
We had the pleasure, on Tuesday last, of
seeing at the Warehouse of Messrs. Bustin &
Walker, in this city, a pair of very fine Devon
Calvts, and a splendid South Down Buck-
Sheep, from the stock farm ct L. F. Allen, of
Black Rock, New York.
This stock was imported by Messrs. Joseph
B. and James V. Jones, of Burke county, and
cannot fail, if they survive the change of cli
mate, of which we think there is li tie doubt, to
improve very much the stock ot cattle and
sheep of that county by a cross upon the na
tive stock. We congratulate the Messrs. J.
upon their enterprise; they are both young
planters, and in this respect have set their
seniors an example which they will do well to
imitate.
Governor of South Carolina.—The Hon.
David Johnson was, on the 8:h inst., elected
Governor of the Slate of South Carolina. The
vote was neatly unanimous.
The Hon. Win. Cain, was also elected Lieut,
Governor.
Samuel Weir, Esq., the only Whig Editor
in South Carolina, has enrolled bis name as a
private in the Columbia volunteers. Let the
Washington Union remember this when it
taunts the Whigs with sympathy for Mexico'
PRESIDENTOIESSAGE.
Fellow-Citizens of the Scnafy . .nd
House of J^prcscntalivcs:
In resuming your UWfrMß*: service of the
people it is a subject jalulation that
there has been no period past history,
when all tb> elements of prosperity
have be-:;: so fully developed,. Since your last
sessicn no afflicting dispensation has visited
our country ; general jyotfhealth has prevailed;
abundance has crowned t£e roil of the hus
bandman ; and labor in rffl ii s branches is re
ceiving an ample rewind, while education,
science, and the arts are rapidly enlarging
the means of social happiness. The progress
ot our country in her career of greatness, not
only in the vast extension of our territorial
limits and the rapid increase o f our population,
but in resources and weald, and in the happy
condition of om people, is without example in
thehistoryol nations. ilfe
As the wisdom, strength and beneficence of
our tree institutions"are utiLlded, every day
adds fresh motives to contepiuient, and fresh
incentives to patriotism. '
Our devout and sincere acknowledgments
are due to the gracious (fiver of ail good, for
‘.he numberless ouf beloved
country enjoys. - 'a
It is a source to know
that the relations^B^^Bit-d,aates with ail
nations, ,n
tacbed to the £eaee, early adopted taw
steadily pursued by this government, I lave
anxiously desired to cultivate and cherish
friendship and commerce with every foreign
power. The spirit and habits of the American
people are favorable to the maintenance ol
such international harmony. In adhering to
this wise policy, a preliminary affl paramount
duty obviously consists in the protiction of our
national interests from encroachments or sacri
fice, and our national honor Iron reproach.
These must be maintained at any hazard.
They admit of no compromise or neglect, and
must be scrupulously and constatlly guarded.
In their vigilant vindication, collisoh and con
flict with foreign powers may sometimes be
come unavoidable. Such has beenour scrupu
lous adherence to the dictates ot justice, in all
our foreign intercourse, that, though steadily
and rapidly advancing in prosperity and power,
we have given no just cause ot complaint lo
any nation, and have enjoyed the blessings ot
peace for more than thirty yean. From a
policy so sacred to humanity, andso salutary
in its effects upon our political system, we
should never be induced voluntariy lo depart.
THE MEXICAN WAR.
The existing war with Mexico was neither
desired nor provoked by the Unied States.—
On lhe contrary, all hor, stable neans were
resorted to to avert it. Alter yeas of endu
rance ot aggravated and unredresed wrongs
on our part, Mexico, in violation of solemn
treaty stipulations, and of every jrincip.'e of
justice recognized by civilized nations, com
menced hostilities, and thus, by her cwn act,
forced the war upon us. Long befor: lhe ad
vance ot our army to the left bank of the Rio
Grande, we had ample cause ot war against
Mexico; and had the United States resorted
to this extremity, we might have appealed to lhe
whole civilized world for the justite ot our
cause.
I deem it to be my duty to present t> you, on
the present occasion, a condensed revew ot the
injuries we had sustained, of the cautes which
led to the war, and of its progress since its
commencement. This is rendered lhe more
necessary because ot the misapprehensions
which have to some extent prevailec as toils
origin and true character. The war has been
represented as unjust and unnecessaiy, and as
one of aggression on our part upon a weak
and injured enemy. Such erroneous views,
though entertained but by tew, have bten wide
ly and ex'ensively circulated, not onlyathome,
but have been spread throughout Mexico and
the whole world. A more effectual means
could not have been devised to encourage the
enemy and protract the war than to advocate
and adhere to their cause, and thus give them
“aid and comfort.”
It is a source ot national pride and exulta
tion, that the great body ol our people hive
thrown no such obstacles in the way of the
government in prosecutitigthe war successfully,
but li.fve shewn-ihemsfflves to be eminently
patriotic, and rvaay lo vindicate their country's
honor and interests at any sacrifice. The
alacrity and promptness with which our volun
teer forces rushed to the field on their country’s
call, prove not only their patriotism, but their
deep conviction that our cause is just.
The wrongs which we have suffered from
Mexico almost ever since she became an inde
pendent Power, and the patient endurance wiih
which we have home TJrem, are withnnt n
parallel in lhe history of modern civilized na
tions. There is reason to believe that it these
wrongs had bepn resented and resisted in the
first instance, the present war might have been
avoided. Cne outrage, however, permitted to
pass with impunity’, almost necessarily en
couraged the perpetration ot another, until at
last Mexico seemed to attribute to weakness
and indecision on our part a torbearance which
was the offspring of magnanimity, andqfa sin
cere desire to preserve friendly relations with a
sister republic.
Scarcely’ had Mexico achieved her indepen
dence, which the United States were the first
among the nations to acknowledge, when she
commenced the system of insult and spoliation,
which she hasever since pursued, Our citi
zens engaged in lawful commerce were impri
soned, their vessels seized, and our flag insult
ed in her ports, it money was wanted the law
less seizure and confiscation ofour merchant
vessels and thejr cargoes was a ready resource;
and il to accomplish their purposes it became
necessary to imprison the owners, captains,
and crews, it was done. Bylers superseded ru
lers in Mexico in rapid succession, but still
there was no change in this system of depreda
tion. The government of the United States
made repeated reclamations on behalf of its citi
zens,but these were answered by the perpetra
tion ot new outrages. Promises of redress
made by Mexico in the most solemn forms were
postponed or evaded. The files and records of
the Department ot State contain conclusive
proofs ol numerous lawless acts perpetrated up
on the property and persons ot our citizens by
Mexico, and of wanton insults to our national
flag. The interposition of our government to
obtain rgfifess was again and again invoked,
under circumstances which no nation ought to
disregard.
It was hoped that these outrages would cease,
and that Mexico would be restrained by the
laws which regulate the conduct of civilized
nations in their intercourse with each other af
ter the treaty ot amity, commerce, and naviga
tion of the fifth April, 1831, was concluded be
tween the two republics ; but this hope soon
proved to be vain. The course of seizure and
cot fiscation of the property of our citizens, the
violation of their persons and the insults to our
flag pursued by Mexico previous to that time
were scarcely suspended for even a brief pe
riod, although the treaty so clearly defines the
rights and duties of the respective parties that
it is impossible to misunderstand or mistake
them. In less than seven years after the con
clusion of that treaty our grievances had be
come so intolerablethat, in the opinion of Presi
dent Jackson, they should no longer be endured.
In his message to Congress in Febryaiy, 1837,
he presented them to the consideration ol that
body, and declared that “The length of time
since some of the injuries have been committed,
the repealed and unavailing applications for
redress, the wanton character of some of the
outrages upon the property and persons of our
citizens, upon ihe officers andflag of the Uni
ted States, independent ofrecent insults to this
government and people by the late extraordi
narj’ Mexican minister, would justify in the
eyes of all nations immediate war.” In a
spirit of kindness and forbearance, however,
he recommended reprisalsas a milder mode of
redress. He declared that war should not be
used as a remedy “byiust and generous nations
confiding in their strength for injuries commit
ted, it it can be honorably avoided,” and added,
“it has occurred to me that, considering the pre
sent embarrassed condition of that country, we
should act with both wisdom and moderation,
by giving .Mexico one more opportunity to atone
for the past, before we take redress into our own
hands. To avoid all misconception on the
part of Mexico, as well as lo protect our nation
al character from reproach, this opportunity
should be given with the avowed design and
full preparation to take immediatesalistaction,
it it should not be obtained on a repetition of
the demand for it. To this end 1 recommend
that an act be passed authorizing reprisals, and
the use of the naval force ot the United States,
by the Executive, against Mexico, to enforce
them in the event of a refusal by the Mexican
government to come to an amicable adjust
ment of the matters in controversy between us,
upon another demand thereof, made Horn on
board one of our vessels of war on the coast ot
Mexico."
Committees of both Houses of Congress, to ’
which this message of this President was refer
red, fully sustained his views ot the character
ts: he wrongs which we had suffered from Mex
i.-c, and recommended that another demand for
redress should be made before authorising war
or reprisals. The Committee on Foreign Re
lations of the Senate, in their report say: “Af
ter such a demand, should prompt justice be re
fused by the Mexican government, we may ap
peal to all nations not only for the equity and
moderation with which we shall have acted to
wards a sister republic, but lor the necessity
which will then compel us to seek redress for
our wrongs, either by actual war or by repri
sals. The subject will then be presented before
Congress, at the commencement of the next
session, in a clear and distinct form; and the
committee cannot doubt but that such measures
will be immediately adopted as may be neces
sary to vindicate the honor ol our country, and
insure amp.e reparation to our injured citi
zens.”
The Committee on Foreign Affairs ol the
House of Representatives made a similar re
commendation. In their report, they say that
they “fully concur with the President that am
ple cause exists for taking redress into our own
hands, and believe that we should be justified in
the opinion ot other nations for taking such a
step. But they are willing to try the experi
ment of another demand, made in the most
solemn form, upon the justice ot the Mexican
government, before any further proceedings are
adopted.”
No difference ot opinion upon the subject is
believed to have existed in Congress at that
time. The Executive and Legislative depart
ments concurred; and yet such has been our
forbearance, and desire to preserve peace with
Mexico, that the wrongs of which we then com
plained, and which gave rise to these solemn
proceedings, not only remain unredressed to this
day, but additional causes of complaint, ot an
aggravated character, have ever since been ac
cumulating.
Shortly after these proceedings, a special mes
senger was despatched to Mexico, to make a
final deta-sLlor on the twentieth
"Pf July; the deinaffl>Bas made. The re-
ply of gjjjjSiJment bears date on
twenty-ninth of the same month, and contains
assurances ot the “anxious wish” of the Mexi
can government “not to delay the moment of
that final and equitable adjustment which is to
terminate the existing difficulties between the
two governments;” that “nothing should be
left undone which may contribute to the most
speedy and equitable determination of the sub
jects which have so seriously engaged the atten
tion of the American government;” that the
“ Mexican government would adopt, as the on
ly guides for its conduct, the plainest principles
of public right, the sacred obligations imposed
by international law and the religious faith of
treaties;” and that “whatever reason and jus
tice may dictate respecting each case will be
done.” The assurance was further given, that
the decision of the Mexican government upon
each cause ot complaint, for which redress has
been demanded, should he communicated to the
government of the United States by the Mexi
can minister at Washington.
These solemn assurances, in answer to our
demand for redress, were disregarded. By ma
king them, however, Mexico obtained further
delay. President Van Buren, in his annual
message to Congress of the filth ot December,
1837, states, that “although the larger number”
of our demands for redress, and “many ofthem
aggravated cases of personal wrongs, have been
now for years before the Mexican government,
and some of the causes of national complaint,
and those of the most offensive characier, ad
mitted of immediate, simple, and satisfactory
replies, it is only within a lew days past that
any specific communication in answer to our
last demand, made five months ago, has been
received Irom the Mexican minister;” and that
“for notone of our public complaints has satis
faction been given or offered; that but one of
the cases ol personal wrong has been favorably
considered, and that but four cases ol both de
scriptions, out of all those formally presented,
and earnestly pressed, have as yet been decided
upon by the Mexican government.” President
Van Buren, believing that it would be vain to
make any further attempt lo obtain redress by
the ordinary means within the power ol the
Executive, communicated his opinion to Con
gress, in the message referred to, in which he
said, “On a careful and deliberate examina
tion ol the contents” (ot the correspondence with
the Mexican government,) “and considering
lite spirit manifested by the Mexican govern
ment, it has become my painful duty to return
the subject as it now stands, to Congress, to
whom it belongs, to decide upon the time, the
mode, and the measure of redress.” Had the
United States at that time adopted compulsory
measures, and taken redress into their own
hands, all our difficulties with Mexico would
probably have been long since adjusted, and the
existing war have been averted. Magnanimity
and moderation on our part only had the effect
to complicate Ulilicutiies, ana render an
amicable settlement of them the more embar
rassing. That such measures of redress under
similar provocations, committed by any ol the
powerful nations of Europe, would have been
promptly resorted to by the United States, can
not be doubted. The national honor, and the
preservation ol the national character through
out the world, as well as our own self-respect,
and the protection due to our own citizens,
would have rendered such a resort indispensa-
Mo The history of no civilized nation in mo
dern limes has presented within so briet a pe
riod so many wanton attacks upon the honor ol
its flag, and upon the property and persons ol
its citizens, as had at that time been borne by
the United States from the Mexican authorities
and people. But Mexico was a sister republic,
on the North American continent, occupying a
territory contiguous to our own, and was in a
feeble and distracted condition ; and these con
siderations, it is presumed, induced Congress
to lorbear still longer.
Instead of taking redress in our own hands, a
new negotiation was entered upon with fair
promises on the part of Mexico, but with the
real purpose, as the event has proved, ot indefi
nitely postponing the reparation which we de
manded, and which was so justly due. This
negotiation, after more than a year’s delay, re
sulted in the convention ot theeleventh ot April,
1839, “ tor the adjustment ot claims of citizens
ol the United Stales of America upon the Go
vernment ol the Mexican republic.” The
joint board of commissioners created by this
convention to examine and decide upon these
claims was not organised until the month of
August, 1840, and under the terms of the con
vention they wereto terminate theirduties with
in eighteen months from that time. Four of
the eighteen months were consumed in pre
liminary discussions on frivolous and dilatory
points raised by the Mexican commissioners;
and it was not until the month of December,
1840, that they commenced the examination ot
the claims ol our citizens upon Mexico. Four
teen month- only remained to examine and de
cide upon these numerous and complicated ca
ses. In the month ol February, 1842, the term
of the commission expired, leaving many claims
undisposed of for want of lime. The claims
which were allowed by the board, and by the
umpire authorized by the convention to de
cide in case of disagreement between the
Mexican and American commissioners, a
mounted to two million twenty-six thousand
one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and six
ty-eight cents. There were pending belore
the umpire when the commission expired,
additional claims which had been examin
ed and awarded by the American commission
ers, and had not been allowed by the Mexi
can commissioners, amounting to nine hun
dred and twenty-eight thousand six hundred
and twenty-seven dollars and eighty-eight cents,
upon which he did not decide, alleging that bis
authority had ceased with the termination of
the joint commission. Besides these claims,
there were othersol American citizens, amount
ing to three million three hundred and thirty
six thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven
dollars and five cents, which had been sub
mitted to the boarij, and upon which they had
not time to decide before their final adjourn
ment.
The sum of two millions twenty-six thou
sand one hundred and thiity-nine dollars and
sixty-eight cents which had been awarded to
the claimants, wasa liquidated and ascertained
debt due by Mexico, about which there could
be no dispute, and which she was bound to pay
according to the terms of the convention. Soon
after the final awards for this amount had been
made, the Mexican Government asked for a
postponement of the time of making payment,
alleging that it would be inconvenient to make
the payment at the time stipulated. In the
spirit of forbearing kindness towards a sister
republic, which Mexico has so long abused,
the United Stales promptly complied with her
request. A second convention was according
ly concluded between the two governments on
the thirtieth ot January, 1843, which upon its
face declares that “this new arrangement is en
tered into tor the accommodation of Mexico.”
By the terms oflhis convention, all the interest
due on the awards which had been made in fa
vor of the claimants under the convention of the
eleventh ol April, 1839, was to be paid lo them
on the thirtieth of April, 1843, and “the princi
pal ot the said awards, and the interest accru
ing thereon,” was stipulated to “be paid in five
years, in equal instalments every three months."
Notwithstanding this new convention was en
tered into at the request of Mexico, and lor the
purpose ol relieving her from embarrassment,
the claimants have only received the interest
due on the thirtieth ot April, 18-13, and th'ee ot
the twenty instalments. Although the payment
I ot the sum thus liquidated, and confessedly due
' bj’ Mexico to our citizens as indemity for ac-
I knowledged acts of outrage and wrong, was
secured by treaty, the obligations of which are
ever held sacred by all just nations, yet Mexico
has violated this solemn engagement by failing
and refusing to make the payment. The two
instalments due in August and July, 1841, un
der the peculiar circumstances connected with
them, have been assumed by the United States
and discharged io the claimants, but they are
still due by Mexico. But this is not all of which
we have just cause ol complaint. To provide
a remedy tor the claimants whose cases were
not deckled by the joint commission under the
convention ot April the eleventh, 1839, it was
expressly stipulated by the sixth article of the
convention ot the thirtieth of January, 1843,
that “a new convention shall be entered into
for the settlement of all claims of the govern
ment and citizens ot the United States against
the republic of Mexico, which were not finally
decided by the late commission, which met in
the city of Washington, and ot all the claims
of the government and citizens of Mexico
against the United States.”
In conformity with this stipulation, a third
convention was concluded and signed at the
City of Mexico on the2oth of November, 1843,
by the plenipotentiariesof the two governments,
by which provision was made for ascertaining
and paying these claims. In January, 1844,
this convention was ratified by the Senate ot
the United States with two amendments which
were manifestly reasonable in their character.
Upon a reference of the amendments proposed
to the government of Mexico, the same eva
sions, difficulties, and delays were interposed
which have so long marked the policy of that
government towards the United States. It has
not even yet decided whether it would or would
not accede to them, although the subject has
been repeatedly pressed upon its consideration.
Mexico has thus violated a second time the
faith of treaties, by failing or refusing to carry
into effect the sixth article of the Convention ot
January, 1843.
Such is the history of the wrongs which we
have suffered and patiently endured from Mex
ico, through a long series of ye; is. Solar Irom
. affording reasonable satisfaction for the inju
ries and insults we had borne—a great aggra
vation crrtienr consists in tie fact, that while
the United States,anxious lo preserve a good
understanding with Mexico, have been con
stantly, but vainly employed in seeking redress
for past wrongs, new outrages were constantly
occurring, which have continued to increase
our causes ot complaint, and to swell the amount
of our demands. While the citizens of the
United States were conducting a lawful com
merce with Mexico, under the guaranty of a
treaty of “amilv, commerce, and navigation,”
many of them have suffered all the injuries
which would have resulted from open war.
This treaty instead of affording protection to our
citizens has been the means of inviting them
into the ports of Mexico, that they might be, as
they have been in numerous instances, plunder
ed ot their property and deprived of their per
sonal liberty if they dared insist on their rights.
Had the unlawful seizures ot American proper
ty and the violation of personal liberty ofour
citizens, lo say nothing of the insults to our flag
which have occurred in the ports of Mexico,
taken place on the high seas, they would them
selves long since have constituted a slate of ac
tual war between thetwo countries, in so long
suffering Mexico to violate her most solemn
treaty obligations, plunder our citizens of their
property, and imprison their persons, without
affording them any redress, we have failed to
perform one of the firstand highest duties which
every government owes to its citizens; and the
consequence has been that many of them have
been reduced from a state of affluence so bank
ruptcy, The proud name of American citizen,
which ought to protectall who bear it from in
sultand injury throughout the world, hasafford
ed no such protection to our citizens in Mexico.
We had ample cause of war against Mexico
long before lhe breaking out of hostilities. But
even then we forbore to take redress in our own
hands, until Mexico herselt became the aggres
sor, by invading our soil in hostile array, and
shedding the blood ofour citizens.
Such are the grave causes of complaint on
the part of the United States against Mexico—
causes which existed long before the annexa
tion ofTexas lo the American Union; and yet,
animated by the love of peace, and a magnani
mous moderation, we did not adopt those mea
sures ot redress which, under such circumstan
ces, are the justified resort of injured nations.
The annexation ot Texas to the United States
constituted no just cause ot offence to Mexico.
The pretext that it did so is wholly inconsistent,
and irreconcilable with the well authenticated
facts connected with the revolution by which
Texas became independent of Mexico. That
this may be the more manifest, it may be proper
to advert to the causes and to the history of the
principal events of that revolution.
Texas constituted a portion ot the ancient
province of Louisiana, ceded to the United
States by France in the year 1803. in the y’ear
1819, the United States, by the Florida treaty,
ceded to Spain all that part of Louisiana with
in the present limits ofTexas; and Mexico, by
the revolution which separated her from Spain,
and rendered her an independent nation, suc
ceeded to the rights of the mother country over
th is territory. In the year 1824, Mexico estab
lished a federal constitution, under which the
Mexican republic was composed of a number
ot sovereign States, confederated together in a
federal Union similar to our own. Each ot
these States had its own Executive, legislature,
and judiciaiy, and for all, except federal purpo
ses, was as inuepenuem u r iho general govern
ment, and that of the other States, as is Penn
sylvania or Virginia under our constitution.
Texas and Coahuila united and lormed one ol
these Mexican States. The State constitution
which they adopted, and which was approved
by the Mexican confederacy, asserted that they
were “ free and independent of the other Mex
ican United States, and of every other power
and dominion whatsoever;”and proclaimed the
great principle of human liberty, that “ the sove
reignty of the State resides originally and es
sentially in the general mass of the individuals
wno compose it.” To the government under
this constitution, as well as to that under the
lederal constitution, the people of Texas owed
allegiance.
Emigrants from foreign countries, including
the United States, were invited by the coloni
zation laws ol the State and of the federal go
vernment to settle in Texas. Advantageous
terms were offered to induce them to leave their
own country and become Mexican citizens.—
This invitation was accepted by many ol our
citizens, in the full faith that in their new home
they would be governed by laws enacted by
representatives elected by themselves, and that
their lives, liberty and property would be protect
ed by constitutional guarantees similar to those
which existed in the republic they had left.—
Under agovernment thus organized they con
tinued until the year 1835, when a military
revolution broke out in the city of Mexico,
which entirely subverted the federal and State
constitutions, and placed a military dictator at
the head of the government.
By a sweeping decree of a Congress subser
vient to the will ofthe dictator, lhe several State
constitutions were abolished,and the States them
selves convened into mere departments ot the
Central Government. The people of Texas
were unwilling to submit to this usurpation.
Resistance to such tyranny became a high flu
ty. Texas was fully absolved from all allegi
ance to lhe Central Government of Mexico
from the moment that government had abolish
ed her State constitution, and Iff il§ plage sub
stituted an arbitrary apd despotic Central Go
vernment.
Such were the principal causes of the Texas
revolution. The people of Texas at once
determined upon resistance, and flew to arms.
In the midst of these important and exciting
events, however, they did not omit to place
their liberties upwn a secure and perma
nent foundation. They elected members to a
convention, who, in the month of March, 1836,
issued a formal declaration that their “politjcqj
connexion with the Mexican pqtiuD has forever
ended, apd that the people of Texas do now con
stitute a free, sovereign, and independent re
public, and are fully invested with all the rights
and attributes which properly belong to inde
pendent nations.” They also adopted for their
government a liberal republican constitution.
Abouttlie same time Santa Anna, then the dic
tator ot Mexico, invaded Texas with a numer
ous army for the purpose of subduing her people
and enforcing obedience la his atbitrary and
despotic government. On the twenty-first of
April, 1836, he was met by the Texan citizen
soldiers, and on that day was achieved by them
the memorable victory of San Jacinto, by
which they conquered their independence.—
Considering the numbers engaged in the re
spective sides, history does not record a more
brilliant achievement. Santa Anna himself
was among the captives.
In the month ot May, 1836, Santa Annaac
knowiedged, bv a treaty with Texan authorities,
in the most solemn form, “the full, entire, and
perfect independence ot the republic of Texas.”
It is true he was then a prisoner ol war, but it
is equally true he failed to conquer Texas, and
had met with signal defeat; that his authority
had not been revoked, and that by virtue of
this treaty he obtained his personal release.
By it hostilities were suspended, and the army
which invaded Texas under his command re-
turned in pursuance of this arrangement, un
molested, lo Mexico.
From the day that the battle of San Jacinto
was fought until the present hour, Mexico has
never possessed the power to reeoncuer Texas.
In the language of the Secretaty ot State of the
United States, in a despatch to our minister in
Mexico, under date of the eighth of July, 1842,
Mexico may have chosen to consider, and
may still chocse to consider Texas as having
been at all times since 1835, and as still con
tinuing, a rebellious province; but the world
has been obliged to take a very different view of
the matter. From the time ot the battle of San
Jacinto, in April, 1836, lo the present moment,
Texas has exhibited the same external signs
of national independence as Mexico herself, and
with quite as much stability of Government.
Practically free and independent, acknowl
edged as a political sovereignty by the princi
pal Powers of the world, no hostile foot find
ing rest within her territory for six or seven
years, and Mexico herselt refraining for all
that period from anv funner attempt to re-es-
tablish her own authority over the territory, it
cannot but be surprising to find Mr. de Bocane
gra, (the Secretary ot Foreign Affairs of Mexi
co,) “complaining that for that whole period
citizens ot the United States, or its government,
have been favoring the rebels of Texas, and
supplying them with vessels, ammunition, and
money, as it the war lor the reduction ot the
province ol Texas had been constantly prose
cuted by Mexico, andher success prevented by
these influences from abroad.” In the same
despatch the Secretary of State affirms that
“since 1837 the United Stales had regarded
Texas as an independent sovereignty, as much
as Mexico; and that trade and commerce with
citizens of a government at war with Mexico
cannot, on that account, be regarded as an in
tercourse by which assistance and succor are
given to Mexican rebels. The whole current
ol Mr. Bocanegra’s remarks runs in the same
direction as if the independence ot Texas had
not been acknowledged. It has been acknowl
edged—it was acknowledged in 1837 against
the remonstrance and protest of Mexico; and
most ot the acts of any importance, ot which
Mr.de Bocanegra complains, flow necessarily
from that recognition. He speaks of Texas as
still being‘an integral part of the territory ol
the Mexican republie,’but he cannot but un
derstand that the United Stales do not so regard
it. The real complaint of Mexico, therefore,
is, in substance, neither more nor less than a
complaint against the recognition ofTexas in
dependence. It may be thought rather late to
repeat thatcomplaint, and not quilejust to con
fine it to the United States, to the exemption of
England, France, and Belgium, unless the
United States,uavragbeCh the first to acknowl
edge the independence ot Mexico herself, are to
be blamed for setting an example lor the recog
nition ot that of Texas.” And he added, that
“the constitution, public treaties, anti the laws
oblige the President lo regard Texas as an in
dependent State, and its territory as no part of
the territory ol Mexico.” Texas had been an
independent State, with an organized govern
ment, defying the power of Mexico to over
throw or reconquer her for more than ten years
before Mexico commenced the present war a
gainst the United States. Texas had given
such evidence to the world ot her ability to
maintain her separate existence as an indepen
dent nation, that she had been formally recog
nized as such, not only by the United Stales,
but by several of the principal powers ol Eu
rope.
These powers had entered into treaties of
amity, commerce, and navigation witn her.—
They had received and accredited her minis
ters and other diplomatic agents at their res
pective courts, and they had commissioned
ministers and diplomatic agents on their part
to the government ot Texas, if Mexico, not
withstanding all this, andher utter inability lo
subdue or reconquer Texas, still stubbornly re
fused to recognize her as an independent na
tion, she was none lhe less so on that account.
Mexico herself had been recognized as an inde
pendent nation by the United States, and by other
powers, many years before Spain, ol which, be
lore her revolution, she had been a colony,
would agree to recognize her as such, and yet
Mexico was at that lime, in lhe estimation oi
the civilized world, and in fact, nonethe less an
independent power because Spain still claimed
her as a colony. If Spain had continued until
the present period to assert that Mexico was
one of her colonies in rebellion against her,
this would not have made her so, or changed
the fact ol her indeqgndent existence. Texas,
at the period of her annexation lo the United
States, bore the same relation to Mexico that
Mexico had bnrne to Spain for many years be
fore Spain acknowledged her independence,
with this important difference—that, before the
annexation of Texas to the United Slates was
consummated, Mexico herself, by a formal act
of her government, had acknowledged the inde
pendence of Texas as a nation. It is true, that in
the act of recognition she prescribed a condition
which she had no power or authority to impose,
that Texas should not annex herself to any oth
er Power; but this could not detract in any de
gree from the recognition which Mexico then
made of her actual independence. Upon this
plain statement of facts, it is absurd for Mexi
co to allege, as a pretext for commencing hos
tilities against the United States, that Texas is
still a part ot het territory.
But there are those who, conceding all this to
be true, assume the ground that the true western
boundary of Texas is the Nueces instead of the
Rio Grande; and that, therefore, in marching our
army to the east bank of the latter river, we passed
the Texas line and invaded the territory of Mexi
co. A simple statement of facts, known to exist,
will conclusively refute such an assumption.
Texas, as ceded to the U. Slates by France in
1803, has been always claimed as extending west
to the Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo. This fact is
established by the authority ot our most emi
nent statesmen at a period when the question
was as well if not better understood than it is at
present.
DuitngMr. JoffATann'a administration, Messrs.
Monroe and Pinckney, who hafl been eent on a I
special mission to Madrid, charged, among oth
er things, with the adjustment of boundary be
tween the two countries, in a note addressed to
the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, under
date ofthe 28thot January, 1805, assert that the
boundaries of Louisiana, as ceded to the United
States by France, “are the rive* Perdido on the
east, and tiie river Bravo on the westand they
add that, “ the facts and principles which justi
fy this conclusion are so satisfactory to our Go
vernment as toconvince it that the United States
have not a better right to the island of New-
Orleans, under lhe cession referred to,;than they
have to the whole district ol territory which is
above described.” Down to the conclusion of
the Florida treaty, in Febr’y,lßl9, by which this
territory was ceded to Spain, the United Stales
asserted and maintained their territorial rights to
this extent, In the month of June, 1818, dur
ing Mr. Monroe’s administration, information
having been teceived that a number of foreign
adventurers had landed at Galveston, with the
avowed purpose of forming a settlement in that
vicinity, a special messenger was despatched by
the Government of the United States, with in
structions from the Secretary of State, to warn
them to desist, should they be found there, “or
any other place north of the Rio Rravo, and
within the territory claimed by the U. States.”
He was instructed, should they be found in the
country north of that river, to make known to
them “ the surprise with which the President has
seen possession thus taken, without authority
from the United States, of a place within their
territorial limits, and upon which no lawful set
tlement can be made without their sanction.”—
He was instructed to call upon them to “ avow
under what national authority they profess to
act,” and to give them due warning that the
“place is within the United States, who will suf
fer no permanent settlement to be imde there
under any authori-y other than their own.” As
late as the Bth of July, 1842, the Secretary of
State of the United States, in a note addressed
to our Minister in Mexico, maintains that, by
the Florida treaty of 1819., the territory as far
west as the RjoGrande was confirmed to Spain.
In tipt note he state# that, “by the treaty of
the 221 February, 1819, between the United
Stales and Spain, the Sabinewas adopted as the
line of boundary between lhe twi powers. Up
to that period, no considerable colonization had
been effected in Texas; but the territory between
the Sabine and the Rio Grande being confirmed
tn Spain by the treaty, applications were made
to that Power lor grants of land; and such
grants, or permissions of settlement, were in
fact made by the Spanish authorities in favor of
citizens of the United States proposing lo emi
grate to Texas in numerous families, before the
declaration of independence by Mexico* 0
The Texas which was ceded lo Spain by the
Florida treaty ot 1819, embraced all the country
now claimed bv ihe State of Texas between
the Nueces and the Rio Grande. The republic
of Texas always claimed this rjver as her west
ern boundary, and in her treaty made with
Santa Anna in May, 1836, he recognised it as
such. By the constitute n which Texas adopt
ed in March, 1836, senatorial and representative
districts were organized extending west of the
Nueces. The Congress of Texas, on the
nineteenth of December, 1836, passed “An act
to define the boundaries of the republic of Tex
«. s,” in which they declared the Rio Grande
from its mouth to its source to be their bounda
ry, and by the said act they extended their “civil
and political jurisdiction” over the country up
to that boundary. During a period ol more than
nine years, which intervened between the adop
tion ot her constitution and her annexation as
one of the States of our Union, Texas asserted
and exercised many acts of sovereignty and ju
risdiction over the territory and inhabitants
west of IheNueces. She organized and defined
the limits of counties extending to the Rio
Grande. She established courts of justice and
extended her judicial system over the territory.
She established a custom-house, and collected
duties, and also post-offices and post-road«, in
it. She established a land office and issued nu
merous grants for land, within its limits. A
Senator and Representative residing in it were
elected to the Congress of the Republic, and
served as such before the act of annexation
toon place. In both the Congress and Conven
tion cf Texas, which gave their assent to the
terms of annexation to the United States, pro
posed by oqr Congress, were representatives
residing west ot the Nueces, who took part in
the act of annexation itself. This was the Tex
as which, by the act of our Congress ol the
twenty-ninth of December, 1845, was admitted
as one ol the States of our Union. That the
Congress of the United Slates understood the
State ot Texas which they admitted mio the
Union to extend beyond the Nueces is apparent
from the fact, that on the thirty-first of Decem
ber, 1845, only two days after the act of admis
sion, they passed a law “lo establish a collec
tion district in the State ot Texas,” by which
they created a port of delivery al Corpus Christi,
situated west of the Nueces, and being the
same point at which the Texas custom-house,
under the laws of that republic, had been loca-
VOL. X.—NO. 51.
led, and directed that a surveyor to collect the
revenue should be appointed for that port by the
President by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate. A surveyor wai accordingly
nominated and confirmed by the Senate, and has
been ever since in lhe petlormance of his du
ties. All these acts of the republic of Texas,
and of our Congress, preceded the orders for the
advance of our army to the east bank ot the Rio
Grande. Subsequently, Congress passed an
act “establishing certain post routes,” extending
west of the Nueces.
The country w»st of that river now consti
tiitesa part ot oneof the Congressional districts
ot Texas, and is represented in the House of
Representatives. The Senators from that State
were chosen by a legislature in which the coun-
try west of that river was represented. In view
of all these facts, it is difficult to conceive upon
what ground it can be maintained that, in occu
pying the country west ot the Nueces with our
army, with a view solely to its security and de
fence we invaded the territory of Mexico. But
it would have been still more difficult to justify
thelyMcuiive, whose duty it is to see that the laws
be.fcitMiilly executed, if in the face of all these
proceedings, both ot lhe Congress of Texas
and of the United States, he had assumed the
responsibility of yielding up the territory west
of the Nueces to Mexico, or of refusing to pro
tect and defend this territory and its inhabitants,
including Corpus Christi, as well as the re
mainder of Texas, against the threatened Mexi
can invasion.
But Mexico herself has never placed the war
which she has waged upon the ground that our
army occupied the intermediate territory be
tween tne rrueces anu me mu aiande. Her
refuted pretension that Texas was not in fact an
independent State, but a rebellious province,
was obstinately persevered in, and her avowed
purpose in commencing a war with the United
States was to reconquer Texas, and to restore
Mexican authority over the whole territory—
not to the Nueces only, but to the Sabine. In
view of the proclaimed menaces ot Mexico to
this effect, I deemed it my duty, as a measure
of precaution and defence, to order our army to
occupy a position on our frontier as a military
post, Irom which our troops could best resist
and repel any attempted invasion which Mex
ico might make.
Our army had occupied a position at Corpus
Christi, west of the Nueces, as early as August,
1845, without complaint from any quarter. Had
the Nueces been regarded as the true western
boundary of Texas, that boundary had been
passed by our army many months before it ad
vanced to the eastern bank of the Rio Grande.
In my annual tne-sage of December last I in
formed Congress, that npon invitation of both
the Congress and Convention of Texas, I had
deemed it proper to order a strong squadron to
the coasts of Mexico, and to concentrate an effi
cient military foice on the western frontier of
Texas, to protect and defend the inhabitanta
against the menaced invasion of Mexico. In
mat message I informed Congress that the mo
ment the terms of annexation offered by the U.
States were accepted by Texas, thn latter be
came so far a part of our own country as to
<uake It our duty to afford such protection and
defence; and ilia; for that purpose our squadron
hod been ordered to the Gutr on d our army to
“take a position between the Nueees the
Del Norte,” or the Rio Grande, and“torepet
any invasion of the Texan territory which
might be attempted by the Mexican forcea.”
It was deemed proper to issue this order, be
cause, soon after, the President of Texas, in
April, 1345, had issued hia proclamation conven
ing the Congress of that republic, for the pur
pose of submitting to that body the terms of an
nexation proposed by the United States, the go
vernment of Mexico made serious threats of In
vading the Texan territory. These threats be
came more imposing as it became more apparent
in the progress of the question, that the people
of Texas would decide in favor of accepting the
terms of annexation; and, finally, they had as
sumed such a formidable character, as induced
both the Congress and Convention of Texas to
request that a military force should be sent by
the United States into her territory for the pur
pose of protecting and defending her against the;
threatened invasion. It would have been a vio
lation of good faith towards the people of Texas
to have refused to afford the aid which they de
sired against a threatened Invasion, to which
they had been exposed by their free determina
tion to annex themselves to our Union, in com
pliance with the overture made to them by the
joint resolution of our Congress.
Accordingly, a portion of the army waa order
ed to advance into Texas. Corpus Christi waa
lhe position selected by Gen. Taylor. He en
camped at that p.ace in August, 1845, and the
army remained in that position until the 11th of
March, 1846, when it moved westward, and on
the 28th of that month reached the east bank of
the Rio Grande opposite to Matamoras. This
movement was made in pursuance of orders
from the War Department, issued on the 13th of
January, 1846. Before these orders were issued,
the despatch of our minister in Mexico, trans
mitting the decision of the Council of Govern
ment of Mexico, advising that he should not be
received, and also the despatch of our consul re
siding in the city of Mexico—the former bearing
date on the 17th, and the latter on the 18th of
December, 1845, copies of both of which accom
panied my message to Congress of the Utfx of
May last—were received at the Department of
State. These communications rende: vd it high
ly probable, if not absolutely certain, that our
minister would not be iweived by the govern- ‘
ment of Gen. Herrera. It was also known
that but little hope could be entertained of a dif
ferent result from Gen. Paredes in case the revo-.
lutionary movement which he was prosecuting
should prove successful, as was highly probable.
The partisans of Paredes, as our minister, in tlx .
despatch referred to, states, breajhed the fiercest
hostility against the United States, denounced
the proposed negotiaiion as treason, and openly
called upon the troops and the people to put
down the government of Herrera by force. The
re-conquest of Texas, and war with the United
States, were openly threatened. These were the
circumstances existing, when it was deemed
proper to order the army under the command of
Gen. Taylor to advance to the western frontUv
of Texas, and occupy a poaition on or near »>u.
Rio Grande.
The apprehensions of a contemplated Mexicau
invasion have been since fully justified by the
event. The determination of Mexico to rush
into hostilities with the United States was af
terwards manifested from the whole tenor of the
note of the Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs
to our Minister, bearing date on the 12th of
March, 1846. Paredes had then revolutionised
the government, and his minister, after refer
ring to the resolution for the annexation of Texas*
which had been adopted by our Congress in
March, 1845, proceeds to declare that *< a
such as this, or to speak w|th greater exactness,
so notable an act of usurpation, created an im
perious necessity that Mexico, for her own han
or, should repel it with proper firmness and dig
nity. The Supreme Government had beforehand
declared that it would look upon such an act as a
casus belli; and as a consequence of this declara
tion, negotiation was, by its very nature, at an
end, and war was the only recourse of the Mex
ican government.”
It appears, also, that on the fourth of April
following, General Paredes, through his minis
ter of war, issued orders to the Mexican genera)
in command on the Texan frontier to “attack* 1
our army “by every means which war permits.”
To this General Paredes had been pledged to the
army and people of Mexico during the military
revolution which had brought him into power.
On the eighteenth of April, 1846, General Para
des addressed a letter to the commander on that
frontier, In which he stated to him, “at the pres,
ent date I suppose vou at the head of that valiant
army, either fighting already, a? preparing for
the operations of a campaign j” and “ suppos
ing you already on thv theatre of operations,
and with all the forces assembled, it is indispen
sable that hostilities be commenced, yourseUi
taking the initiative against the enemv.’*’
The movement of our army to the R.\a<2ra»du
was made by the commanding general under
positive orders to abstain from all aggressive
acts towards Mexico, or Mexican citizens, and
to regard the relations between the two coun
tries as peaceful, qnfess Mexico should declare
war, or commit acts of hostility indicative of a
state of war; and these orders he faithfully exe
cuted- Whilst occupving his position on the
east bank of the Rio Grande, within the limits
of Texas, then recently admitted aa one of the
States of our Union, the commanding genera)
of the Mexican forces, who, in pursuance of thu
orders of his government, had collected a
army o i the opposite shore of the Rio Grande,
crossed the river, invaded our territory, and
commenced hostilities by attacking our ferces.
Thus, after all the injuries which we had re *
ceived and borne from Mexico, and after she scad
insultingly rejected a minister sent to her on a
mission of peace, and whom she had solemnly
agreed to receive, she consummated her long
course of outrage against our country bycom
mencingan offensive war and shedding the blood
of our citizens on our own soil.
The United States never attempted to acquire
Texas by conquest. On the contrary, at (an
early period, after the people of Texas had
achieved their independence, they sought lo bo
annexed to the United States. At a general
election in September, 1336, they decided with
great unanimity, in favor of “annexation,” and
in November following, the Congress of the re«
public authorized the appointment of a minister
to tear thoir request to this government. This
government, however having remained neutral
between Texas and Mexico, duiing the war be
tween them, and considering it due to the honor
of our country, and our fair lame among the na
tions of the earth, that we should nut at thia
early period consent to annexation, nor until it
should be manifest to the whole world that the
re-conquest of Texas by Mexico was impels bl»,
refused to accede to tip overtures made by Tex
as. On the 12tl; «f April, 1844, and after more
than seven years had elapsed since Texas had
established her independence, a treaty was con
cluded for the annexation ol that republic to
the United Stales, which was rejected bv thu
Senate. Finally, on the Ist of March, 1845,
Congress passed a joint resolution for annexing
her to the United States, upon certain prelimi
nary conditions to which her assent wss requir
ed. The solemnities which characterised the
deliberations and conduct of the government
and people of Texas, on the deeply interesting,