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by j. W. & AV. S. JONES
Serins,
THE WEEKLY
CHRONICLE and sentinel
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In Weekly. —Seventy-five cents per square (12
lines or less) for the first insertion, and Fifty cents for
eich subsequent insertion.
JTor Sale.
“OAK GROVE” FOR SALE.
I NOW OFFER this valuable set
■pilj dement of land for sale, situated on lhe W®
Georgia Railroad, equidistant from Union
Point and Greensboro. This farm contains about SOO
acres of land, one-third of which is in the woods and
to well timbered, and strong productive tipland ; also
some very valuable swamp land attached, now in a
high state of cultivation.
There is on this farm a spacious and well-built
dwelling house, good and conveniently arranged ser
vant’s housee, Gin house and Stables,
&c., choice Vineyard, Orchard, Vegetable and Flow
er Garden. I will make accommodating terms to an
acceptable purchaser. If you want to purchase a
desirable settlement call and examine for yourself.
THOMAS HART.
Also—l want to sell one Town Lot in the city of
Albany, No. 30 ; one Tract in Murray county. No.
67, 27th District, 2d Section; one do. No. 230. 9th
District, 3d Section ; one do. in Houston county, No.
230, 3d District; oqe do. in Decatur, No. 126, 15th
District. au3o T. H.
FOR SALE. ‘
BUILDING LOTS for Summer residences,
situated on the north side of the Georgia Rail
road between the five and six mile posts.
Also, a SMALL FARM, about half a mile above
Mr. Lawrence’s residence.
Also, the well known “ BAY SPRING” PLACK,
containing about 170 acres, situated on the old Mil
ledgeville road, about six miles from Augusta. A
part of this land yields from 10 to 60 bushels of corn
per acre.
Also, two or three NEGROES, one of them a first
rate Coal-Burner.
Notes or other evidences of debt made by Garrett
Lawrence will be taken in payment for any of the
above. Apply to W. M. HIGHT,
aul2-tw£wtf authorized Agent for G.
LOOK AT THIS.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for sale In
the enmity of Greene ONE THOUSAND i
ACRES OF LAND, low, low. Apply to i
au26-w4 JAS. PERKINS.
BURKE LAND FOR SALE. ■
THE UNDERSIGNED has 1000 IjnjT
of valuable land in the 71»t district <
oi Burke county, adjoining lands of Jas. i
Grubbs, B. B Miller, and Robt. J. Morrison,
which is offered for sale on the most accommodating
terms. The tract contains about 500 acres oak and
hickory land, the remainder pine—of which there are
about 150 acres cleared, with a comfortable dwel
ling and other necessary buildings.
Persons desirous to purchase are requested to call
and examine the premises.
If not sold previously at private sale, it will be sold I
at public outcry, before the court house door at I
Waynesboro on the first Tuesday hi November next.
jyl2-wtNl ETHALINDA FOUNTAIN
CjOtclS.
HOTEL!
MHS. W. J. JONES avails herself of I
gtlfl the opportunity to announce to the friends ami
patrons of her late husband (W. J. Jones), and the
publ'c generally, that she intends keeping open the
Hotel heretofi»re kept by him at APPLING, and so
licits a continuance of the patronage hitherto bestowed
on the house. She hopes by her unremitted exer
\ K_. ! Uon« and attention tn the du.ies of her station to merit
the approbation ot those who may favor her with a
F c 2le
EAGLE & PUCE NIX HOTEL
AUGUSTA, GA.
BY MRS. WEST. Hilfi
FTUIIS WELL-KNOWN. ELEGANT
.1 ami CONVENIENT HOUSE, containing
more than FIFTY ROOMS, has been recently fitted
• up with much care for the reception of transient cus
tomers and regular boarders, anil if long e« periene,
a quiet house, airy rooms, good beds, attentive ser,
vants, a 'ruble as good as the Augusta market can
supply, and loir charges, run secure custom and satis
faction, she is determined to succeed.
For TRANSIEN 1' BO \RD and LODGING only
ONE DOLLAR per day !
She would refer to Rev Mr. Brantley, Professors
Joseph Eve and Ford, of Augusta, and Dr. Randall,
of Marietta. ap6
WASHINGTON HALL.
GEORGIA. Wjijl,
‘■BREAKFAST AND DINNER HOUSE
_IJ for Passengers—Meals always in due season for
i the departure ofthe cam.. A share ot public patron-
L age is respectfully solicited.
h t22-wtOl HOLCOMBE A RICE.
B SIGN, BANNER AND ORNA-
MENTAL PAINTING.
POI.ITICAI. BANKERS, without regard
to party, painted with neatness and dispatch and
W SENT io ANT PART OP THE STATE.
BM J/j Paint Shop in the l.ower Corner of the
Entile A' Plltrulx Hotel. . la'inta.
,„15 K PSI'ELMAN S.n-r.
COPARTNERSHIP
IVE. THE I XltKiiMtiXEtt. I.
▼ r day entered into < ’npir iu-i-lnp nn.ler lln-in m
of HARDEN & RAMEY, and having purchased O.
I H. Lss’s entire stock of Goode, now occupy his well-
8 known stand opposite Atlants, Vargo A Co., and two
door. Mow J. & S. Bones’ Hardware Store, where
we are now receiving from the Northern cities addi
tions to our present stock, comprising SA t ■ A R. t. OP
FEE BAGGING, ROPE. IRON. SALT. LI
QUORS of all kinds, PRY GOOI>s SHOES,
BATS, LEATHERS, OILS, UAKPWARE, Jtc ,
which we are now offering on as reasonable terms as
any other house in the eily. We res|ieetfully solicit
a share of public patronage.
We have also made an arrangi-ment with a Fire-
Proof Brick Warehouse, convenient to Railroad and
Wagoners, and all cotton and other produce consigned
3 to our care will be attended to tree ot charges, and no
i ttains will be spared to give general satisfaction.
HARDEN &R AMEY.
Augusta. June 1, 184$. jyl-wlDl
$25 REWARD.
X* RANAWAY FROM ME on
43 Monday, the 1 Illi insr., three Neg roes,
to: BLAKE.REUBEN nod M ARTHA. jEy
> hinke is a very bright mulatto, much so that lie
I will doubtless attempt to pass for a free white man ;
I he has straight black hair and blue eyes; he is 25
I rears old, 5 feet 6 inches hath, and sloops forward as
I he walks. Reuben is a black boy about 18 years
I old, slim visage, and of a meek looking countenance.
I Martha is a black girl, 18 years old, and liied before
I I got her in Augusta. I will give 810 for the con-
I finement of either of the boys in any safe jail, and 85
I tor the girl; information being given me by letter di-
■ reeled to Pavtsboro, Washington county, Ga.
■ .15-1 mw WILLIAM SMITH.
| RANAWAY
* FROM THE SUBSCRIBER about
I G the Istol’August, a negro tellow named MOSE,
g Said negro is about 30 years old, wcighs about
g HRISO ihw thick oot and light ootnplextoo. He
K I had on a Broadcloth Coat, and a peart colored W 00l
I Hat. I presume he is endeavoring lo make his way
I lo North Carolma, and I learn troiu aa.sher negro.
1 who left al the same time, that he called himsell
I M “ re’awmable compensati.w wtll be paid tor the de-
I hrery of retd negro to me, or for h>.
■ t 6 wlm Minerva P. 0., Houat.w _
H ~ $25 REWARD.
X* RANA WAT, from the subscriber about
■ • Q th. lOih.d.Apnl last, near Mayfield. Wsrreu
■ Vkr.smty .negro man named MAJOR, about
ttnny-five rears tdd, ata feet high, yellow coinplee
non. quick s;v>ken, and quue intelligent, with a
■ a downcast look. He is a pcettr good blacksmith, and
■ F may probably attempt to make his way lo Monroe
■■ « counts or Columbus, Ga.. as he has relatives there.
■ The above reward will be paid lor his delivery to
■ me or kxlgmg him m any safe Jail. that I gel him
■ *** I 3-wjf THOM AS J W HKEI ER ._
■ , Sls ° REWAHD
RANAWAY from niv residence near
B fl Montevallo, m Shell-, M , :v h Usi.
<>»■»* Negro PAMEL He «stature. !
H •■«<!! vr’.k'W c.xn;.. t 1.,
■ face, aw-n on tie ins.de .n m. , i( , ..... ’ .. Iler
bv trade.
■ I will k ive SSO to -.wrax, mh > M
■ > aad aafol/ him tn any j«.| in
UarvLna . and al*.’ • h\‘ iti >* »p t -wvhwr.m.. n ; .s
--iaM*al whe gave hun tn-r ptjYr*
Said Daniel gw. usually well dressed, an.l com-
M- aatmly gov. by the name ot Rres.we. If s,,j
be spprebeodtsi. I w>.h hi. tree papers iskee trem
B an^i^e» ; ,„* x
M th6s. r. walker
Sbelbv eo.. Ala.. Ortober 12.
~ BALE ROPE
AG COILS Kentucky BALE ROPE v
pcitnecaab'v For sac sow
je*7 RASP WILLIAM? A CO.
F r IY I I i W I I ■ fi 11 IL a I*o IL 11 I 11 11 fC-lL
| IJ_ IM.l_ll.mi 1.,._ ill JI. ,21
Augusta, oca.:
THURSDAY MORNING, SEPT. 14, *4B.
Mr. Stephens’s Letter.
In our columns this morning, will be found
the letter of the Hon. A. H. Stephens, in re
[, ply to certain interrogations propounded to
him by the Federal Union, which will com
n maud the reader's attention. It is not proba
e ble that the Federal Union will propound any
more questions to Mr. S., and offer the use of
its columns for his reply—such a course might
enlighten its readers as to the true-character of
Mr. Stephens’s opposition to the so-called
J compromise, aud afford them an opportunity
to judge impartially of his course.
Democratic Misrepresentations.
The annexed article from the Savannah Re
publican, portray sin bold and true colors the
> system of tactics pursued by the Democratic
r organs in conducting the canvass. Mr. Ritchie
makes a statement, they copy—in a few days
the organist at Washington is compelled to re
tract, but, strange to say, the retraction rarely,
if ever, appears in the smaller organs. They
seem generally to regard it no part of their duty
to correct their own misrepresentations :
Look Out ! —Some two weeks ago, the Washing
ton Union published two anonymous letters from Con
necticut, which stated that Senator Baldwin and Mr.
Truman Smith, members of Congress from that State,
had taken the stump for Gen. Taylor, and were ex
hibiting letters froti. him, in which fie pledged him
self to veto the W ilmot proviso. Accompanying these
Connecticut letters were the comments of the editor,
in which he called upon the South to beware of Gen.
Taylor's cnti-slavery principles. He lashes himself
into a passion over the letters, holds them upto us as
a kind of “raw head and bloody bones,” and charges
that the old Hero had given secret pledges to North
ern men, while he was run here as the peculiar friend
of our instihrioss. It all turns out, however, just
as we ex|M*cted. Mr. Baldwin, as soon as he heart! of
the charge, wrote to the editor and says it is an infa
mous falsehood —a foul slander—and that he never
received or heard of any such letter from Gen. Tay
lor. He also culls upon old Ritchie for the name of
his anonymous correspondent, which he refuses to
give, and tries to get out of it by saying, his infor
mant might have been mistaken, and that probably
some body else receivrd the letter.
Thus it is that the corrupt old hireling, who pre
sides over the Union, coins and puts forth his slander
ous fhlsclioods day after day, which are caught up
by other presses and lesser lights and circulated
throughout the country, and never contradicted. —
When he is forced to refract his vile fabrications, other
papers which have published th ?m never fake notice
of it; nnd so far, therefore, as they are concerned, the
world is left to believe as true what they know to be
false. For instance—some weeks since the Union
stated that Mr. Cass had written a letter, in which
he pledged himselfto veto the Proviso. This was af
firmed as fact and reiterated in the daily paper for
eight or ten days. But it threatened to raise a storm
in the North, wliereupYn the old organist turned
round nnd ‘‘swore most lustily” that no such letter
had been received, and that Gen. Cass had not writ
ten a pilitical letter since his nomination. He hid
accomplished his object, however. The Southern
Democratic papers caught up the bait and circulated
it far and wide. They declared that their candidate
had given that he would veto the Proviso
and referred to the Union as authority— but not one
of them er er told the people that the Union, had re
tracted it all.
Compliment to the Hon. T. B. King.
The delicate and well merited compliment to
the Hon. T. Butler King by the proprietors of
the New-York and New-Orleans steam packet
me, will be duly appreciated by that gentle*
man and his numerous admirers throughout
the Union We copy from the New-York
Commercial Advertiser:
haunch ofthe Georgia.— A beautiful sight at all
times is the launch of a line ship, but we have seldom
seen a spectacle more magnificent in its kind than the
launch of the news learner intended for the U. States
mail line from N. York to N. Orleans and Havana.
eaterday precisely at the hour announced in the morn
ing papers, to the sound of martial mus*r, and to the
atlmiralian of thousands of spectators, this splendid
steamer left her ways as easily as if by her own voli
tion, and glided majestically into what might well be
called her natural element. She is named the Geor
gia, in honor of tbe distinguished member of the House
A»t’Representatives from that State, to whose untiring
efforts as a member ofthe Naval t'ommittee in that
body, the city of New-York and the country are so
deeply indebted for the splendid additions now in
progress toour commercial and naval steam marine.
It must have been highly gratifying to Mr. T. Butler
King, who was present on the occasion, to see this re
sult of his long, able, and well directed efforts ; nor
must it have been the less gratifying to know that his
services are appreciated am! understood, as he must
have felt from the delicate nnd well deserved compli
ment implied in the selection of the steamer’s name.
The Georgia is the largest steamship in the world,
saving the Great Britain, being of the measurement
0f’2,810 tons. Her model is peculiar, and cannot fail
tostrike every beholder by its singular gracefulness
anil symmeti y. It was planned by a man of genius
in naval architecture, and is,expected to win for him
on the Atlantic a reputation equal to that which he
has already acquired on our inland waters. We re
fer to Georgo Law, Esq., who is «he proprietor of
the line in connection with Marshall O. Roberts, Esq ,
the business agent. I-nder tho directions of Mr. Law
am! th*' superintendence of an officer apjMinteil by
the Secretary ofthe Navy, the Georgia has been con •
structed by those well known naval architects, Messrs.
Smith and I Hmon.
Wilmington and Manchester Railroid. j
—The Wilmington (N. C.) Review of the 12th i
i list, says : Mr. Janies F. Fleming, one of the I
Engineers on the Wilmington and Manchester
Railroad, left this place a few days since, to
join his brethren of the corps, in the com
mencement of that work. They will pro
ceed at once to the location of the Road,
and to the letting out of contracts for build
ing it. We wish them much comfort and
success in their operations. The prospects
of this Road are brightening every day. —
The Chattanooga and Nashville and the Co
lumbia and Charlotte Roads are, we under
stand. both in progress, and when completed
they will pour into the Wilmington and Man
chester Road a large stream of travel. Persons
in the interior along both of those Roads will i
be sure to take this route when they go North.
We must not now tlag in our efforts—on the
contrary, let us all unite, and make “along
pull, astrong puli, and a pull all together" for
the immediate accomplishment of this great
work.
Georgia Enterprise.—The subjoined para
graphs from the Marietta Advocate of the 12th
inst., marks distinctly the progress Georgia is
making in the developement of her immense
resources:
Yesterday, for the first time, one of the new and
superb passenger cars manufactured in Augusta for
the State Road, pissed through this place. The
workmanship and finish are highly creditable to the
makers.
We noticed on the cars a few days since, a lot of
Railroad Iron, some 30,000 iMßinda, from the works
of Messrs. Cooper & Stroup, and intended lor die
Georgia Road. The Iron is said to be of excellent
quality.
The way Gen. Cass Served his Country.
—The Newburyport Herald says:—Gen. Cass
was Governor of Michigan Territory fron 1813
to 1821: his salary, during this time, as Gover
nor was liberal, and he had an extra salary, as
Indian agent, at the same time, of $1,500 a
year, also ten rations a day. computed at 29 cts.
each, equal to $730 a year more, making an
extra allowance of $2,230 a year, for duties
incidental to the office of Governor of the Ter
ritory.
In 1831. he received $10,550 more, as ex
tra compensation. and on the 13th Nov.. $3.-
875 additional pay. He received as extra com
pensation and commutation oi rations, from ■
1813 :o 1831. $60,412. the particulars
of which may be found tn documents ot the
26th Congress.
Congressional Nomination.—The demo
crats of the Seven th Congressional District
have nominated Josefr Day. Esq., ot Jones,
n opposition to the Hon. A H Sts r hen*.
Gen. Tailor. — Er peeled visit to A’W-
—To morrow evening Gen. Taylor, by
special invitation, will visit Pass Christian,
where he will remain several day s. Ihe pre
parations for his reception are upon the most
magnificent scale. H e learn that upon the
approach of the General, an illumination will
take place, such as has never before been wit
nessed m this par: of the country. The hotels
and private dwellings will be thoroughly hl up ;
and the beautiful beach tor a distance ot sever
al miles, above and be»ow the Montgomery
House will blaze with bon-fires.
A large concourse of persons from the neigh
boring country will be in attendance. Ine
people of the surrounding country have volun
teered their aid in making die reception impo
sing. The occasion will attract a goodly com
i pane from Mobile and this city. —A O. Pic
' lOrii imt
How tilings Work.
The approval of the IVilmot Proviso, in the
bill establishing a territorial government in
Oregon, by James K. Polk (says the Colum
bus Enquirer,) has done the south more harm
than any thing that has happened in twenty
years. The President is a southern man, and
was looked to, not only as the representative
of the whole country, but as the man who, in
discharging his constitutional duly, would not
abandon our interests and our rights. This at
least was a reasonable expectation. The
democrats have always pretended that they
were the peculiar and most especial friends of
the South. We speak of the leaders. How stands
the matter? Van Buren, the late idol of the
party, has shown the metal of which he is made,
and now when the South is seemingly in its
last desperate struggle, James K. Polk places
his iron heel upon our necks. We ask our
citizens what they think of such conduct? Is
this the way that you require your friends to
stand up to your rights 7
Speaking of Van Buren, reminds us of his
letter accepting the nomination of the Buffalo
Convention. He, in that letter, justifies his
own infamous course by citing the conduct of
Polk in sanctioning the Oregon bill. And
well he may. Polk’s conduct in that matter
was just such as Van Buren desired. It was
a surrender of the constitutional question, and
this surrendered the South at the mercy of that
kind of expediency upon which it seems these
affiliated statesmen generally act. What more
could Van Buren, or any of his abolition clan
desire, than for Polk to sign a bill containing
the Wilmot proviso ? By his signature he ad
mitted its constitutionality, and this was, as be
fore remarked, a complete and total abandon
ment of Uie South. Van Buren knows this.
It is said, however, by those who elected
Mr. Polk, and strained every nerve to elect
Van Buren, that if the people will trust them
one more time they will give them a man in
whom there is no mistake Well, who is he?
It is Lewis L'ass, of Michigan. He, they say,
will veto the proviso, and stand by the South.
Great Ctesar.’ If Van Buren, who was held
up to our eyes as the clearest grit of a northern
man with southern principles, has turned
against ns; if Mr. Polk, himself a Southern
man, and the annointed head of the Democratic
party, abandons us in this hour of our peril,
what can you expect from an original Wilmot
proviso-man, one who prays incessantly for
the abolition of slavery every where ? Do you
believe that such a man of circumstances, and
time-abiding expediency, can be trusted ? If
Polk dared not veto the Oregon bill, how do
you think Cass will venture to veto a similar
one? Polk lives in the South. Cass resides
insight ofthe Canada line. Think well of these
things before you cast your votes.
Letter from Mr. Stephens.
Clinton, (ia., Aug. 30. 1848,
Mr. Editor: in passing through this place,
1 have just seen your paper of yesterday’s date
which contains some inquiries addressed to me.
to which I can not hesitate to give a prompt re
ply ” in such reasonable length and respectful
terms ” as to secure, I trust, a place in your
columns.
And that I may be distinctly understood. I
will give the entire communication and my an
swer io each inquiry in order:
To the Hon. A. 11. Stephens:— lt is known to
you, that your motion to lay upon the table the “ Com
promise Bill” of the Senate, during the late session
of Congress, has produced considerable excitement in
this District. You have been nominated as the Whig
candidate for re-election. If you should have oppo
sition, it is scarcely to be doubted, that this bill will
be the main issue involved in the canvass. It is there
fore, eminently desirable, that your sentiments should
be clearly understood, as to what are the rights of the
South, ami how far they are affected by the bill. A
careful perusal of your speech has left our mind in
doubt, as to your opinion upon several essential points.
We therefore, venture respectfully to propound to
you a tew interrogatories, to which we ask a reply.
1. Do you believe thut Congress has the right un
der the Constitution, to prohibit slavery in the territo
ries belonging to the United States?
To your first inquiry I answer, that I do not believe
that Congress has the right, either in honor, justice or
good faith, t«» prohibit slavery in the territories belong
ing to the United States, and thus to appropriate the
public domain entirely to the benefit of the people of
the n«»n-slave holding States-—and hence I have uni
formly voted against the Oregon Bill, which contain
ed a section excluding slavery, notwithstanding most
if not all my Democratic colleagues, have repeatedly
voted for a Bid organizing a Government there with
such exclusion —and notwithstanding Mr. Folk has
lately signed a Bill which contained such an exclu-
So far as New Mexico and California are concerned,
and towards which your inquiries are doubtless main
ly directed, there is no express provision in the Con
stitution which applies either directly or indirectly lo
them. 'They are to be considered as acquired by con
quest, ami there is no article or clause in the <’onsti
tution, that relates in the remotest degree to the Go
vernment of conquests. Ido not believe that the fra
mers of the Constitution, contemplated that such a
contingency would ever happen, and hence the silence
ofthe Constitution upon that subject. But as the Su
preme Court ofthe I nited States have repeatedly held
the doctrine, that the power to make conquest, does
: belong to the General Government, though not ex
pressly granted, it is not my purpose to say any thing
u|»on th it point now. The only point in your inqui
ry, relates to the Government ofthe conquest —and to
that point I answer explicitly, that I consider the con
quest according to the best authorities upon the laws
of nations, as belonging to the people ofthe United
States— to all citizens ofthe United States—the South
as well as the North. When the treaty is fully com
plied with, these provinces will constitute a public
domain ncquireil by the common valor, blood and treas
ure of all. And in the government of them, the rights
and interests of the South, should be looked to, guard
ed and protected as well as the North, by all proper
nnd necessary laws. Until they are admitted into the
Union as States, the Government of them must de
volve upon Ctongrees or such territorial legislaturesas
may be createil ami authorized by Congress. And
any legislation by Congress or by the territorial legis
latures which would exclude slavery, would tie in
direct violation of the rights ot the Southern people, to
an equal participation in them, and in open dermga
tiim of that equality between the States ofthe South
;uivi North, wn eh should never be surrendered by
the South. And I hold also, that any legislation by
Congress or by the territorial legislatures which does
not secure ami protect the rights of the South as fully
and as completely in the enjoyment of their property
in slaves, as it does the rights of the people of the
North in the enjoy ment of their property in these ter
ritories, is manifestly unjust, in violation of the rights
ofthe South and a surrender of that equality between
the different members of this confederacy which shall
never be made by my sanction.
Your second inquiry is in the following wonts :
*• 11. From your replies to Mr. Stanton, of Tennes
see, on (wges 10 and 11 of your speech, we clearly
infer that it is your opinion, that the Constitution of
the United Stales does not guarantee to the slavehold
er the tight to remove with his property into any ter
ritory of the United Slates and to be protected in the
undisturbed use and enjoyment of his slaves as pro
perty. Do we property construe your meaning ?”
And in reply, you w »ll allow me to say that you
seem greatly to misapprehend my answer to Mr.
Stanton. The purport of my answer to him was, (I
have not the speech before me,) that the Constitution
did secure and guarantee the nghts of the master to his
slave in every State and territory of the Union
where slavery was net prohibited by law. But that
it did not establish it in any territory or State where
it was so prohibited. Ami the same I re-aihrm —it is
too plain a question to admit of argument. It is one
of those truths which under our system of government,
may be considered a political axiom. Every body
knows that the Constitution secures and guaranties
property in slaves in Georgia, and in all the slave
S ales, but that it does not secure the use and anj -v
--tuent of such property in New York or any of the
Slates where slavery to prohibited.
Your third question ism the following words :
“ 111. It the right spoken of in the 2d question, does
*
generally, does it exist tn relation to New Mexico and
California ?”
And in answer to it. I say that I hold, that the Con
stitution does secure and guarantee the rights oi the
master to property in his slave in all the territories
bel MBging totbe United States, wh->re slavery is not
prohibited. With tejard to the territories, the same
* I
not mi total n the pi*»it on that slavery can not be main
tained without positve law. But I say that accord
ing to all the derisi.Mis of all the Courts 1 have ever
seen m aUcivibzed nations, n can not be maintained
and protected where it is prohibited by express law.
In all the Slates ••'f this Union, where it is not prohi
bited. the Coactuu-.wi secure* and protects it, but in
■ S
it further than to provide for the re-capture of runaway
slaves—and the same principle I have no doubt from
the decisions of the Supreme Court, would bv that
tribunal, be held to be applicable to the territories.—
By the Missouri Compromise, slavery was prohibited
from al! that p'r. '□-»? the Loamaua tees
Missouri, N b
- .« :
in all that territory. For by the laws m foree in the
terr lewv at the t.iue of the acquisition, slavery was
recognised and bad existence. There is a Urge ter
ntorv now unoccupied, which is embraced in thepro
viSMXisof that Compromise, and from which by that
.-ccnprooi'se slavery is proh: :ted. And can any man
bei eve that if a slave boider should carry ha slave
into that territory where slavery is prohibited, that the
Supreme Court of the Un.ted Sates, would rec<xn m
hi* right and protect him in holding his slave there ?
I: ie not car purtwse now to speak of ’die const*’.
wmalitr of the Missouri —I am speaking
of it as a practical qaestaoa under the dectsamis of the
Supreme Court ; »aJ according to principles settled
bv that Court, does any man believe that the rights
if the master would be protected by that Cour, in
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 20. 1848.
that territory, or any other territory of the United
States, where slavery is prohibited, until the prohibi
tion is removed by competent authority, any more
than in a State where slavery is prohibited ?—ln New-
Mexico and California, slavery was abolished and
prohibited ky express law at the time of the conquest.
And according to the decisions of the Supreme Court
of the United States, which no man can gainsay or
deny; (I mean the fact of the decisions, Ido not
speak of their correctness,) all the laws which were
of force at the time of the conquest, will continue in
force until altered by competent authority except such
as were inconsistent with the Constitution of the
UniZerf .SYzies, or the stipulations of the treaty. Is
the prohibition of slavery by the local law of any
State or place inconsistent with the Constitution of the
United States? If it is those laws of New Mexico
and California, will become abrogated and necessari
ly cease to operate upon the final fulfilment of the
treaty stipulations. But if the prohibition of slavery
by the local law of any State or place, is not inconsis
tent with the Constitution according to the decisions
of the Supreme Court, they will of course, remain
of force until altered by competent authority. My
own opinion is, that neither the existence of slavery
or non-existence of it by the local law of any place,
inconsistent with any provision of the Constitution.
The Constitution extends over Slates where slavery
exists as well as where it is prohibited. Slavery de
pends upon the law of the place which may be either
witten or unwritten. And where it exists the Con
stitution protects it, but it does not establish it where
it is prohibited.
1 have heard some argue, that the laws in New
Mexico and California prohibiting slavery there, were
similar to the laws concerning the establishment of
religion. I consider the cases totally different. For
this plain reason. An established religion is incon
sistent with an express provision of the Constitu
tion.
But the noa-existence or prohibition of slavery by
the local law of any State or place, is not inconsistent
with any provision of the Constitution. It is in vain
fi>r any man to attempt to deceive himself or others
upon this point. And it is worse than in vain, to at
tempt to make the Southern people believe, that any
right was secured to them by the late proposed Com
promise Bill, which, without any legal protection re
ferred the matter to the Supreme Court. The only
right it pretended to secure, was the right of a law
suit —and that existed without the Compromise just
as amply and as fully as it did under it. And under
the circumstances if any man can suppose that the
Court, at the end of the suit, would decide in favorof
the rights of the Southern people, he cannot doubt but
that the same decision would be made even if the
Wilmot Proviso was passed.
But to proceed to your fourth question, which is as
follows :
“ IV. We infer from the tenor of your speech that
ou do not believe the right exists in relation to New
Mexico and California, because of the decrees of 1829
and 1837, abolishing slavery throughout the Republic
of Mexico, if so, what right of the South is surren
dered by the Compromise bill, and how is it surren
dered ?”
To this, I answer, that your inference is entirely
wrong. Ido believe that we of the South, have a
right to an equal participation in this acquisition, not
withstanding the decrees and acta of Mexico, abolish
ing and prohibiting slavery in New Mexico and Cali
fornia— and a right that 1 never intend to abandon or
surrender by my vote. It is the right which belongs
to us as a portion of the conquerors of the country.
It is public property, belonging as I have said before,
*o all the citizens of the country—to the people of the
South as well as the North. It is common property,
and the principles applicable to it are well expressed
by Vattel, as follows ;
“ A I the members of a corporation have an equal
right to the use of the common property. But re
specting the manner of enjoying it. the body of the
corporation may make such regulations as they
think proper, provided that those regulations be not
inconsistent with that equality of right which ought
to be preserved in a comm union of properly. Thus
a corporation may determine the use of a common
pasture, either allotting each an equal share, but they
hare no right to exclude any one of the members,or
to make a distinction to his disadvantage, by assign
ing him a less share than that of the others.”— lal
te'fs L. N. 113.
These are the principles 1 hold Congress lias no
right to exclude the South from an equal share, and
it is the duty of Congress, to see that the rights ofthe
South are as amply protected, as the rights of the
North. And it was this right of legal protection, for
the property of the South, that was surrendered in
that Bill. If Congress has the power to declare ex
actly bow far the interest of the North shall be pro
tected; —if they have the power to extend the Mis
souri Compromise line, they certainly have the pow- i
er to say in clear and distinct w ords, that up to that |
line <»n the South, the rights of the South shall be pro
ter/ed—-and not after prohibiting us from going North <
of that line, leave us to contest with the Courts our (
rights on the South of it. This is what the Compro
mise Bill did. It excludes us from the whole of Gr
enon, and left us to the Courts to decide, whether we
should be allowed to carry and hold our properly in
New Mexico and California. For such a Compro
mise I shall never vote.
Y>>ur fifth question is as follows:
“ V. If by virtue of the < 'onstitution of the United
States, we have not the right Vj carrv our slaves into
these territories, we ask, upon what principle do you
claim it, in behalf of your constituents? Ito you (
claim it, upon the broad principle of justice arising
fiorn the fact, that it is the fruit of common blood and ’
common treasure? If so, do you expect Congress, ;
constituted as it now is, or is hereafter likely to be, t
will ever recognize this principle of justice, and by t
positive legislation, authorize the extension of slavery
into those territories?”
And in answer I siy, thut Ido claim it “ upon the (
broad principle of justice arising from the fact f
that it is the fruit of common blood and common t
treasure.” And Ido expect that Congress consti
tuted as it is, will recognise this principle of justice, ]
when the South presents an unbroken front as it ought
to do, against paying one dollar for the territories, un
less this justice is awarded to them; and you will ,
here permit me to bring to your mind a reminiscence .
not inapplicable on the present occasion. When the ‘
annexation of Texas was at first started by Mr. Tyler,
by a treaty which left this question of vital importance *
to the South unsettled, I opftused it. I was then bit- (
t»?rly assailed by the paper which you now conduct
for opposition to this great Southern measure, upon ail .
occasions when I addressed the people of Georgia.
In 1844, I declared that 1 was in favor ofthe annexa
tion of Texas upon proper principles—but I was ut
terly opposed to the Tyler treaty for several reasons,
the main one of which was, that the slave question
was left open in it - the rights of the South iverc
not secured by it; and that 1 should never vote tor
any plan of annexation that did not settle this question
in the compact of union, and secure these rights in ,
terms clearly and distinctly defined. This position I ,
maiirained in your own city, and if you will turn lo
the files of the Federal Union, and examine an edi
torial of the first week tn July, 1844. I think you will
see thut this position of mine was alluded to, and it
was denounced as amounting to a total opposition to
the whole measure, and it was said (I quote from
memory,) that I was insisting upon what never
could be obtained. But I had taken my position
firmly, not to be deterred by any fears, or alarms or
denunciations. And from that position and its sue
cess a profitable lesson may now be learnt. I made
a speech in Congress when a plan for annexation
similar to the Tj ler tieity was offered, in which 1
maintained the seme position and stated the only
grounds upon which I should vote for annexation.
They were the same grounds which I had advocated
throughout 1844. Seven Southern \\ higs stood by
me —we hel<l the balance of power in the House.
And when all the other plans offered (and there were
a number) failed, (neither of which secured the
rights of the South,) then Mr. Brown (after confer
ence with me and others,) offered his with the Mis
souri Compromise in it ; and that passed by my vote
and the other seven Whigs, and it could not have
passed in the committee ofthe whole House without
our votes, as the proceedings ofthe House will show.
The firm anil indexible course I and seven other
Southern Whigs took upon that question secured the
rights of the Sou hand obtained the establishment
of the Alissouri Compromise, vs Inch it was said by
the Federal Union could never be obtained. Anil it
a similar course shall be taken and maintained by all
parties at the South, the same compromise or one as
good can be obtained again. 1 have taken the
same stand now anti 1 intend to maintain it, in defi
ance of all assaults and denunciations that may be
made against me from any and every quarter.
The sixth and last of your inquiries is as follows :
“VI. If you snoulJ be of* opinion, that we have
the constitutional right to carry our slaves into these
territories, would you sooner risk the recognition
and vindication of that right before Congress, where
there is a decided majority in both branches against
us, or before the Supreme Court, where it is well
known that a majority of the Bench are from slave
holding States ?
“We are aware that you deprecate in very strong
terms any reference to the complexion of the Su
preme Court upon this subject. Your deprecation
may be the result of a sentiment which we by no
means condemn. Yet we d> not agree with you in
its application in this instance. The South are in a
minority, we fear a doomed minority, on this subject,
and we are therefore disposed to vindicate our rights
by all honorable means. We certainly should not
refuse to accept justice, because the tribunal to whom
we apply are supposed to be favorable to our cause.
With all deference to your views on this point, we
must be indulged in the belief that your indignation
savors more of transcendentalism than of sound, prac
tical statesmanship.”
To this. I answer, that I consider the reference of
this subject to the Supreme Court as a total Abandon
ment of the question by the South. According to re
peated decisions of that Court upon the principles in
vo ved in it, I cannot see how any man can look upon
it in any other light. Bit I will here say that lam
opposed to referring any political question to that
Court. And as a Representative in as
long as I shall have the honor of remaining there. I
shah never avoid responsibility by turning any ques
tion over to the Supreme Court or any other body. I
shall, as I have heretofore done, maintain the eq a!
and j i>4 rights of my constituents upon all questions,
and 1 shall demand that they be clearly and distinct
ly recognized by Congress, that they may be amply
protected by all others before whom they may come
for action—and when these rights are left to the
Courts to determine, by my sanction, they shall De
so clearly set forth ami defined that the Courts sAa//
'■e bound to prote.-t them in their decisions. And
1 say to you and the people of the 7th Congressional
District, that I shall never return as your and their
Representative and teli them 1 have secured their
by gttlißg an act passed which will enable
them to carry ihe.r slaves to California and New
Mexico to eneo jater a iaw su:? whenever they get
there, which will cost more than their slaves are
w.>rth. If 1 *an nev«r get a better cotnproci se for
them than such an cae as that. I shall never agree to
any at a!’.. They have that right independently o<
any thin; I can do for them, and 'dial is a right which
a ■ art o<’ Congress can depr-v« them of.
\ ours, tu 'st respectfully,
ALEXANDER H. bTEPHEN?
Augusta, ©a.:
FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. 15, 1848,
Voices from the “Natural Allies.*’
In the prosecution of our purpose to render
the South and Southern men familiar with the
manner in which Gen. Taylor is assailed in the
free States by the Cass men and free soilers,
for his connection with the peculiar institution
of the South, we beg leave to introduce to our
readers the following articles from journals in
the support of those parties. Not content with
declaring that Gen. Taylor is identified with
the institution of slavery from education, habit,
and interest, they have their agents in New Or
leans and Mississippi, to copy the records and
obtain the certificates of the officers of the
country, showing the extent of his interest in
slave property and tho controlling influence
that interest might be reasonably expected to
exercise on his mind in his future policy as Pre
sident of the Union. Will not the South, will
not Southern men, draw from these details
(disgusting as it is to have them thus dragged
before the country,) of the private property of
General Taylor, additional arguments, to sus
tain and vindicate dieir confidence in the Lou
isiana Planter?
From the. Boston Republican t
GENERAL TAILOR A BUYER OF MEN AND
WOMEN.
People have not forgotten the blustering and affect
edly indignant manner in which the Taylor papers
denied that their candidate had bought 810,000
worth of slaves in Washington for a plantation on the
Rio Grande. Zachary himself appeared only to re
gret that the story was not correct—that he had not
the money to expend —but the virtuous Taylor papers
talked in a very violent fashion about the infamous
slanders upon the old General. Now if a loafer is
convicted of stealing a grey mare, and the newspa
pers report him as having stolen a black horse, i: is
not considered that the mistake of the newspapers is
much of a slander. So, it will be a hard matter to
convict the opponents of Gen. T. of doing him injas
tice by saying that he has bought slaves in one mar
ket for one plantation, when the truth happens to be
that he has bought them in another market for
another plantation. That Gen. Taylor has bought
slaves, cannot be denied. The proof is at liand.
Here it is, as we find it in the Columbus (Ohio)
Standard :
Cinuinnatus and his Farm. —To a friend in the
South we are indebted for the information and docu
ments below. Gen. Taylor appears in a new and in
teresting position. The candidate for the Presidency
of this free country in the slave market, purchasing
human beings with money drawn from the National
Treasury. On the sixth of June, while Southern
bullies and Northern doughfaces are on their way to
Philadelphia, the candidate they in their purity se
lect, spends the day in the negro auctions examining
the limbs anti trying the soundness of his purchases.
And this slave trader, even Northern men, have been
sacrilegious enough to comparo with Washington,
have been dishonest enough to claim for him a posi
tion similar to Jefferson’s, and have even argued that
Henry Clay, whose noble life has been one continued
exertion in the cause of freedom, is no better than he. <
Os the numerous letters Taylor has written can
any man show one containing even a single line ex
pressing his regret that slavery should exist. Taylor
men of this city of Columbus have letters from him
they dare not show ;do they contain anything in fa- I
vor of freedom? One word that indicates even the i
least liberality on the subject? Has he ever yet of
fered liberty to a single one of those human beings,
the fruit of whose uncompensated labors he enjoys? (
Has he ever done any one thing that would recom
mend him to a Christian community of free people?
No, he is a slave trader, a sugar and cotton planter,
with all the interests and prejudices of his peculiar
situation. In fin?, he stands confessed an ignorant,
slave-trading soldier, owing his nomination to the '
fraudulent acts of the Louisiana delegation, and trust
ing to concealment and deception for success.
New Orleans, Aug. 4, 1848.
Dear Sir:—l herewith transmit to you a copy of
the Deed of Sale from Jno. Hagard, Sr., to Gen. Tay
lor of a plantation, horses, and slaves, &c. * * * *
* * * Since Gen. Taylor’s return from Mexi
co he has also purchased slaves. In May last he pur
chased in the name of his son Richard Taylor, four
Slaves of W. M. Williams. On the 6th of June last
he purchased of B. M. Campbell two slaves tor the
sum of §1,500. He inspected the negroes and ex
amined them to see if they were sound. Gave his
Draft on the Canal Bank of this city.”
Deed of Sale*
John 1 Uigurd, Sr. j j ReoM for Record
V) - Base. 18»h I*eU 1642--
Zachary Taylor, j )
This indenture made this twenty-first day of April,
eighteen hundred and forty-two.between Jno. Hagard,
Sr., of the city of New Orleans, State of Louisiana of
one part, andjZachary Taylor ofthe other part, wit
nesses, that the said John Hagard, sr., for and in con
sideration ofthe sum of Ninety-live Thousand Dollars
to him in hand paid and secured to be paid, as herein
after stated by the said Zachary Taylor, at and before
the sealing and delivering of these presents, has this
day bargained, sold, delivered, conveyed and con
firmed, and by these presents does bargain, sell, deliv
er and confirm unto the said Zachary Taylor, his heirs
and assigns, forever, all that plantation and tract of
Land :
♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ Also, the following slaves : —Nelson,
Millry, Peggy, Peldea. Mason, Willis, Rachael, Ca
rolin*'. Lucinda, Randall, Wirma, Carson, Little Ann,
Wiuna, Jane, Tom; Sally, Gracia, Big Jane, Louisa,
Mari t, Charles, Barnard, Mira, Sally, Carson, Paul,
San.iford. Mansfield. Harry Oden, flurry Horley,
Carter, Henrietta, Ben, Charlotte, Wood. Dick, Huri
etta, < larissa, Ben, Anthony, Jacob, Hamby, Jim,
Gabriel, Emetine, Armstead. George, Wilson, Cher
ry, Peggy, Wallace, Jane, Wallace, Bartlett, Martha,
Letitia, Barbara, Matilda, Lucy, John, Sarah, Big
Ann, Allen, I’ hi. George. John, Dick, Fielding, Nel
son or Isom, Winna, Shellod, Lidnev, Little Cherry,
Puck, Sam, Hannah or Anna, Mary, Ellen, Henriet
ta and two small children. Also, all the Horses,
Mules, Cattle, Hogs. Farming Utensils and tools now
on said plantation —together with all and singular, the
heriditaments, appurtenances, privileges and advan
tages unto the said Lands and Slaves belonging or ap
pertaining. To have and to hold the said plantation
aud tract of Land and Slave’, and other property a
bove described, unto th»* said Zachary Taylor, his
heirs and assigns, against the claim or claims of all
persons whomsoever claiming to claim the same or any
part or parcel thereof shall an I will warrant, and by
these presents forever defend. An I the said John Ha
gard, sr., hereby reserves a special lien and mortgage
of all the before described lands, tenements, heridita
ments, Slaves and other property, to secure the full
and punctual payment of the following promissory
n Hes, lo wit: Six promissory notes made by said
Zachary Taylor, in favor of and endorsed by Maunsel
White and Co., ail dated New Orleans, the thir
ty first day of December, Eighteen Hundred and
Forty One. Four ot them for the sum of four
thousand six hundred and three dollars, with ten per
cent interest from date. Two payable twelve months
after date, and two payable two years after date.—
Two other notes for eight thousand two hundred and
ninety-four dollars, with ten per cent, interest from
date, one payable twelve month’after date, th? other
payable two years after date. Now, if the said Za
chary Taylor, his heirs, executors, or assigns, shall
well and truly pay said several sums of money in
said promissory notes specified, with all interest which
may be due thereon, to the holder or holders of said
notes, then this hen or mortgage is to cease and deter
mine, and the estate ol the said Taylor in the said
Land, plantation. Slaves, and other properly, shall be
come absolute and unconditional.
In testimony whereof, the s.id John Hagard, Sr.,
has hereunto set his hand and seal, the day and year
first above written.
State of Mississippi, ?
Jefferson County, ss. ( I ; Edwin McKey, clerk
of the Probate Court in and for said county, do here
by certify that the within and loregoing instrument of
writing is a true and perfect espy taken from the Re
cords, as Recorded in tny office in Book E. of Deeds,
<ic. pages 220, 221, 222.
' Given under my hand and Seal of of-
“ < fice, this 24 h day of July, A. D. 1848
[Signed,] EDWIN McKEY. Clerk.
By A. W. Ford, D. C.
Taxable property of Zachary Taylor for the year
1348, being in Jefferson county. Mississippi, as esti
mated by the Tat Assessor of said county.
Numt-er of Slaves 114 Tax $lO9 44
“ acres of
Taxable land 2100 Tax 84 60
I cerify the foregoing estimate of the State, Coun
ty and School Tax on the above mentioned property’m
Jefferson County, State of Mississippi, for th e year
1848. to be true and correct.
[Signed,] OS. MILES,
Tax Assessor, Jefferson County.
The New Orleans correspondent of the Boston Post
comirms the statement, making an unimportant vari
ation in the name. He says—
“ I perceive that Gen. Taylor has come out in a
letter addressed to Col. Mr.chell, denying the state
ment that he had «ent on to Washington SIO,OOO to
purchase slaves. ell, Ido not doubt the statement;
b it what difference is there in expending from time
mime large sums of money in New-Orleans, in the
purchase ofslaves. or sending] it to ashingion for
the same purpose —it is as broad as it is long. I: jg
well known that Gen. Taylor is constantly engaged
thus, and invests every cent that he can raise in pur
chasing land and negroes. Since his return from
Mexico, he his settled the suit between himself and
John Hogan. Sr., of this city, for the purchase of a
>• les be has purchased a number of slaves since his
return. independent of those from Mr. H-jgan. Will i
he or his friends deny that .’ They dire not as the
proof is on hand. Was the denial of one SIO,OOO in- I
tended as a cover for the other purchases ? Duplici
ty, it is sa. 1 by his friends, forms no pact of his c<xn
pusit *n. I am afraid that they cannot distinguish
•.he difference between duplicity and a correct and
manly course. They should blush for themselves
if they indeed can —a* aM for Gen. Taylor, when
they examine end reaJ bis numerous letters d-jw Be
fore the country, am! hereafter hold their peace.' 1
Now we suppose tost there are many men who op
pose Taylor on anti-slavery grounds, whndonot make
*. aaimuperabk obiectioc to bun that he bolds slaves.
Th .y « -u.J be willing to r«e for ash veb older, much
xs ’.hey dislike the employment he h engaged in. if
he would give them security that he would* net con
sent to the extenaon c-f the jnstitnuon. Bui ter this.
we think that these men will admit, that it is not a
very respectable thing for this Republic ofthe Unwed
Slates, to elect, as its great man, one who is engaged
in this business of buying men and women I Does
it not look a little improper for this free and enlight
ened nation to pass overmen of pure character great
mind and republican Democratic habits, for the pur
pose of selecting am an to rule over them who every
day in his life outrages the very idea of democracy
which they all love—rejects it, spurnsit, buys men,
women and children in the market, ri.slaves them,
and puts them upon a plantation to labor there, and
d»e, that bis pockets may be filled? How does it
look? Cannot the country do a more respectable
thing than this?
It will be well for the laboring men to think of
these things—the tillers of the soil, the mechanics,
the manufacturers. It is altogether the best thing
they can do, to give their votes for a man who when
he wants an agriculturist buys him; when he wants
a blacksmith, buys him—pays several hundred dol
lars for him, uses him as long as he pleases, and then
sellshim again? Is the laborer of the Northern
Free States likely to advance the cause of the laborer
everywhere, likely to increase tho “ dignity ol la
bor” which they talk so much about by casting a
vote for this Zachary Taylor ?• Hosea Bigelow some
where remarks : •
Folks that make black slaves of niggers
Want to make white slaves of YOU.
This is true. The man who buys Peter and Jack,
and Nelson —black men—to work and die for him,
would just as readily buy Johnson, and Thompson,
and Smith, and Jones—white men—if he could do so.
What sort of a President is this for a free republic of
laboring men?
When Rogues fallout, &c.
Old man .Ritchie is coining down on Van,
Buren worse than a wolf. There is something
says the Columbus Enquirer, in the tone and
temper of the venerable old prostitute tha l
speaks of deep and pocket felt wrath. His
late continued assaults on the former idol of
his political affections, leave upon onr minds
the impression that Van is about to work se
rious damage to the Cass wing of the demo
cratic party. Ritchie never gets superlatively
savage unless he feels that his pocket is in dan
ger; then, like all pocket patriots, he lashes
himself into a furious passion and roars like
the chafed lion in the Lybian deserts. Van
Buren deserves the censures of every South
ern supporter he ever had, but it does come
with a bad grace from the editor of the Union
thus to stigmatize, as the prince of political
villains, the former embodiment of democratic
perfection. We are willing, however, for any
body to pelt him to their hearts’ content. He
was, from the first, a most abandoned and profli
gate politician, we are inclined to the opinion
that Ritchie knew it. As intimated in the old
adage, of which the caption of this article is a
part, when such men as Van Buren and Ritchie
fall out there is some hope that an honest peo
ple will get their rights.
The opening paragraph, in a late Union, is
in the following words and threats. All we
can say is, give it to him, and prove now what
you so lustily and lyingly denied in 1840.
“ We intend to strip off completely the mask
from the face of Mr. Van Buren and his barn
burning champions. The duty is forced upon
us by the crisis itself. He has been once more
nominated to the highest office in the world.
His miserable ambition, and still more hisvin
dictive passions, are despicable enough; but it
is the means which he employs which peculiar
ly excite the contempt and indignation of every
honest mind. It is bis attempting to gratify
his passions at the expense of his country, and
at the risk of disturbing the peace and even
the Union ofthe Confederacy, he is attempting
to build up a northern party, on sectional feel
ings and geographical lines. it is, then, time
to expose him in all the wiles and doublings of
his character, and to show the people whose
suffrage he is soliciting, what manner of man
he is.”
Politics and Music. —The appearance of
Taylor snugs which are enlivening the canvass
and stirring up the Clubs, gives serious alarm
to the official paper. “We did not suppose it
possible,” says the Washington Union, “ that
the Whigs would dare to repeat the humbug
gery wlrieh they had practised upon afrefirpeo
ple at the two last elections, it is bad enough, '
continues the indignant journal, “for them to
attempt to palm upon us acandidate who is,
*no politican’under the hope of deluding the
voters by the splendor of his military fame.”
But the enormity of songs—that is clearly past
endurance. The artillery and the bayonets
one might stand, but who can make Lead
against the drum and fife,?
The following passage from a Whig Circular
in Pensylvama has aroused the Union’s feel
ings:
“ Committers on Singing — The duties of
the singing committee are apparent. Its mem
bers should be selected from those who have a
talent for vocal music ; and their duty should
bedo prepare themselves with appropriate po
litical songs, and leadoff in singing them at
each meeting of the club. They will contri
bute much to the spirit of the meeting.”
“ He warn the South,” exclaims the Union,
“ ugainstthis musical movement!” V ery good ;
replies the Baltimore American, such vigilance
is admirable. l<et the South be warned. The
Wilmot Proviso, put into verse, and set to the
time of “ Lucy Neal,” may be at this moment
crossing the Potomac. The South must un
doubtedly be warned—otherwise we may soon
bear that Alabama has yielded to a chorus, and
that even South Carolina has gone for a mere
song. The official paper itself may be captiva
ted—for it is said that “ music hath charms to
soothe the sarage breast.”
The Canvass, we may be sure, is now be
ginning in earnest. since the “ Union” shows
signs of trepidation and is unwilling to face
the music. Cass is not a good name for a
rhyme no matter how it is spel'ed. But Rough
and Ready runs well. In this particular it must
be confessed we have the advantage of the
Cassites, and the official paper has some rea
son to complain off the adverse odds. The
canvass on our side will begin with a grand
march and end with a glee.
Late and Important from Y ucatan. —The
Mexican schooner Republicano, Capt. Carca
na, arrived yesterday from Campeachy. having
sailed thence the 27th ult. We have papers
from that port to the 25th.
The State of Yucatan has again been united
to the Mexican Republic. A letter from Meri
da which we find in the Campeachy Amigo
del Pueblo, runs nearly as follows:
The decree ofthe Union has already been
celebrated with feasts and public rejoicings.
The night of the 18th there was music in the
streets, and virus were shouted for Mexico, for
the Union, and for the Governor of the State.
On the 19th took place the ceremony of the
oath of allegiance, and the 20th a religious func
tion and a grand ball. To-day [2lst Aug.]
salvos of artillery have celebrated the entry of
Zetina into Tekax. of Pasos into Huhi, and of
Gonzales in o Teabo. The war is near its end.
The volunteers who have arrived at Sisal have
not moved from there. It is said that they are
intended for the reconquest of Beccalar. ami
that for this purpose they will form a junction
with the inhabitants of said city and rendez
vous in the island of Cocumel. No more at
present.
The Mexican government has made over to
Y’ucatan $14,000, which sum it has agreed to
pay each month. Gov. Barbachano has issued
a decree dated the 18th ult., by which he grants
absolute amnesty to all the insurgent Indians
who within seventy days shall desist from hos
tilities and submit to the government. There
are various minor provisions in the decree,
which would be of no interest here. The hu
manity ofthe decree is very distasteful to many
parties.
We have detailed accounts of the recovery
of Tekax. Huhi. and Teabo, alluded to in the
above letter, but they are not important to us
We may say much the same of the offici d docu
ments which proclaim the re-incorporation ot
Yucatan with Mexico. We have given enough
to show that the whites have nearly regained
their ascendancy in the peninsula, and that the
State, so powerless and insignificant by
has resumed its appropriate place in the Mexi
can confederacy.—.V. O. Pic., hh mst.
Divorce. —The application for a divorce m
the Philadelphia Courts, by Mr. Pierce Duller,
against his wife. Fanny Kemble Butler, j- on
the ground that sae has deserted him lor two
vears. having been abroad for that lime in En
rope. Mr< Butler resists the application, and
u& large fortune is depending on the question.
w» ether the wife shall have her legal portion or
be cut off by a divorce, the case will be one <•;
interest. Cruel men desert wives and cl.: -
dren. but it is a new plea to charge a wife with
de&ertion. who, taking her children with her.
visits her parent® and, friends in England It
is a new case us deserting a husband, who »* in
possession of some SIU.UOO a year, and wishes
1 to keep it
Free Barbacue in Jasper.
According to previous notice a number of
citizens met at Shady Dale, September 9th,
1848, and organized by calling Dr. P. R- Cle
ments to the chair, and appointing S. S. Akens,
Secretary. On motion it was
Resolved, That we give a free Barbacue to the
Hon. A. H. Stephens, at Mount Zion Camp Gronnd,
in Jasper county, on Saturday, the 30th inst.
On motion, the chair appointed L. M. Wil
son and Wm. 11. Preston, a committee to in
vite Col. King and other speakers to be with
us on that day. On motion of L M. Wilson:
Resolved, That any member of the Democratic
party can have an opportunity of speaking at said
meeting, who will be subject to the rules laid down
by the Committee of Arrangements, (except one
FRANCIS H. CONE, of Greensborough.)
On motion, it was resolved, that the proceed
ings be published in the Chronicle S; Sentinel,
of Augusta, and Southern Recorder, of Mil
ledgeville. On motion the meeting adjourned,
sine die. P. R. Clements, Chairman.
S. S. Akens, Secretary.
Mr. Toombs in Seri ven •
The Committee of Arrangements, pursuant
to a resolution passed at the late Whig meeting,
under which they were appointed, had furnish
ed at Sylvania, Scriven county, on Tuesday
sth insL, a free Barbacue, at which time and
place the Hon. Robert Toombs and Col. A. J.
Lawson, were invited to meet in discussion*
and to which the citizens generally were invi
ted.
The meeting was organized by appointing
John B. Denton, President; John F. Lovett,
Vice-President, and W. J. Maner, Secretary.
It had been previously arranged, that at 12
o’clock the speaking should commence. That
hour having arrived and Col. Lawson still ab
sent, Hon. Robert Toombs was invited lo the
stand, which he occupied in an able speech of
about two hours in length, in which he review
ed the measures which had occupied his atten
tion since he had had a seat in Congress; spoke
of the corrupt and abandoned course ofthe
present imbecile Administration—considered
the principles which now divide the parties in
this country—the qualifications of each of the
three candidates for the Presidency, and the
grounds upon which each stand. The learned
gentleman showed clearly the superiority of
Whig over Democratic measures —exposed the incon
sistency of the Democratic platform, and traced that
modern invention back to itn proper parentage. He,
however, spent but little time on the “ Northern man
with Southern principles, ” presuming, as he said,
that he had no advocates in Scriven. That part of
his speech which related to Generals Cass and Tay
lor, was more lengthy, to attempt even a sketch of
which is more than the writer can do. The glaring
inconsistency ot his party in applauding Gen. Cass for
voting for bills which Mr. Polk refused to sanction,
and also at the same time praising Mr. Polk for veto
ing said bills, was made to appear. He placed the
“ Hero of Hull’s surrender ” in truly an unenviable
position. His remarks relative to Gen. Taylor were
truly able and eloquent, and there were but few pre
sent who would not readily admit that Gen. T. was
above all others, “ the ruan for the times”—the man
to whom every true lover of his country should give
bis support, because he is emphatically “the man of
the People. ”
There were about four hundred persons present,
none of whom seemed at all displeased at any remark
ofthe able speaker, but on the contrary, many ofthe
opposite party expressed pleasure at what had been
said. The remarks upon the whole, were able, elo
quent and beautiful—the more so because they were
>rue—and have, it is confidently believed, done much
good in the county.
On motion, it was
Resolved, That the officers sign the proceedings
and furnish a copy ofthe same to the Savannah Re
publican unA Augusta Chronicle Sentinel, wilh
the request thut they publish the same.
The meeting tl»**n adjourned, sine die.
JOHN B. DENTON, President,
JOHN F. LOVETT, Vice-President,
W. J. Manrk, Secretary.
From the Philadelphia Eedger of Friday.
Another Conspiracy against tike Peace
and Honor of the Uniteci States.
According to accounts, the contributions
made by the Irish residents in this country to
promote the cause of emancipation in Ireland,
and now in the hands of a “Directory” in New
York city, amount to thirty-five thousand dol
lars. Several “ anxious inquirers” are asking,
through the newspapers, what shall be done
with it, and some answer these questions by
recommending its application to the invasion of
Canada, for which, we are also told, military
drills are nightly held in the Park and other pub
lic grounds of our sister city.
Upon projected invasions of Canada, and
preparations for the same, we beg leave to
offer a few words. It is needless fur us to say
that such preparations are forbidden by our
laws. All concerned in such projects suffi
ciently understand that. But it may not be
needless to say that, if the Marshal, District
Attorney, and District Judge of the Eastern
Federal District of New York do not attend to
these proceedings, they ought to retire, and
leave their places lo officers more vigilant.—
The president lias very properly called the at
tention of the Federal authorities to the “ Buf
falo Hunt” on the frontier of Mexico. We
respectfully call the President’s attention to the
alleged preparations in some of onr commer
cial cities for the invasion of Canada.
We are not much in love with British rule
any where, and should especially rejoice in its
extinction in Canada. But as the United States
are under a few moral obligations, among
which are fidelity to treaties and honest dealing
with a neighbor nation with whom they are at
peace, they must not permit their character to
be.tarniohed and their peace disturbed by foreign
residents or naturalized citizens, howeverpa
triotic towards the land of their birth, or hostile
towards its remorseless oppressors. Our own
laws must be maintained, and especially by
foreigners who seek refuge under them from
the tyranny of home.
The United States must not be made, like
England, the common rendezvous of conspira
tors against other Governments, good or ba I.
Army General Order.—ln an order from
the War Department. Aug. 31, the (J- States is
divided into two Military Geographical Divi
sions, Eastern and Western ; and each Divi
sion is subdivided into Military Departments,
the Eastern into four, and the Western into
nine Divisions. The Eastern Division com
prises the country east of a line drawn from
Fond du Lac. Lake Superior, to Cape Sable,
Florida. The Western Division, the country
west of a line drawn from Fond du Lac, Lake
Superior, to Cape Sable, Florida, including
the State of Texas and Territory of New Mex
ico. There are also two separate depart
ments : —No. 10 : the Territory of California;
No. 11. the Territory of Oregon. In depart
ment No. 3, Eastern Division, is New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Ma
ryland; and in department No. 4, Virginia,
tec.
The general distribution of the regiments
and corps constituting the peace establishment
is also announced-
.Major General Scott has been ordered to
the command of the Eastern Division, head
quarters at New York ; Major General Gaines
to Baltimore, and Maj Wool to Albany.
Maj. Genera! Taylor continues in command
of the Western Division, headquarters at or in
the vicinity of New Orleans, with Brevet .Maj
Gen. Twiggs for hi< department No. 8 ; and
Brevet Maj. Gen. Kearney at St. Louis.—
There are many interesting particulars in this
order, for which we have not room at present.
The troops are all to be put en route as soon
as their ranks are fille 1 — Halt. Sun.
Ireland, her Policy.—The Baltimore A
merican thus forcibly expresses itself, after re
viewing the recent attempt oftlie Irish to achieve
their independence:
England's we ike-t point is at home. If the
Irish Liberals had ma le common cause with the
Chartists, and prepared every thing for a con
certed, simultaneous rising, the movement
would hive worn a verv formidable aspect in
deed. An indemnity of suffering rnav yet pro
duce some unity of rewi-tance. It is only by
encountering her dimculties one by one that
England continuestu triumph The combined
mass of grievances engendered by her arbitra
ry rule f,r centuries past would crush her ut
terly. if precipitated in one avalanche of retri
bution.
Destructive Earthquake.
At a few minutes before seven o’clock last
evening, we received a Telegraphic despatch
frutnour Baltimore correspondent, g.vmg the
information that there had been an Earthquake
■it >■ Kitts and Antigua, which ia«ted/»r tovrs.
The despatch states that the buildmf* in these
phi'.e-were nearly all destroyed, and that great
loss of Ide had ensued.
Gen. Penufor F. Smith, one of the most dis*
f.L'guished heroesofthe late war is now on a
visit to Washington, where he will remain
some days.
VOL.LXIL—NEW SERIES VOL. XII., NO. 38.
CAngnsta, <©a.:
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPT. 16,1848.
Coloutl Bragg's Testimony.
We give in another column the remarks of
this distinguished officer, at a public dinner
given to him in New York last week. To those
who have beeu so industrious in their efforts
lo detract from the reputation of Gen. Taylor,
we commend this testimony of a gallant soldier
Let him who can, read his remarks without
emotion.
Gen. Taylor.—The people of the United
States (says die New Y r ork Mirror) have never
of late years, till the nomination of General
Taylor, had an opportunity to determine who
should be their President. Every thing hqs
been<?ut!ind dried by a few politicians, who
have wielded a power as unscrupulous as ar
bitrary, and as selfish as any obligarchy which
has ever existed. But for party drill, who
would ever'hit ve thought of Lewis Cass ? But
for his nomination by a convention, how many
votes could he have commanded in this Union?
Had he presented himself as a candidate upon
his individual merits, would one thousand men
have cast their suffrages for him ? No, not
five hundred. In his own state, he is unpop
ular. There is scarcely a prominent member
of the democratic party who has not a stronger
hold on the affections of our citizens. But
these things are nil settled by a few politicians,
who make, as Cass made, a business of poli
tics, who reaped from the rugged hands of the
workers the means of luxury aud wealth.—
How different is the case of Taylor. In every
nook and hamlet of this Union there is one or
more devoted lover of the warm-hearted old
hero. Men feel toward him the affection of a
son to a father, they rejoice in his success and
would mourn at Lis failure.
He was forced upon the Philadelphia Con
vention; the tide of popular favor was too
strong to be resisted; it oyerleaped the bar
riers of political considerations. In these facts
we have an abiding faith in the election of Old
Rough and Ready. He is in the hearts of the
people. The hundreds of thousands of voters
who rarely trouble themselves to exercise their
rights, silently have determined to elect him —
men who would scorn an office and despise
the trade of politics. Many a Democrat, dis
gusted with the double dealing of Polk, and
fearful of the safe combativeness of Cass, will
vote as their hearts prompt and their reason
commands. But we of the North are not half
so much interested as the South. Patriots are
anxious for the election of Taylor as a means of
reconciling disputes in a manner honorable to
both of the great divisions of this country. Let
the South look to it. If it loves the Union —
ifit loves itself—it will cast an undivided vote
(or him. We, and the Whigs of the North
and all independent men, have striven for his
election. The North has sacrificed its prefer
ences; will not the South generously, sensi
bly respond? If Southern States elect Mr.
Cass, mark our prediction—the next President
will be a Northern man, elected on hostility lo
the South.
Health of New Orleans.—The number of
deaths by yellow fever in New Orleans, from
the Ist of August to the 9th of Sept, inclusive,
is 182. The number for the week ending Sept.
10, was 56. The Board of Health, in a card
published in the city papers recognize the
“ presence of yellow fever to a considerable ex
tent within the city as indicated by the reports
of the several hospitals and physicians in pri
vate practice. The type of the fever thus far
continues to be of a mild form, and readily
yields to prompt and careful treatment. The
Board, in the sense in which the term epidemic
has usually been employed to designate the
form and extent of yellow fever among ns, do
not consider that the present fever lias attain
ed such a form or prevails to such an extent,
but, on the contrary, the cases reported since
our last meeting show a decrease both in num
ber and fatality.”
The State Agricultural Fair held last week at
Buffalo, N. Y\. passed off happily. The weath
er was admirable, the number of visiters im
mense, the number and quality of cattle and
horses unsurpassed at any previous exhibi
tion; whilst the display of flowers, fruits and
vegetables, labor-saving machines, imjirove
ments in agricultural implements, and of tho
workmanship of the various mechanical trades,
and all the other accompaniments of the an
nual fair, showed that the public interest in
this always attractive exhibition, and the spirit
ofgenerous competition, continued unabated,
if not increased and increasing.
The Buffalo Courier says:—“ On Tuesday
the arrivals by railroad alone were over four
thousand, while every steamboat that entered
the creek was loaded down with human beings.
On Wednesday, from 6 o’clock in the morning
until neariy noon, there was one uninterrupted
tide of people passing up Main, Franklin and
Delaware-streets, to the grounds. There was
no cessation whatever, and where they were
all stowed is a mystery. We probably do not
over-estimate when we place the number ol
strangers in the city at from forty to fifty thou
sand.”
It appears from Barings* London Circular
that the credit of the State of Massachusetts
ranks higher in the European money market
than that of any other State in the Union, and
even higher than that of the United States.—
Massachusetts 5 percent, slock is quoted nt 97
to 98; United States 6 per cent at 95 to 96;
New Y ork 5 per cent, at 89; Ohio G per cent,
at 90.
The Washington Monument, in the city of
Washington, is progressing finely—GO work
men are employed on it The foundation,
which is of blue rock, said to be heavier and
more durable than granite, will be even with
the ground in about two weeks. This, we
learn, is 86 feet in breadth at the bottom and
21 feet deep, extending 7 feet below the sur
face of the earth. The facings of the shaft
(intended to be 500 feet in height and over 50
feet in diameter at the base) will consist of
heavy blocks of white marble.
From Havana.—The British steamer arrived
at Ship Island at an early hour on Friday, hav
ing then been nearly a week over due.
The local news from Havana is very mea
gre. We learn, to our surprise, that the Indi
ans of Yucatan are emigrating in considerable
numbers to Cuba, since the tide of events in
the peninsula has turned so decidedly against
them. The Cuban Government has conceiv
ed the hope, from this emigration, of improving
ttw agricultural industry of the island. It has
consented to defray the expense of the passage
of 1200 colonists, whose services as laborers are
to be offered to planterson moderate terms.
The accounts from Y ucatan received in 11a
vanna are not so late as our own, but in some
particulars are fuller. The number of insur
gent Indians in Yucatan is said not to exceed
1500 men at the utmost, and these are wander
ing about the Sierra and least populous por
tions of the country. They are without any
leaders of note, both Pat and Chi having re
tired from the field.—.V. O. Pic. loth inst.
French Interference at Hayti. Ac.—By
the arrival at Boston, on Sunday, of the schr.
Pacific, from Jeremie, we nave dates to the
23.1 ult. The President was at Port au Prince.
All communication has since been stopped be
l tween Jeremie and the Capital, which has
I caused apprehensions of trouble at the latter
place.
The French consul has written a letter to
the President to stop all the political executions,
or the French will commence hostilities against
them The consul has written to the French
admiral, at Martinique, for a frigate of war.
which is daily expected to arrive at Port au
Prince.
Philadelphia. Sept- 11— A destructive fire
occurred last night at Pottsville, wmch con-
Mimed an entire square of that thriving place.
Toe loss is estimated at SIOO,OOO, buta portion
of which is met by insurance.
Nr * York, Sept 11.—An arrival from the
’ W est Indies brings information that a violent
i hurricane had passed over the islands, causing
an immense loss of property. The damage at
Antigua was particularly heavy
Capt. Bragg-Gen. Taylor.
The New-York Express of Thursday even
ing sayslt being understood that the distin
guished Captain, now Colonel, Bragg was in
town, an impromptu dinner was given him last
evening by a few gentlemen at the Astor
House, over which Philip Hone presided.—
Among the other guests were Mr. Meredith
and Mr. Kennedy, of Baltimore, the Hon. Mr.
(Col.) Haskell, of Tenn., and Hon. Mr. Don
nell, of N. C. At the dinner were several of
our most distinguished merchants, bankers.
&c.. who had assembled there to do honor to
the brave.
As the dinner was somewhat private, we
shall go no further than to report in substance,
and from memory, the remarks of Col. Bragg.
Mr. Hone toasted him as Capt. Bragg, better
known by that than any other name—“ A little
more grape, Capt. Bragg,”—and alluded at
length to the brilliant service of the flying artil
lery at Buena Vista.
Capt. Bragg modestly rising, and in some
embarrassment, said it was well known, that he
was only a soldier, and that therefore, no fitting
speech could be expected from him in reply.
For whatever merit gentlemen choose to award
him, or whatever reputation if any he had un
deservedly, the whole of it was due to the gal
lant General under whom he served, and to the
soldiers in the service he commanded, nay,
more, for the brilliancy of that service he was
indebted to the training of the lamented Ring
gold and Ridgely, from whose hands he had
received the corps, in that full efficiency that
enabled it to nnmortalize itself on the bloody
field of Buena Vista.
To the General-in-chief his acknowledge
ments were especially due. He inspired the
whole army with valor and confidence by his
presence, not only at Buena Vista, but from the
opening of the war on the Rio Grande. It is
almost impossible for you. gentlemen, he said,
to understand the character of that man as a
commander of an army. There is a resolu
tion, a firmness, a determination in his manner,
and in his purposes, that go a great way in
leading men to victory. It was never better
illustrated than on the field of Palo Alto. He
told Maj. Brown when he left him with a small
force opposite Matamoros, “ Maintain your
position. I will not say 1 hope, to be back, I shall
try to be back, I will be back on the 10th.—
Expect me then, and maintain your position.”
Every body that knew him, knew that he would
be back, if alive to come. The army returned
to Point Isabel, as you know. On the Bth they
fought at Palo Alto, and when night came oh
they bivouacked in the open field, and amid
the grass, with not a tent over them, the Gene
ral himself wrapped in his blanket, and many,
1 can assure you. in nota littledoubtandgloom.
Our little army did not feel sure then, that they
could whip three times their number, and them
the best troops in Mexico. We had not tried
our mettle, or measured weapons with them.
Many an eye did not close that night. Ring
gold had been slain. A bloody day was bp
fore them, and mar.y, if the army went on,
were sure to bite the dust. But nobody knew
or could find out what Gen. Taylor intended
to do. There he lay, wrapped in his blanket
and sleeping, except when disturbed by offi
cers asking for orders. Some were anxious to
ascertain his intentions. His only answer was
tel! the men to sleep. Keep quiet. Sleep is
the main thing necessary.”
Two or three officers were particularly anx
ious to know whether he intended to go on, or
hold his position. But the only satisfaction that
could be got was “ sleep.” He disclosed to
none of them his intentions. There was a
prevailing opinion that it was too perilous a
march to go on. But Gen. Taylor toward
morning, disturbed by some person demand
ing orders replied, “allow the men to rest. It
is time enough at sunrise.” Then turning
over in his blanket he said to an officer near,
'• My mind is made up, my mind is made up”
—but nobody knew Aoiohis mind was made up
—yet they who knew him, knew if his mind
was made up it was no use to try to change
it.
In the morning a council of war was sum
moned. and there were eleven officers present,
three only of whom advised advance. Mind, 1
cast no censure upon any one. A difference
of opinion under such circumstances might
have been expected. But they who knew the
power of the light artillery and had seen it play
that day, had confidence that it could clear a
way for the army back to Fort Brown. “ Old
Zack” —for that is the name we call him, re
plied, after the consultation had broken up, we
will advance in fifteen minutes— and forward
they advanced to Resaca de la Palma, the re
sult of which ynu all know. Old Zack kept
bis word to Maj. Brown—but alas, the brave
and lamented Major had received his death
wound
So at Buena Vista, the personal character of
Gen. Taylor had a like influence upon the ar
my. When the War Department deemed it
necessary, in order to form a column to
invade Mexico via. Vera Cruz, to take
his regulars from him, he was sure that
Santa Anna would attack him “I am the
weak point,” he often said, “and I know he
will attack me.” But he determined to defend
his position, and inorder the best way to de
fend it to advance. Gen. Taylor kept well in
formed of the approach of the enemy by Gen.
Wool’s scouts, moved on to Saltillo, then on
to Agua Nueva. But ascertaining by bis en
gineers that the position conld be turned, he „
resolved to fall back to Buena Vista, as the ene
my approached him Buena Vista is a military
position that any soldier’s eye would select for
a defence. To no particular person is the
credit of its selection due—for it has been said
that even a woman picked it out as a place to
repulse an enemy. Various officers have had
the credit of the selection, but whatever particu
lar credit isdue, is due to the Commander-in
chief. who fought the battle. The Mexicans
themselves had fought a battle there. Santa An
na knew the ground so well that he sent his gen
eral [Minon] to take and keep possession of it,
in order to attack our rear. Gen. Minon got
into our rear as ordered ; but when he reached
Buena Vista he found us in possession of it.
The 22d of February 4,500 men, mostly raw
troops, opposed to 20.000 of the enemy, was
certainly not a very encouraging day. We did
not feel quite so happy or so well, as over this
bountiful table to-night. We thought of home
and of families and friends; and ourch-nceof
death was much better, we thought, than of
ever seeing them again. For several days pre
vious Gen. Taylor was constantly engaged in
making his arrangements and writing home.
It is said also that he made his will. But he
never shrank from his duty “ I may perish,”
was his thought, “ but I will perish in main
taining the honor of my country! 1 have to
run a terrible risk in assuming the responsibili
ty of making this onward march ; but it is the
only course that will save my army. To stay
in Monterey was to be sacrificed by the over
whelming force of the enemy. To save all, 1
must risk all!”
The battle was fought, you know the result
—but you never can know the influence that
the presence of Gen. Taylor had upon the ar
my. He alone, so it has seemed to me, could
have inspired by his presence every soldier hi
the army, as the volunteers were inspired.
The confidence in him was complete. He
had commanded volunteers before, and had
been successful with them. He had never sur
rendered. He had never been whipped ; and
the idea got abroad that he never could be.—
When manceuvering my pieces athwart the
gullies, I cite this as an example of that confi
dence, I saw clouds of dust about two miles
from me. I was painfully anxious. I thought
Gen.Minon had fallen upon our rear, and at
tacked our depots, and to meet him was my
fir>t thought. A man came galloping up
through the dust into sight, screaming, “ Old
Zach is coming Every soldier gave invol
untary utterance to his feelings. Old Zach
came—and in fifteen minutes the tide of battle
turned. Four thousand five hundred men re
pulsed 20,006 —and to the influence of tint
presence, under God. I think lam alive hereto
dine with you this day.
A Gentleman.—How often did you discharge
your pieces that day ?
Col. Brag".—About 250 rounds to each gnu.
/Knottier Gentleman. How near was ths
enemy to your pieces at any one time ?
Col. Bragg. Within fifty yards at one time,
when we mowed them down.
Another. —Where was Gen. Taylor
Col. Bragg.—Within forty yards.
Col. Bragg closed his remarks by saying :
“ Umlersland' me, gentlemen. Jam a soldier,
and no politician. I Know Gen. Taylor only as
a «oldier and a man. I speak of him only as
the comrnander-in chiefof our army in Mexico.
I n tve nothin" to do with his politics or yours,
j. is the duty of the soldier cheerfully to obey
whomsoever you put into power. I could not
heip speaking of my commander when thus
toa-ted, as I have been by you, for services un
der him- I have nothing to do with politics.”
The Express goes on to say :
The remarks ol Col. Bragg, which were
more extended than we have been able to give
from memory—[and of their entire accuracy,
an from memory we give them, there must be
doubt] —were received with great applause,
and with the most profound interest. His man
ner was modest in the extreme, and in no re
spect is there any similarity between his cha
racter and bis name. He is a North Carohn
ia* by birth, with a bright, black, restless, keen
eye, that would seem 10 indicate the best sort of
a bright artillery efficer. His figure is slight,
and one capable of great activity in the held.