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1 will, however, aimpl-
1 nf in'«tn>«r •'ay this: ** there be
«tnv matter ot iu.ere>t j
-hile lam a member . pending »n thi« b.tdv,
? e !, h« an interest . »• wblc " M-usachu
the eenoral intern her own not adverse to
1 i.. instrnrt’ “ of lh « country, I shall ptir
soe ' V It the p r ns with gladness of heart, and
S?;? he o A ' ■ : ' el ’ c y whi ®h I «»n »"»« here.
■ Bt 1 , » a lr 'iron be one which affects her
tnteres . nd Bt the me ,j me a ft- efb the j n .
ler ®. s ? ' * .1 other States. I shall no more re
gar'i tier i , o ]j t j ca | wishes or instructions than
1 would regard the wishes of a ntan who might
apponv ]ne an arbitrator or referee to decide
s " na question of important private right. If
there was a Government upon earth, it is
~u a Government; if ever there was a body
’’ .p in eart i, it is this body, which should con
sider itself as composed bv agreement of all.
appointed by some, but organized by the gene
ral consent of all,silting here under the solemn
obligations of oath and conscience to do lhai
which they think is best for the best good of the
whole. . . r
Then, sir. are these abolition societies, of
vvhic.i 1 am unwilling to speak, hutin regard to
which I have very clear notions and opinions
Ido not think them useful- I think their op
erations for the last twenty years have produced
nothing' good or valuable. At the same time
I know thousands of them are honest and good
men,; perfectly well meaning men. They have
excited feelings, think they must do something
for the cause of liberty, and in their sphere ol
action they do not see what el»e they can do,
than to contribute to ail abolition press or an
abolition society, or to pay an abolition lectur
er. jdo not mean to impute gross motives
even to the leaders of these societies, but I am
not blind to the consequences. I cannot but
see what mischiefs their interference with the
South has produced And is it not plain to
every man 7 Let any gentleman who douots
of that recur to the debates in the Virginian
H iuse of Delegates in 1832, and be will see
with what freedom a proposition made by Mr.
Randolph for the gradual abolition of slavery
was discussed in that body. Every one spoke of
slavery a. he thought; very ignominious and
discouraging names and epithets were applied
to it. The Debates in the House of Delegates
on that occasion, I believe, were all published,
they were read by every colored man who
oould read, and if there were any who could
-not read, those debates were read to them by
. white, men At that time Virginia was not
unwilling er afraid to discuss
ylo let dial part of her population know as.igmeh
* -|pf|t >s they could learn TCat was in 1832
, llShat beep said by the honoratge mernbey.frmiSi
,* <'arb|ina. these abolition societies
their course of action in 1835- It is said,—l gtrf
not know how troedt may be—that they seb_'
incendiary publications into the slave States
event they attempted to arouse, and did
a very strong feeling ; in other wo(ds
fUiey wasted greatagitation ill the North again.-t
Southern slavery. Well, what was the result 7
The bonds of the slaves were bound
ly than before ; their rivets were more strpnglvi
fastened. Public opiuion, which in Virginia
had begun to be exhibited against slavery, and
was opening out for the discussion of the ques
tion, drew back and shut itself up in its castle
I wish to know whether any body iu Virginia
can now talk as Mr. Randolph, Gov. Me-
Dowel, and others ta ked here openly, and
sent their remarks to the press in 1832. VVe all
know the fact, and we all know the cause,
and every thing that this agitating people have
done has been not to enlarge but to restrain, not
to set free, but to bind faster the slave popnla
lion of the South That is my judgement. Sir,
as 1 have said. I know many of them in my own
neighborhood, very honest good people, misled
as 1 think by strange euihusiasm ; but they
wish to do something, and they are called on
to contribute, and they do contribute ; and it is
my firm opinion thisday, that within the last
twenty years as much money as has been col
lected arid paid to the abolition societies, aboli
tion presses, and abolition lecturers as would
purchase the freedom of every slave, man, wo
man and child in the State of Maryland, and
send tbem all to Liberia. I have no doubt of
it. But I have yet to learn that the benevo
lence of these abolition societies has at any
tune taken that particular turn. [Laughter]
Again, sir, the violence of the press is com
plained of. The press violent! Why, sir, the
press is violent every where. There are out
rageons reports tn the North against the South,
and there are reproaches in not much better
taste in the South against the North. Sir. the
exlr -mists of both parts of this r-ournry are
violent; they mistake loud and violent talk for
eloquence and for reason. They think that ho
who talks loudest reasons best. And this we
must expect, when the press is free as it’ is
here, and I trust always will be—for, with all
its licentiousness, and all its evil, the entire and
absolute freedom of the press is essential to the
preservation of government on the baii.s f a
free constitution. Wherever it exists, there
will be foolish paragraphs in the press, as there
are, I am sorry to say, foolish speeches
and violent speeches in both Houses of Con
gress, In short sir, I must say that in my
opinion, the vernacular tongue of the country
has become greatly vitiat. d, depraved, and cor
rupted bv the style of our congressional de
bates. . ugh er.] And if it were possible
for our <J itea in Congress to vitiate the prin
ciple* of die people as much as they have de
praved their taste, I should cry out, “God save
rhe Republic!”
Well, in all this I see no solid grievance, no
grievance produced by the South, within the
redress of the Government, but the single
one to which I have referred ; and that is, the
want or a proper regard to the injunction of
,th« cohsliiution for the* delivery of fugitive
slaves.'/: J
Tt|_>:.re .are also coigplaints of the North
ugaiiistrhe Sooth I need not go over them
particularly. The first andjjyavest is. that, the
North adopted the coneWraw.
the right to an extent of representation of the
slave, in Congress, under a state of sentiment
and expectation whiJh do not now exist; and
that, by events, by the eagerness of the South
to acquire territory and extend their slave pop
ul-i ion. the North finds itself, and in regard
to the influence of the South and the North
of the free States and the slave Stales, where :
it never did expect to find itself when they en- ,
re red the compact of the constitution. They
complain, therefore, that, instead of slavery be
ing regarded as an evil which all hoped would
be extinguished gradually, it is now regarded
by the South as an institution to be cherished
and preserved and extended ; an institution
which the South has extended to the utmost of
her power l-y the acquisition of new territory.
Well, then, passing from that, every body iu
the North reads ; and every body reads what
soever the newspapers contain ; and the new.s
--p-tpers. some of them, especially those presses
to which I have alluded, are careful to spread
about among the people every reproachful
sentiineut uttered by any southern man bear
ing at all against the North ; every thing that
is calculated to exasperate, to alienate; and
there are many such things. as every body will
admit, from the South or some portion of it.
which are spread abroad among the reading
people: and they do exasperate, and alienate
and produce a most mischievious effect upon
the public mind at the North. Sir. I would
not notice things of this sort appearing in ob
scure quarters ; but one thing has occurred in
this debate which struck me very forcibly. An
honorable member from Louisiana addressed
us the other day on this subject. I suppose
there is not a more amiable and worthy gen
tieman in this chamber—a gentleman would
be more slow to give offence to any body, and
ho did not mean in his remarks to give offence
But what did he say 7 Why, sir, he took
pains to run a contrast between the slaves of
the South and the laboring people of the North
giving the preference in all points of condition
and comfort, and happiness, to the slaves cf the
South, The Senator doubtless did not suppose
thalhogave any offence, or did any injustice. He
was merely expressing his opinion But does le*
know how rcmaiksol that sort will be received
by the lai oritig people of the North 7 Why.
who are the laboring people of the Nor'ht They
arethe North. They are the people who cultivate
their own farm* with their own hand.; free
holders, educated men. independent men. Let
tne say. sir, that five sixths of the whole prop
erty of the North ■ in tne hands of the laborers
of the North; they cultivate their farm*, they
educate their children, they provide the means
of independence ; if they are not freeholders,
they earn wages, these wages accumulate, are.
turned into capital, into new freeholds, and
small capitalists are created. That is the case
And what can these people think when so res
pectable and worthy a gentleman a* the mem
ber from Louisiana undertakes to prove that
the absolute ignorance and the abject slavery
of the South is more in conformity with the
high purposes ofimmortal, rational, human be
mgs, than the educated, the independent free
laborers of the North f
-Now, sir. so far as any of these grievances
have their foundation in matters of law, they
can be redressed; so far as they have their
foundation in matters of opinion, itx sentiment,
in mutual crimination and recrimination, all
that we can do is to endeavor to alia* and culti
vate a better feeling and more fraternal senti
ments between the South aud the North.
Mr. President, 1 should much prefer to have
heard from every member on this flour declare
tions of opinion "that this Union should never
dissolve than the declaration of opinion that
in any case, under the pressure of any circum
stances, such a dissolution was possible. I hear
with pain, and anguish, and distress the word
wee—ion—especially when it falls from the bps
of those who are eminently patriotic, and know n
to the country, ami known all over the world,
for their politnml service*. Secession! Peace
able sec. -.ion I Sir. your eyes and mine are
never destined to see that miracle The dis
memberment ofthis vast country without convul
sion! ’Hie bursting up of the fountains of the
great deep without roffliue the surface! Who
is so foelish—l beg every body's pardon—a* to
expect tn see any such ibmg 7 Sir, lie who
sees these Slate*, now revolving in harmony
around a common centre, cau expect to see
them quit their places and fly off without con
vulsion. may look at the next hour to see the
heavenly bodies rush from their spheres and jos
lie again-t each other in the realms ol space
without producing a crash in the universe
There can be no such thing as a peaceable se
cession. Peaceable aaaesaion is aa utter im
possibility- Is the great Constitution under
which we live here—covering this whole coun
try—is it to be thawed aud melted away by
secession, as snows on the moutitaio melt under
the influence of a vernal sun ! disappear al
must unobserbed. and die off! No. sir! No,
air! I witl not alate what might produce the
disruption of the States; bul. sir. I see it as
plainly as I see the aun in heaven—l see that
disruption must produce such a war as I will
■ot describe in its twofold consequences
Peaceable secession!—peaceable eeceesinu .
The concurrent agreement of all the members
of this great republic to separate ! A volunta
ry separation, with alimony on one side and on
the other Why. what would be the result 7
Where it the line wbe drawn 7 What Stab s
are to recode I What is to remain American 1
What am Itobe 7 Where w Hie flag of the re
public to remain 7 W’here is the eagle still to
tower! Oris be to cower aud shrink and fall
to the ground t Why. air. our auceators-our
fin her* and our grandfathers, those of them th*:
are vet living amongst e» with prolonged lives
would rebuke and reproach us; and our
etuidnui and our grandchildren would cry out
*hamc upon us, if wa of thre geuarauou shoul .:
di-vibi»ttjr mesv t.*i>.-igjj£ us the povVer of
Ooverinnent and >he berrnoiiy oi’ iho Union
which is every day felt among us with so much
joy and grauinde. What in to become of the
army? What ia to become of the navy?
What is to become of the public lands ? How
is each of the thirty State-* to defend itself? I
know, although the idea has not been stated
distinctly- There is to be a Southern Confed
eracy, perhaps. Ido not mean, when I allude
to this statement, that any one seriously con
templates such a state of things. Ido not mean
to say that it is true, but I have heard it sug
gested elsewhere that the idea has originated
from a design to separate lam sorry sir, that
it has ever been thought of. talked of, or dream
ed of, in the wildest flights of human imagina
tion. But the sdea must be of a separation
including the slave States upon one side and the
tree Stales on the other. Sir, there is not —I
may express myselt too strongly perhaps —but
some things, some moral things; and I hold
the idea of a separation of these States, those
that are free to form one government and
those that are slaveholding to form another, as
a moral impossibility. We could not separate
the States by any such line, if we were to draw
it. We could not sit down here to day and
draw a line of separation that would satisfy any
live men in the conntry. There are natural
■ auses that would keep and tie us together—
social and domestic relations which we could
not break if we would, and which we should
not if we could. Sir, nobody can look over the
face of this country at the present moment —
nobody can see where its population is the most
dense and growing, without being ready to ad
mit, and compelled to admit, that ere long
America will be in the valley of the Mississip
pi
Well, now, sir, I beg to inquire what the
wildest enthusiast has to say oh the possibility of
cutting off that river and leaving free States at
its branches, and slave States down near its
mouth ? Pray, sir, pray, sir, let me say to the
people of this country that these things are
worthy of their pondering and of their consider
alien- Here, sir, are five millions ol freemen
in the free States north of the river Ohio; can
nny body suppose that this population can be
severed by a line that divides them from the ter
ritory of a foreign and an alien Government,
down somewhere, the Lord knows where, up
on the lower banks of the Mississippi? What
yvould become of Missouri ? Will she join the
.arrondissement of the slaves ? Shall th® wan
from the Mellow Stone ahd the Mad River be
connected in the new Republic with the
who lives aa "the
of Florida ? Sir, Cam ashamed mgAfoir*
4his line of remark. I d?»hke it—l haveWLrit
iter disgust for it? I would rather hear of
and mildews, war, pestilence, and faintne,
-than to hear gentlemen talk of secession* To
ftireak up I to break up this great Governmem
*—to dismember this great country—to
Europe with an act of folly such as Europe
for two centuries has never beheld in any
government! No, sir; no sir! There will
no secession. Gentlemen are not serious
when they talk of secession.
Sir, I hear there is to be a Convention field
at Nashville. 1 am bound to believe that if
worthy gentlemen meet at Nashville in Con
vention, their object will be to adopt counsels
conciliatory— to advise the South to forbear
ance and moderation, and to adivise the North
to forbearance and moderation ; aud to incui
cate principles of brotherly iove and affection,
aud attachment to the constitution of the coun
try as it now is. I believe, if the Convention
meet at all, it will be for this purpose; for cer
tainly, if they meet for any purpose hostile to
the Union, they have been singularly inappro
priate in their selection of a place. I remem
ber, sir, that when the treaty was concluded
between France and England at the peace of
Amiens, a stern old Englishman and an orator,
who disliked the terms of the peace as ignomi
nious to England, said in the House of Com
itioiis that if King William could know the
terms of the treaty he would turn in his coffin.
Let me commend the saying, in all emphasis and
in all its force, to any body who shall meet at
Nashville for the purpose of concerting meas
ures for the overthrow of the Union of this
country over the bones of Andrew Jackson.
Sir, 1 wish to make two remarks, and hasten
to a conclusion. I wish to say, in regard to
Texas, that if it should be hereafter at any
lime the pleasure of the Government of Texas
to cede tu the United States a portion, larger
or smaller, of her territory which lies adjacen*
to New Vlexico and north of the 34° of north
latitude, for a fair equivalent in money or in
debt, I think .it an object well v.'orthy the
consideraiiou of Congress, and 1 shall be hap
py io concur iu it myself, if 1 should be in the
public councils of the country at the time.
1 have one other remark to make. In rny
observations upon slavery as it has existed in
the country, and as it now exists, I have ex
pressed no opinion of the inode of its extin
guishment or amelioration. 1 will say, how
ever. though I have nothing to propose on that
subject, because I do not deem myself so
competent as other gentlemen to consider it.
that if any gentleman from the South shall
propose a scheme of colonization, to be carried
on by this Government upon a large scale, for
d»e transportation of free colored people to
any colony or any place in the world, I should
be quite disposed to incur almost any degree
of expense to accomplish that object. Nay.
sir, following an example set here more than
twenty years ago by a great man, then a Sena
tor from New York, 1 would return to Vir
ginia—through her for the benefit of the whole
Sonih—ali the money received from the lands
and terri'ories ceded by her to this Govern
ment, for any such purpose as to relieve, in
whole or in part, or in any way io diminish or
deal beneficially with the free colored popula
lion of the Southern Blates. I have said that 1
honor Virginia for her cession.of this territory.
There have been received into the treasury of
tnC Untreri "tttuxes
the proceeds of the sales of the public lands
ceded by Virginia. If the residue should be
gold at the same rate, the whole aggregate will
exceed two hundred millions of dollars If
Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any
proposition to relieve themselves from the free
people of color among them, they have my
tree conseii* that the Government shall pay
them any sum of money out of its proceeds
which may be adequate to the purpose
And now, Mr. President, I draw these ob
servations to a close. I have spoken freely,
and I meant tu do so. I have sought to make
no display ; 1 have sought to enliven the oc
casion by no animated discussion; 1 have
sought only to speak my sentiments fully and
at large, being desirous once and for ail to let
the Senate know, and to let the country know,
the opinions and senumonts which 1 entertain
on all these subjects 1 ho-e opinions are noi
likely to be suddenly changed, if there be
any future service that 1 can render to the
country consistently witn these sentiments and
opinions, 1 shall cherrfully render it. Ifthere
be not, I shall still be glad to have an oppor
tunity to disburden my conscience from the
bottom of my heart, aud to make known
every political sentiment that therein exists.
And now, Mr. President, instead of speak
ing of the possihd ty or utility us secession,
instead of dwelling in these caverns of dark
ness. instead of groping with thus ideas so
full of all that is horrid aud horrible, let us come
out into the light of day ; let us cherish those
hopes which belong to ns; let us devote our
selves to those great objects that are fit for
our consideration ami our action; lotus raise
our conceptions to the magnrude aud the im
portance of the duties that devolve upon us;
let our comprehension be as broad as the coun
try for which we act, our aspirations as high
as its certain destiny ; let us not be pigmies in
a case that calls for men Never did there
•levolve on any generation of men higher
trusts than now devolve upon us for tne preser
vation of this constitution, and the harmony
and peace of all who are destined to live on
der li. It is a great popular Constitutional
Government, guarded by legislation, by law.
by judicature, and defended by the whole as
leclioriH of the people. No monarchical throm*
presses these States together; no iron chain
of despotic power encircle* them ; they live
and stand upon a Government popular in its
term, represeniative in its character, founded
upon principles of equality, and calculated,
we hope, to lasi forever. In all its history it
has been beneficent; it ha* trodden down no
man's liberty; it has crushed no State. It has
been, in all its influences, benevolent, benefi
cent ; promoting the general prosperity, the
general glory, and the general renown, and. at
lust, it has received a vast addition of territory.
Large before, it has now, by resent events,
become vastly larger. This republic now ex
tends, with a vast breadth, across the whole
continent. The two great seas of the worl i
wash the one and the other shore. VVe may
realize the beautiful description of the orqa
mental edging of the buckler of Achilles—
“ Now the bro<ui shield complete the artist crowned,
With his hat had uml poured the ocean round;
In living rilver seemed :be wavee to full.
And beat rhe buckler’s verge, and ianuid the wh<de. ’ *
Mr. Calhoun. 1 rise to correct what I conceive to
be an error of the distinguished Senxtur from Maesa
chuvelts aa to the tuobvas which induced the acqui
sition of Florida, Louisiana, and Texas. He attri
buted it to the great growth of cotton, and the desire
ot H»e Southern people to getsn extension of territory,
with the view of cultivating it with more profit titan
they could in a compMt and crowded settlement.
Now, Mr. President, the history of these acquisitions
I think was not correctly given. It is well known
that the acquisition of Florida wa* the retmft of an
Ind ran war The Seminole Indians residing along
the line attacked one of our fortresses; troops were
ordered otu, they were driven back ; and. under the
command of General Jackam, Pensacola and St.
Marks were sexed. It was these aeta, and an the
desire lor the extended cultivatiun of cotton, which
led to the acquisition of Florida. 1 admit that there
bad been for a long lime a desire on the part of the
South, and of the Admintstrntion I believe, to acquire
Florida, but it was very different from the reason as
signed by the bonoratde Senator. There were col
lected together four inbes of Indians—the Creeks,
the Choctaws, the Cbiekasaws, and the Cherokees,
about thirty thousand warriors— who belt! connexion,
almost the whole ot them, with the Spanish authori
ties iu Florida, carried on a trade perpeCunHy’ with
them, k was well known that a most pernicious iu
fiueuce waa thus exercised aver them; and it was the
desire of preventing conflict between the Indians and
<'urselve> in the South, ns I believe, w hich induced
ibe acquisition of Florida I come now to Louisiaua.
We well know that the immediate cause for the ac
quisition of Louisiana was the suspension of our right
•k deposxte at New Orleans. Coder a treaty with
Spain we had a right to the navigation of the river as
iar as New Orleans, and a right to make depnri es in
the port of New Orleans. Tue Spanish authorities
interrupted that right, and that interuptien produced
a grwil agitation at the West, and 1 may say ’hrough
out the whole United States. The gentlemen then ia
*»ppttdtioa, a tughlv respectable party —the old Feder
al porty, which i have never saida word of disre
spect in regard to—if I mistake not. to dt the lead in a
to r, '* on to arms to acquire that territory. Mr.
umr? p-adeot. desired to procure it by pur
u ' was made, in order to rtrnwe
the d theuliv and give an outlet to the West to the
that w M the immediate cause oi die aoqn -
sw ono? Loumaca. Now, we come to
I Perhaps no gentleman hau more to do wuh ;Ue aequi
s'tUu ot Texas than myself; and I aver, Mr Pr-si
' "-uld hare been am ~■«s the very last in
r dividual* iu the I «ed States to havs made anv
. tuovemiMt at thxi tbe acquisition d Texas':
, and Igo further it f k no w mrsetf, I was incapable
I ot acquiring any territory simply on the ground thai
r u was to be an enlargement es »Uve territory I
would just as fireelj bare acquired it if ,t had been
‘ on the .\octhero s. on the Na » r
very different motives rerouted me. I knew’at a
very eariy pt-rod—l Will not co !Oto the h- # tXIV j t _
t the ttntish Government bad given ein .uragemen’ to
; the aix» ksjowu of the Untied States, who were repre-
sented at the World’s Convention. The question of
the abolition of slavery was agitatad ii the Convcn
; One gentleman stated that Mr. Adams inform
ed him that if the British Government wished to
; abolish slavery in the United States they must begin
; sexnß5 exnB - A commission was sent from thia
! M orld s Convention to the British Secretary of State,
Lord Aberdeen ; and it so happened that a gentle
man was present when the interview took place be
tween Lord Aberdeen and the committee, who gave
me a full account of it shortly after it occurred. Lord
Aberdeen fell into the project, and gave full encour
agement to the abolitionists. Well, sir, it is well
known that Lord Aberdeen was a very direct, and,
in my opinion, a very honest and worthy man; and
when Mr. Pakenham was sent here to negotiate with
regard to Oregon, and incidentally with respect to
Texas, he was ordered to read a declaration to this
Government, stating that the British Government
was anxious to pur. an end to slevery ail over
the world, commencing at Texas. It is well known
further, that at tha very time a negotiation was
going on between France and England to ac
complish that object, and our Government was
thrown by stratagem out of the negotiation; and
that object was, first, to induce Mexfco to ac
knowledge ibe independence of Texas upon the
ground that she would abolish it. All these are mat
ters of history ; and where is the man so blind—l am
sure the Senator from Massachusetts is not so blind—
as not to see that if the project of Great Britain had
oeen successful, the whole frontier of the States of
Louisiana and Arkansas and the adjacent States would
have been exposed to the inroads of British emissa
ries Sir, so far as 1 was concerned, 1 put it exclu
sively upon that ground. I never would run into the
tolly of re-annexation, which I always held to be ab
su,rd - 7 or > would 1 put it upon the ground—
which 1 might well have put it—of commercial and
manufacturing considerations; because those wer •
not my motive principles, and I chose to assign what
were. So far as commerce and manufactures were
concerned, I would not have moved in the matter at
that early period.
The Senator objects that many Northern gentlemen
voted for annexation Why, sir, it was natural that
they should be desirous of fulfiling the obligations of
the constitution ; and, besides, what man at that time
doubted that the Missouri compromise line would
be adopted, and that the territory would fall
entirely to the South ? All that Northern men asked
for at that time was the extension of that line. Their
course, tn my opinion, was eminently correct and pa
triotic.
Now, Mr. President, having made these correc
tions, 1 must go back a Huie further, and correct a
statement which I think the Senator has left very
defective, relative to the ordinance of 1787. He
slates very correctly that it commenced under the
Old Confederation ; that it was alter ward confirm
ed by Congress; that Congress was sitting in New
York at the time, while the Convention sat in Phila
delphia; and that there Was concert of adtion. I
not looked into the ordinance very recently,
Wilf serve me rhn-i far
J*tFajson introciuceijKyiifl mesa—— —
slavery in 1784 There was a voteiaa<p
on <hat vote every Soutfiero Senator voted
against it; bat I not certain of id (tne thijng I
|4ra-certain of, that it was three years’before ll&qfr-
Mimincecould pass. It was sturdily resisted drifcnto
1787 ; and when it was passed, as I had good rea- ?
it was upon a principle of compromise;
first, that ordinance should contain a provision
similar to the one put in the constitution with res
pect to fugitive slaves; and next, that it should be
inserted in the constitution; and this was the com
promise upon which the prohibition was inserted in
the ordinance of 1787. We thought we had aft in
demnity in that, but we made a great mistake. Os
what possible advantage has it been to us? Violated
faith has met us on every side, and the advantage
has been altogether in their favor. On the other
side, it has been thrown open to a Northern popula
tion to the entire exclusion of the Southern. This
was rhe leading measure which destroyed the com
promise of the constitution, and then followed the
Missouri compromise which was carried mainly by
Northern votes, although now disavowed and not
resi ected by them. That was the next step, and
b> tween these two causes the equilibrium has been
broken.
Having made thene remarks, let me say that I
look great pleasure i.i listening to the declarations of
the honorable Senator from Massachusetts upon seve
ral points. He puts himself upon the fulfilment of
the contract of Congress in the resolutions of Texas
annexation, for the admission of the four new States
provided for by those resolutions to be formed out of
the Territory of Texas. Ail that was manly, states
manlike, and calculated to do good, because just. —
He went further ; he condemned, and rightfully con
demned, and in that he has shown great firmness, the
course of the Norih relative to the stipulations of the
constitution for the restoration of fugitive slaves ;
bul permit me to say, for I desire to be candid upon
subjects, ti»at if the Senator, together with many
friends on this side of the chamber, puts his confi
dence in the bill which has been reported here, fur
ther to extend the laws of Congress upon this subject,
it will prove fallacious. It is impossible to execute
any law of Congress until the people of the States
shall co-operote.
I heard the gentleman with great pleasure say
tliat he would not vote for the Wilmot proviso, lor he
regarded such an act unnecessary, considering that
Nature had already excluded slavery. As far as the
new acquisitions it re concerned, I am disposed to
leave them to be disposed of as the hand of Nature
shall determine. It is wh it I always have insisted
upon. Leave that portion of the country more natu
ral to a non-elavebolding population to be filled by
that description of population ; and leave that |>or
tion into which slavery would naturally go, to be
filled by a slaveholding jKipulation—destroying arti
ficial lines, though perhaps they may be better than
none. Mr. J fforson spoke like a prophet of the
effect of the Missouri compromise line. lam willing
to leave it for Nature to settle ; and to organize gov
ernments for the Territories, giving all free scope to
enter and prepare themselves to participate in their
privileges. We want, sir nothing but justice.—
When the gentleman says that he is willing to leave
it to Nature. I understand he is willWlg to remove all
impediments, whether real or imaginary. It is con
summate folly to assert that the Mexican law prohib
iliog slavery in California and New Mexico is in
force ; and 1 have always regarded it so.
No man would leel more happy than myself to
believe that this Union formed by our ancestors
should live forever. Looking back to the long course
of forty years’ service here, I have the consolation
to believe that Khavj never done one act which
would weaken it; that I have done full justice to
all sections. And if 1 have ever been exposed to the
*iinputation of a contrary motive, it is becauie I have
been willing to defend my section from unconstitu
tional encroachments. But I cannot agree with the
Senator from Massachusetts that this Union cannot
. Jw-dUaolvetL—Aia.Janderstand him .that -*te
gree ot oppression, no outrage, no broken fiihhcm
produce the destruction ot'this Union ? Why. sir,
if ihaf becotncs a fiiud lk£t, it will itself becotre the
great instrument of producing oppression, outrage,
and broken faith. No, sir, the Union can be broken.
Grout moral causes will break it if they go on, and
it can only be preserved by justice, good faith, and a
rigid adherence to the constitution.
Mr. Webster. Mr. President, a single word in
reply to the honorable member from South Carolina.
My distance from the honorable member and the
crowded slate of the room prevented me from hear
ing the whole of his remarks. 1 have only one or
two observations to make; and, to begin, I first no
tice the honorable member’s last remark. He asks
me if i hold the breaking up ol the Union, by any
such thing as the voluntary secession of States, as sn
impossibility. I know, sir, this Union cun be bro
ken up; every Government esn be; and I admit
that there may be such a degree of oppression as
will warrant resistance and a forcible severance. —
That is revolution. That is revolution ! Os that ul
timate right of revolution I have not been speaking.
1 know that that law of necessity does exist. I for
bear from going further, I because 1 do not wish io run
into a discussion of the nature of this Government.
The honorable member and myself have broken
lances sufficiently often before on that subject.
Mr. Calhoun. 1 have no desire iodo it now.
Mr. Webster. I presume the gentleman has not,
and 1 have quite as little. The gentleman refers to
the occasions on which these great acquisitions were
made to territory on the Southern side. Why, un
doubtedly wise and skilful public men, having an
object to accomplish, may take advantage ol occa
sions. Indian wars arc an occasion ; a (ear of the
occupation of Texas by the British was an occasion ;
but when the occasion came, under the pressure of
which, or under the justification of which the thing
could be done, it was done, and done skilfully. Let
me say one thing further; and that is, that if slave
ry were .abolished, as it was supposed to have been,
throuehoot dll Mexico, before the revolution aud the
establishment of the Texan Governm nt, then, if it
were desirable to have pusse.-sioa of Texas by pur
ch tse, as a means of prevent ng its becoming a
British possession, I suppose that object could have
been secured by making it a free territory of the
United Stales well as a slave territory.
Sir, in my great desire not to prolong this debate,
I have ouriited what. I intended to say upon a parti
cular question under the motion of the honorable
benator from Missouri, proposing an amendment to
the resolution of the honorable member from Illi
nois ; and that is, upon the propriety and expedien
cy of admitting California, under all circumstances.
j<»*t as she is. The more general subjects involved
hi this question are now b<f >re the Senate under the
resolutions of the honorable men ber from Kentucky .
I will say that I feet tinder great obligations to that
honorable member for introducing the subject, aud
for the very lucid speech which bo made, and which
has been so much read throughout the whole country.
I am also on ier great ohligat-ons to the honorable
member from Tennessee for the light which he has
shed upon this subject; and. in some respects, it will
be seen that I d-ffer very little from the leading sub
jects submitted by either of those honorable gentle
men.
Now, sir, when the direct question of the admission
«>;'California shall be before the Senate I propose—
but not before every other gentleman who has a wish
io address the Senate shall h ive gratified that desire—
to say something upon the boundaries of California,
upon the eotwitutHHi of California, and upon the ex
pediency, under all ihe circuiUßtances, of admitting
her with that cnneiHf»ti<x>»
Mr. LMthono. One word, an 11 have done; and
that word that nb’wittostandisg tbe acquisition of
tile vast territory of Texas, represented by Sena-
it is tha fact tha: all thatad
"ffitiontenitor made it by nr» means equal to
what the Northern States had excluded us from be
fore that ueq<risiiion. The territory lying west be
tween the Mississippi and the R.cky Mountainsis
three-fourths of the whole of Louisian t; and that
wluch h« between Mississippi and the Ohio, added
to that, makes a much greater extent of Territory than
Florida and Texas and that portion of Louisiana that
has foHen toonr share.
Loss of the Ship Sr. Lawrence —Extract
of a letter received by the American Consul
al Valparaiso, from Copt. Perry B. Bowers,
master of the St. Lawrence :
*• Maule, Jan. 5, 1850.—1 have had the misfor
tune to lose the M. Lawrence, of Providence, from
New York, bound to Cal if Tn ia, touching at Valpa
raiso. We drifted ashore in a calm and thick fog
on the moiing ol the 27th Dec. As all efforts io get
the ship off again would have been utterly fruitless,
as rhe surf was making a breach clean over us, we
began to think of the be-t means of saving our lives
■»y getting to the shore. We la u oche I one of our noat
winch was instantly stove. We then watted some
time before venturing to launch another, and, after
much labor, three men got into a second boat, and
reached the shore with a hue; tut the boat was stove
ind the men much injured. Next morning, after
much trouble, some men were got off to the ship, to
«3ve what part ot the property we could, for the be
jiefit of the underwriters. comtnettced by trying
to save the sails, but lost them all in the surf, except
the jib; and after working h«rd all day, we toil nd
we were unable to get much on shore of any value.
The next day, it being e » rough that nothing could
be dooe, and nuding that it was hkely to cost as much
to save the property as it would sell tor. Isold the ship)
nt a lie t ion, wtth the cargo, for one thousand dollars.
The place where the ship gut ashore is called Juanco,
übout twelve leagues to the southward of Maule.”
The above ship sailed from New York on
the 16th ol August last, and was spoken of on
ihe 25th, since w hich nothing has been heard of
tier since, till the reception of the above.—.V.
F. Herald
Sstccessfxl Mining —The Pittsburg Copper
Couipauv has published a report showing the
condition of its affairs on the 13’h of January.
1850. from which the following facts are gath
ered :—The company commenced operations
abont five years since; capital paid up.
000. Paid a dividend of S6O 000. in 1847. an
other in February of this year, of
and propose to pay a third in July next,
of the same amount making a tola! of
$144,000. and have $48,000 in crib besides,
which pays back the whole capital stock and
interest. This is the most successful expen
nent in mining operations wirieh ton* ever
been maue in the United States I - be number
of shares ts about 6OUU If they are valued at
-SIOO each, the dividend of the present year
will be fourteen per cent.— HaU. American.
Tnr TOT?i?TrT v
X XxJu W JujuXLXs X
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
BY WILLIAM
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
DAILY, TRI-WEEKLY & WEEKLY.
Oflice in Railroad Rank Ruildings.
DAILY PAPER.perannum (senlby mail,) 00
TRIWEEKLY “ “ 400
WEEKLY PAPER “
AUGUSTA, GA. :
WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 13.
Mr. Webster’s Speech.
We publish to day this masterly effort of
the distinru shed Senator from Massachusetts,
which the Richmond Times justly characterises
as “more than great, it is sublime! Its subli
mity consists not in its mere merit as an oration,
but in the exalted patriotism manifested by the
speaker throughout.” However we may dis
sent from the opinions of the speaker on the
general subject of slavery, opinions peculiar to
all persons not connected and perfectly famil
iar with the institution, we should do injustice
to our own feelings as well as to the Senator,
and the great cause which called him forth, not
to urge every reader to give it a careful and
attentive perusal. No conservative, dispas
sionate man can fail to admire its broad and
expansive patriotism, and its truly American
spirit, breathing throughout an ardent and de
voted attachment to the Constitution, and an
earnest desire for the preservation of its che
rished and sacred principles. We repeat, let
it be read, and we' feel assured that every patri
otic heart in the land drill respond, well done
faithful and deyoted- pjtrtot.
■ ~C v-
and Webster’s Speecl&gs,
in the reception qf
\Vhile
' race ptin
save and axcepi aTew
repudiate his wild chimera of an a«iien<teie*nt
to the ConsutUtion, llr.. Webster’s is evefy
where hailed with approbation, except by the
fanatics and ultraisis. The press every where
that we have seen, the New York Tribune and
Evening Post excepted, at which we rejoice as
a most favorable omen for good, have hailed it
as a noble peace offering to harmony, concilia
tion, the Constitution and Union.
“ Mr. Calhoun took strong ground against the doc
trine adv icated by Messrs. Buchanan, Cass, Gen.
Taylor, and himself at an early pericd. th it the peo
ple ot a territory have the exclusive right to form their
own institutions, and demand admittance into the
Union. He now contends that Congress has the foie
and absolute power to legislate for the territories, and
not the inhabitants. He alludes to the inconsistency
of the Whig • enators who opposed Gen. Casson that
ground. We concede that there is an apparent in
consistency—but ihe condition of matters has mate
rially changed.” — Ala. Journal.
The above passage occurs in an editorial
comment upon Mr. Calhoun’s late speech,
to which, with all due deference to the Journal)
we beg leave to dissent, so far as to correct the
error made by that print conceding in the last
sentence, that there is lt an apparent inconns
tency" in the course of the Whig party in rela
tion to the powers of the territories over the
slavery question. There is no inconsistency
whatever, as we shall proceed to show. The
policy of Gen. Cass, as declared in his Nichol
son letter, and since more distinctly avowed in
the Senate, was that the territorial Legislature,
in their territorial capacity, bad exclusive pow
er to regulate the matter ; while the Whigs con
tended that they conld only exercise the power
in Convention in the formation of their State
Constitution They argued, and truly, that if
the power, as was contended by Gen. Cass,
was in the territorial legislature, it would be
equally obnoxious to the constitution, as its
exercise by Congress, who had the supervis
ion of their enactments, and who Gen. Cass,
declared had no constitutional power over the
subject. Hence his position was an absurdity.
But, if placed where the Whigs contended
Congress could have no supervision because
in admitting a State, she had only to demand
that her Constitution be republican. This
was the position of Mr. Calhoun as declared
in hi» resolutions of 1847—qf Mr. Polk in
his last annual Message—of the Democratic
Conventions of Georgia in 1847, and 1848.
and also of the Washington Union as late as
February, 1p49, who thus denned it :
“ The south denies that Congress has any Jurisdic
tion over the subject of slaver v, end contends that
the people of the territorits alone, when they frami
a conblitution, preparatory to
matter. This fact being seuled, it really seems to
us that this exciting question might be speedily ad
justed, if culm counsels prevail. The smith con
tends for her honor and for the great principles of
non-intervention and state equality. B/iy, then,
eannot all unite and permit California to come
into the Union as soon as she can frame a consti
tution.”
The Journal will perceive that the difference
between Gen Cass’ position and that of the
Whigs, was broad and well defined, and also
that the position of the Whigs is unchanged,
while Mr Calhoun has faced to the right
about. “But the condition of matters has
materially changed. Mr. Calhoun was not
then seeking to break down a Whig adminis
tration, and consequently it was not necessa
ry to abandon the well defined policy of the
entire South, established and maintained since
the Missouri Compromise. In 1847 he was
re-marking out the true course, that Mr. Polk
might not mistake; now, however, when Gen.
Taylor admonishes Congress to abstain from
the exercise of such a power, the distinguish
ed Carolinian abandons his policy, and seeks
to persuade the people that it is an *‘Execu
live Proviso ” Oh, consistency! thou art a
jewel—one of rare value in the political career
of Mr- Calhoun.
11 Masvachnserts has expended over three million
of dollars in school houses.”
The old ’• Bay State,” with all her faiiltsand
fanaticism, has many redeeming traits in her
character, which every American must contem
plate with pride and pleasure; among the
most prominent of which is her earnest and
constant effort to educate her people. She
properly estimates the value of mental culture
upon the morals and progress of her citizens,
and therefore deems it far better that they be
taxed to educate her children, than to support
the idle and dissolute in almshousesand pris
ons; which her wisest statesmen deem a ne
cessary sequence, iu many instances, of the ab
sence of education.
It has for years been her boast, that no na
tive child of hers who had attained the age of
twenty-one years within her borders, could not
read and write. Nor is this surprising when
the reader reflects, that within an area of 7,500
square miles of territory, over three millions
of dollars have been expended in the erection
of Schoolhouses, tn say nothing of the sums
annually expended by the State in the procure
ment of teachers. These facts speak volumes
for the Slate, and illustrate in most forcible
terms, the value wh>Jhjriie aft_jjMiiy_andL wise?,
ly places on the education of her sons >nd
daughters.
May we not hope that Georgia, and indeed
every Slate in the Union, will ere long follow
in the footsteps of Massachusetts? It is a burn*
ing shame and a disgrace to the legislation o
many of the Slates that so little attention is and
has been bestowed upon the education of the
masses of the people. It is truly a reproach,
and one which should not exist against any
State of this Union , that too little attention is
bestowed on education. What signifies the
erection of Colleges and the higher order of
Schools to the great mass of the people who
are not able to incur the expenses necessary to
educate their children? Such institutions are
of no use to them and consequently confer no
practical good on that class of society in the
attainment of an education.
What we want is a system oi Free Schools,
sustained and supported by the State, in which
the rudiments of an education are thoroughly
taught, and the youth of ihe country fitted for
the practical duties of life. There, if any dis
cover, high intellectual capacity, however
humble his or her sphere in society, or how
ever humble their means, facilities would be
easily procured for the obtainment of finished
educations.
» Then there would be frequent instances,
where now only a solitary one cheers the
heart, in which the sons of the poor and desti
tute would be seen rising to the first stations in
the Republic, and in lime contributing their
aid. their energies and their cultivated intellects
to elevate and meliorate the condition of the
masses ot the people, by tne development of
their mental facnlties.
Valuable Real Estate.
The attention of capitalists and others will
be attracted by the advertisement announcing
the sale of that well-known property, *• Mrs.
Camfikld's corner,” on the first Tuesday iu
April next, at the Lower Market House This
is decidedly he most valuable property in the
city, now in market; and those who want to
invest in real es ate, would do well to examine
it well and carefully.
Mr. Beil’s Jttesolulionfc.
Whereas considrratiuis of the. highest inter
est to the whole country demand that the exist
ing and increasing dissensions between the
North and the Buu(h ortthe subject of slavery
should be speedily isxxeSed. and that the ques
tions in controversy be adjusted ttpon some
basis which shall tend :o give present quiet,
repress sectional remove, as far as
possible, the causes discord, and se
cuie the uninterrupted enjoyment of those
benefits and advantages which the Union was
intended to confer in «iual measure upon all
its members:
And whereas, it is manifest, under present
circumstances, adjustment can be
effected of the pointa'W*difference unhappily
existing between the Northern and Southern
sections of the Union connected with the
subject of slaveryuyhtchshall secure to either
section all that is wiiended for, and that mu
tual concession upon questions of mere policy,
not involving the violation of any constitution
al right or principle, must be the basis of every
project affording any assurance of a favorable
acceptance:
And whereas life joint resolution for annex
ing Texas to the—Ulfited States, approved
March 1, 1842, contains ’he following condi
tion and guaranty, that is to say—“ New Stales
of convenient size, not exceeding four in num
ber, in addition to said state of Texas, and
having sufficient population, may hereafter,
by the consent of said State, be formed out of
the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to
admission under the provisions of the federal
constitution ; and jucJv'States as may be form
ed out of that portion of said territory lying
south of 36 degrees* 30 minutes north latitude
commonly knowqjis the Missouri compromise
line, shall be adm tted into rhe Union with or
without slavery, as the people of each State ask
ing admission may desire ; and in such State
or States as shadifcMt formed out of said Missou
ri compromise line slavery or involuntary ser
vitude (exceprftrthrime) shall be prohibited:”
Therefore—
1. That the obligation to comply with
the condition and guaranty above recited in gcod faith
be distinctly recognised, and that, in part compliance
with the same, as -soon as the people of Texas shall,
by an act of ibeirKtegiriature, signify their assent by
restricting* the within the territory lying
east of the Trhiy^E-iof the Red and
when the residue of the territory claim
ed by Texas, south of the 34th degree of non It
latitude and shall, with the as
sent 01-talituu Hl 111 in fbrui,
tjtey bt 1,1 sou(-
’• - , -
appfied .it
portion of the debt of for the
discharge of which 4he United States ace under any
obligation, implied Aw otberwise r -an« the remainder
as Texasshall require.
3. Resolvtd, lh%t when the population of tbatpor
don of the territory Claimed by Texas, lying south of
farallel of north latitude and west of the Co
lorado, shall be eq'ua! to the ratio of representation in
Congress under thb last preceding apportionment, ac
cording to the provisions of the constitution, and the
people of such territory shall, with the assent of the
new State contemplated in the preceding resolution,
have adopted a Slate constitution republican in form,
they be admitted sxwxthe Union as a State upon an
equal fooling with the original States.
4. Resolved* That all the territory now claimed
by Texas, lying north of the 34th parallel of north
latitude, and which may be ceded to the United
S’ates by Texas, be menrporated with the Territory
of New Mexico, except such part thereof as lies east
of the Rio G.ande and south of the 34th parallel of
north latitude, and that the territory so composed
form a State, lobe admitted into the Union when the
inhabitants thereof shall adopt a constitution, repub
lican in form, with the consent of Congress;
but in the mean time, and until Congress shall give
such consent, pr.or.i?,.f>u be made for the government
of the inhabitants ol said territory suitable to their
condition, but without any restriction as to slavery.
5. That all the territory ceded to the
United States by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,
lying west of said territory of New Mexico nnd east
of the contein, lated new State of California, for the
present continue one territory, and for which some
onn of government suitable to t e condition of the
inhabitants be provided without any restriction as to
slavery.
6. That the constitution recently form
ed by the people of the western portion of California,
ami presented^Congress by the President on the
13th day of February, 1850, be accepted, and that
they be admitted into the Union as a State upon an
equal footing, iq respects -rith the original States.
7. That in future the formation of State
constitutions by the inhabitants of die territories of
the United State*, be regulated by law, and that no
such constitution be hereafter formed or adopted by
the inhabitants of any territory belonging to the
United States without the consent and authority of
Congress.
8. Resolved) That the inhabitants of any territory
of the United States, when they thall be authorized
by Congress io form a State constitution, shall have
the sole aud exclusive power to regulate and adjust
ail questions of internal State policy of whatever na
ture, they may be controlled only,by the restrictions
expressly imposed by the constitution of the United
States.
9. That the Committee on territories
be instructed to report a bill in conformity with the
spirit and principles of the foregoing resolutions.
The above are the Compromise Resolutions
of Mr. B«ll, to which, in a very brief edito
rial, we yov.rday accorded our assent, and ex
pressed a termination to give an earnest sup
port. Titter publication to-day is particularly
appropriate in connexion with the Speech of
Mr. Webster, which the reader will perceive
appears to be based upon and designed to sup
port these involutions ; and we should have
betrii if our limits permitted, to
have we explanatory remarks with
accompanied them on their
prefer, in j/istiee to Mr. 8., to state that he did
not c|aiin the entire paternity of the Resolu
tiout; he only claimed, to use his own lan
guage,*“ the small merit of being a compiler.
I cannot say that there is a single one of the
propositions, which I intend to present, that is
entirely otighiul, or one which has not passed
through die minds of at least a dozen honora
ble Senators.’*
With reference to the obligation of the go
vernment form new States out of the Ter
ritory of Texas, as guaranteed in the resolu
tions of annexation, we shall only treat it as an
obligation, v sacred pledge which the govern
ment cannot, without a gross violation of
plighted faith, disregard. The condition of
this obligation, however, is based upon the
consent of Texas. That such assent will be
yielded, a peace-offering as from a
proper disposition to preserve and protect hrr
own interests and property in the councils of
the nation, we entertain no reasonable doubt.
As the proposition contemplates the admis
sion of California, the admission at the same
time of a nSW" State to be formed out of the
territory of Texas, will preserve the equili
brium of and non-slaveholding States
in the This, with the other feature
contemplated, of organizing territorial govern
ments without the Proviso restriction, will be
sometL.ng dfrke tangible than the bare forma
tion of such governments for the territories of
New Mexico and Deseret.
Another important feature is the proposition
to settle definitely the manner of procedure
for the future admission of States, defining for
all time how they shall proceed and their ex
clusive power and right to regulate their own
domestic insiitutions without the consent of
Congress.
Again, the adoption of these resolutions and
their passagq iu the shape of bills, embodying
their spirit and principles, will establish a pre
cedent and the permanent policy of the go
vernment, with reference to the power of
Congress, to restrict slavery in the territories,
which can net be disregarded without a gross
violation of plighted faith, and thus forever put
an end Jo the agitation of the question, even
should the government ever acquire any other
territory.
Entertaining these opinions of tha resolu
tie ns, aril convinced that the South miyr yield
them a cordial support, without in.any fltanner
igtffi, Tgyriß. 2LT mitt 1 us-
fecting her hfeefests, we shall feel iF a duty
whiqh ow& to the Country to urge their
adoption, and b; this end we invoke their eahn
and dispassionate consideration, by the con
servative and patriotic of all parties and sec
tions.
Browa’i Bnnaua Cotton Seed.
We invite attention to the advertisement of
J. L. Brown, of Greensboro’, offering for sale
a few more bushels of his superior Seed, at a
reduced price.
Expr Bss Mail.—We are happy in being able to
state that through the exertions of Senator Souls,
who is now en ifie Post Office Cowmiilee n the
Senate, and Mr. Cpsrao, our Representative, there
is every prospect of having th® matter ol tee great
Southern mail Expressed over the present c<»acb
routes, from the lerminus of the Georgia railroad at
Griffin to the lenmnns oftbe Montgomery railroad in
Alabama, and ata> between Montgomery and Mobile,
by all of which the present time between New Or
leans and New York w»U be shortened 48 hours.
I'.ose gentlemen, for theii exertions, are justly enti
tled to the thanks of the commercial community, not
only of Orleans, but of all the Northern and South
ern seaports en the route, as they wilt equally be ben
efitted by the change. Exchange slips, for the pub
lic pi ess, will be transmitted by the line. *V.O. Rul
letin.
It is to be hoped that the Bulletin is correctly
informed on this important subject, and we
trust the Administration will be prompt in
placing the Express line iu operation. Such
an arrangemei>L by which letters and newspa
per slips could be transported between Griffin
and New Orleans, forty-eight hours in advance
of the mail, and insure greater regularity in its
transportation. » * ***? »«np° rU n l desidera
tum to all those portions of the country con
nected with (be route Especially would it
confer great benefit upon tl*e commercial com
munity, with whose nttereets ail classes of so
ciety are more or less connected
The Troy Whig furnishes a list of thirteen
flour mills in that city aud its vicinity, with the
amount of business for the year ending on the
Ist instant. The fist states that these mills
have an aggregate of 52 run of stones; that the
amount es capita! invested w about $450,000;
and that 282.404 barrels of flour were manu
factured during the lime stated, the value of
which was $1,411,020-
Gen. Cass’ Position*
In the course of our remarks yesterday, we
took occasion to state the position of Gen.
Cass on the power of the territorial Legisla
tures over the question of slavery, as original
ly defined in his Nicholson letter and more re
cently explained in his speech in the United
States Senate. In that speech he was com
menting upon the misconstruction of his
Nicholson letter, and the consequent misrep
resentation of his opinions by the Southern
Democracy, and remarked :
“ I laid down four principles, or opinions, if you
please, in my Nicholson letter. The first, that the
Wilmot proviso was unconstitutional; second, that
slavery, having been abolished by the Mexican
Government, did not exist in the territory held by
our arms; third, that slavery would not go there, as
well on account of natural and geographical obsta
cles as on account of the feelings of the people who
were and might be there ; and, fourth, that organ
ized communities exercising the powers of Govern
ment, whether Stale or 'Territorial, had alone the
right of determining this question for themselves.”—
•‘I believe the people of the Territory have just the
same right to govern themselves as the people of the
States have.”
Gen. Gass proceeded to quote the part of his Nich
olson letter, so differently construed, with the remark,
“How different opinions could exist respecting the
meaning of that part of my better, I cannot conjec
ture.”
The inlelligent reader need not be told that
this was precisely the construction placed upon
the Nicholson Letter by the Whigs of the
South, through the press and their public
speakers, and that the Democrats denied its
correctness; asserting that he only avowed the
principle that the Territories could only regu
late the question in their Convention to form a
State Constitution. His position is still the
same, and we recur to it now to show that we
have at no time done injustice to Gen. Cass
upon this question. Tn the same speech, how
ever, he openly and boldly declared his con
viction that the Wilmot Proviso was unconsti
tutional, and that he would not now-vote for it.
He, however, with equal frankness admitted
that when the question first came up in the
Senate, if it had been pressed io a vote, he
should have voted for it. Here, again, we
quote from his.speech: •
inndarslnnil inn . bftforp .t.Qftp-.
I
' .V,-.
< ■
This last sentence contains a hottie- throat
to those Southern Democrats who had voted
for the Wilmot Proviso in the Oregon Bi I,
previously, and, we doubt not, they felt its full
force and point. We need scarcely remind
the reader how vehemently the Southern De
mocracy denounced Mr. Rathbone, of New
York, and other prominent Northern men,
who proved that Gen. Cass had avowed his
determination to vote for the Proviso on its
first introduction, and broadly declared they
were unworthy of credence. Some were so
reckless in their denunciations as to pro
nounce their statements false*
Our purpose in alluding to this subject now
is not to assail Gen. Cass, or those who sought
to impose upon the South during the late can
vass by misrepresenting his opinions. We
rather thank him for his open and manly avow
al of them at this time, however we may differ
with him. He doubtless felt it due to his fame
to place himself right before the country, and
we are equally disposed to give him the full
benefit of his recent avowals, because they so
fully sustain our construction of his Nicholson
letter.
Indiana in 1850 omuel Merrill, President of
the Madison and Indianapolis Railroad, communi
cates to die public, under the above caption, some in
teresting statistics of tilis rapidly growing State. He
estimates the population at 1,025,000. Steamboat
navigation 770 miles, and flitboat navigation at 1580
miles Sh has 323 miles of railroad completed, be
sides those in process of completion. The agricultu
ral products of Indiana, last year, Mr. Merrill esti
mates at 45,000,000 bushels ol corn, 8,000 000 of
wheat, 18,000,000 bushels of oats, rye. and bailey,
tic. Hogs fattened last year, 1,300,000 head, of
which he supposes 650,000 were exported Aver
age price of wheat through the State 50 cents; near
a market it was from 60 to 70c. per bushel, remote
from market 40c.; corn from 10 to 30c., according to
situation. Hay is stated to average in price 85 per
ton. Beef and pork are put at 81*50 to $3 per 100
lbs. Os the 22 400 000 acres of land in the State,
Mr. Merrill represents that 14,200.000 acres is first
rate farming land ; 4,450,000 interior farming land,
and 3,750.000 refuse land.
In 1800 Indiana had a population of 5 641
soiils. She was admitted into the Union in
1816, and in 1820 contained a population of
1<7,178 souls. Her territory is only about
two thirds that of Georgia. She is therefore
one of the most luxuriant and noble scions of
the R public. Just think of a population in
fifty years increasing from 5 641 souls, to
1 025,000, the present estimate of Mr. Mer
rill, which is not probably too high. Well
may we exclaim, “ this is a great country ”
While contemplating the rapid and extraor
dinary growth of Indiana, we confess we felt
a little curious co Know now xnr. valhuun,
with all his powers as a dialectician, would ap
ply his late theory, that the action of the govern
ment had contributed to the growth of the non-
Slaveholding Slates, to this State. She is not
a manufacturing, but exclusively a producing
State, and her growth and increase in wealth
has been more rapid than any of those of New
England. How is this? Is the Senator’s beau
tiful, fine spun theory at fault, or is Indiana an
exception to the rule?
“ Agricultural College in Nkw York.—
The select committee of the Assembly uppoinled the
last year to consider the subject ol establishing an
Agricultural College and Experimental Farm in the
Slate of New York, have just made a report accom
panied by a bill fur the establishment of bitch an in
stitution. The bill provides for a college, with a
firm attached, tube under lhe care of fifteen trus
tees, one from each judicial district of lhe State ; the
trustees to meet in June next, and organize, locate
ihe college, buy and slock the farm, erect rhe build
ings, fix on a course of studies, plan of labor, terms of
admission, &c. The bill authorizes the State Comp
troller to borrow 3100,000 for the purposes of ihe
college. The subject is now bes re the Legislature.
The Albany Argus thinks the project will meet with
favor, and be adopted. Massachusetts is entitled
to the honor of taking the lead in this important mat
ter.”
We are not without hope that Georgia, too,
will, ere long, take position in this great and
noble work of teaching her sons the most ap
proved method of cultivating the soil—of
shedding upon their paths all the lights which
science, the arts and cultivated experience
have evoked from Nature’s great arcana, upon
this important branch of industry. Such a
policy would harmonize most beautifully with
her enlightened system of internal improve
ments, and lhe developement of her great re
sources. What a noble enterprise for a State
to embark its treasure in—lhe rearing in her
midst an institution in which her eons might
be taught the sublime truths o r Nature as per
taining to Agriculture, by which they might
contribute largely to the developement of the
resources of the State, the increase of wealth
and the melioration of the condition of their
race. Then she might cultivate and develop©
the mental faculties of her humblest sons, fit
them for elevated positions in society, and ren
der them benefactors of their species. Such
an enterprise is worthy of Georgia, and ac
cords well with the spirit of the age which
boasts broad and expansive patriotism and
liberal philanthropy.
•‘The Whig and Abolition parties of the North,
during ihe campaiowr unsoraprunnsFug sup-
amr Fillmore ’* — Fz feral Inion.
How any journal that valued its reputation
for veracity, could do such violence to truth, as
to make the above statement, passes our com
prehension. The fact is well known to every
intelligent man, a fact of which the Federal
Unions not ignorant, that the Abolition party
had its own candidate in the field, in the per
son of Martin Van Buren, one of the -natu
ral allies,” whom the Federal Union in 1840,
endeavored to persuade the people of Georgia
to support. What an intelligent, truthloving
community must think of a journal, that would,
in the face and with a full knowledge of these
facts, make such a declaration, we leave the
Federal Union and its partisans to conjecture.
“The speech of the session, however, thus far, in
the House, is that of Mr. Toombs.”
This unqualified praise of the speech of Mr.
Toombs, is from lhe accomplished editor of the
Richmond Times, than whom no one is more
competent to judge ; and we are pleased to see
that the Northern members of Congress are
endorsing this opinion, by ordering thousands
of copies for distribution among their constitu
ents. We should be still more gratified, how
ever, if the conservative portion of the press,
in the non-slaveholding States, would give it a
still greater circulation through their columns
Such a course would enable the great mass of
the people to hear both sides of this grave
question, and qualify them better for its inves
tigation.
Chancellor Jas. J. Caldwell, of So. Ca.,
died at his residence near Columbia on the 11th
inst •* In paying a hasty tribute to his memo
ry. (says Lhe Telegraph) we feel fully sustain
ed in saying, that the State has lost in the death
of the late Chancellor, a brilianl ornament
of her Judiciary, to whose head of wis
dom, and heart of purity and virtue, lhe
administration of her laws, her public honor
and fame, were most safe y committed
He was indeed a bright star in her judicial
galaxy, beaming ever in mtldesl, and yet most
fascinating lustre, and attracting the fond and
confiding gaze of the people, whom he had
long served with ability and perfect fidelity in
many public relations ”
New Books*
* Ollendorffs New Method of Learning to
Ready Vi rile and Speak Spanish ßv<>. pp 560.
Companion to Ollendorff’? Method of
Bearing French Bvo. pp. *74. D. Appleton
Go : New York.
The high reputation which this author has
attained for his works, designed to facilitate the
scholar in tha acquisition of a knowledge
of the modern languages, must commend
them to all those who, without the aid of
an instructor, are seeking to render them
selves capable of reading, writing and speaking
the French and Spanish languages. They
are for sale by T. Richards & Son.
“The Early Conflicts of Christianity by
the Rev. Wm. Kiss; Bvo. pp. 283. D. Appletnn
& Go.: New York.
The field from which the learned author has
culled the materials for this work has, of course,
been frequently traversed by other historians, ■
hence he attempts nothing new nor affects any
particular originality, except in the manner in
which the historical truths are presented to the
reader. His volume is confined to a history of
the Church and Christianity prior to the mid
dle ages, and is designed to afford the reader a
distinct and clear ideaof the difficulties to which
christiani y was subjected in the earliest ages
of its existence. Such a work in so condensed
a form can not but be most acceptable to the
intelligent and reflecting of all classes and de
nominations. Forsale by T. Richards & Son
“Elfreide of Guldal, a Scandinavian Legend,
and other Poems,” by Marks of Barhamviile ;
Bvo. pp. 186. D. Appleton & Co.: New York.
This neat little volume of poems, the pro
duction of a new wooer of the muses, is usher
ed before the public without even a preface to
coinmend it or apologise for its imperfections,
and we think, from the cursory glance we have
given its pages, it is not entirely free from
them. The style of the author, without ap.
proaching the grand and sublime, is graceful
and easy, with an agreeable versification, that
will rather please than captivate or enchain.
The work may be had of T. Richards & Son
“Soyer’s Modern Housewife;” Bvo. pp. 360.
D. Anokteft j: - Go.;- Nev York.
—--- ' imiiidNliiA.
. .■ ’ ■ 4 ? o a ,
artipte <h> —-Thg voh»qi£_snnt«iH n
one thousand recipes for the economical and
judicious preparation of every meal of the day.
It is for sale by J. A. Carrie & Co.
“Dictionary of Mechanics, Engine Work
and Engineering Oliver Byne Editor. D.
Appleton & Go.: New York.
We have received, through Messrs. Rich
ards & Son, from the Publishers, the first four
numbers of this work, which, to the practical
mechanic and working man, must be a very
great desideratum, containing, when complete,
nearly two thousand pages, fifteen hundred
plates and six thousand wood cuts ; forming a
complete encyclopedia of all the different
branches ot mechanics. It is designed to be a
work of great worth, being a condensation of
all that is valuable in the best works extant on
these subjects in English, German and French,
and from the style in which the numbers be
fore us are executed we doubt not it will equal
the most sanguine expectations. We earnestly
commend it to the attention of the mechanics,
and all those who feel an interest in the pro
gress of the mechanic arts. For sale by T.
Richards & Son.
Manufactory at Chattanooga.—We under
stand that a Company has been organised in Chatta
nooga with a capital of fifty thousand dollars, lor the
purpose of establishing a manufactory (or the build
ing of Engines, Hailroad Cars. &e. Tbe building is
to be 160 feet long, and two stories high.— Atlanta
Intelligencer.
This is an important movement, and we
trust will be promptly carried into effect.—
Chatianooga is an admirable location for such
an enterprise, situated as it is oh the verge of
the Coal and Iron regions of Tennessee, and
at the point of connexion of the Georgia, and
Tennessee Roads, where the greatest facilities
are offered Tor transportation cither way.
Tims located, such an enterprise, prudently
managed, cannot fail to be a good investment
for the Stockholders, and confer great benefits
upon the immediate community, in the devel
opment of the resources of that section. In
deed we know of no place in the South in
which such an establishment would probably
succeed so well as in Chattanooga, where all
the raw material is so convenient and cheap,
and where provisions and living may be ob
tained at such low rates.
We acknowledge the receipt, from the Pub
lishers, of the March number of that yabtnble
periodical, the Medical. Examiner ahii R.«-
__ ju ms an ifiili-
CORD OT Msmcd.
suaily interesting and valuable number ; con
taining four original cptnmuaications y and the
discussions of the Philadelphia Medical Socie
ty upon the causes of the greater mortality of
male children, and the influence operating to
change the relative proportion of the sexes at
birth; together with its usual variety of Biblio
graphical Notices, Editorials, &c., &c. Edited
by Francis Gurney Smith, M. D., and pub
lished monthly by Lindsay & Blackston,
Philadelphia, at Throe Dollars per annum, in
advance.
The Search for Sir John Franklin.—The
arrangements of Mr. Henry Grinnell, of the
city of New York, for a search for Sir John
Franklin, are now nearly completed, and the
vessels will at once be fitted for the expedition.
Lieut. De Haven, of Pennsylvania, is to have
command of the first vessel, and Passed Mid
shipman Griffin, of Georgia, of the second.
Mr. G. has subscribed $30,000 for the purchase
of the vessels, and his son has gone to procure
them.
Periodicals.
The “ London Quarterly” and “West
minster” Reviews, for January, and “Black
wood” for February, (re-publications by Leon
ard Scott & Co ) have been laid on our table
by J. A. Millen, Agent for Augusta. The
reputation which these standard works have
acquired in their respective spheres, renders
any detail jd notice of their contents, or special
commendation, unnecessary.
The Burning of the St. John.—The Mo
bile Tribune contains some additional incidents
relative to the melancholy fate of this steamer.
“The passengers who escaped and returned to
this city,’’’ says that journal, “relate several
distressing incidents of this dreadful catastro
phe. One lady, it is stated, leaped from the
wheel-house of the boat, but her dress was
caught by some obstruction, and she remained
suspended until the Hames released her, when
she fell into the water and was drowned. The
current in the river was running with great
rapidity, and one gentleman floated several
miles before he could effect a landing. All
along, at intervals, were men struggling in the
agonies of death to reach the shore.”
One of the passengers in a communication
remarks :
“ Four persons were saved by a skiff, after bar- ,
ing floated down to Bridgeporuon laurds
after,the shades of nigh*. had gathered ever
them, and exhausted, numbed and cramped, they
had given up all hopes of a rescue.
“ I should supp-we, from what I have heard, that
from 25 to4o p-reons have perished. A large quan
tity of California gold dust, ingots, and coin, was
lost in the trunks of the passengers, and a large
amount of money and treasure wag deposited in the
strong box, ot which latter, there are some reason -
abie hopes of recovery.
That model of an American gentleman, Col. Pres
ton, of South Carolina, will perhaps, not pardon toy
obtruding bis name before the public in recording bis
noble proffers of bis princely purse to the destitute
sufferers. The neighbors, Judge Bridges and Mr.
Pnti way, also deserve the most honorable mention for
the libera! manner in which their hospitalities were
dispensed?’
“ The St. John. ” —We learn from pas
sengers from the neighborhood of the wreck
of the St John, that the bodies of five ladies
have been recovered and buried—among them
was that of Mrs. McKain and that of Alias
Vanghan—the others were not recognized. —
The inhabitants of Wilcox county adjacent to
the disaster, had organized themselves in‘o a
committee of vigilance, consisting of a hun
dred or more, and were exploring the river
for miles below, for the purpose of recover
ing the bodies. They were to be buried at
Camden, the county seat, a few miles from
the river. It was thought that the safe, which
contained a large amount of money, would be
recovered. — Ala. Journal V3th inst.
Forrest, the tragedian, who it will be re
collected, some months since repudiated his
wife, a daughter of the celebrated vocalist,
Sinclair, whom he married in 1837, is endea
voring to obtain a divorce from the Legislature
of Pennsylvania. He states in his memorial
that there is no living issue of said marriage;
that he has fulfilled the duties of said marriage
contract in all things; but that the conduct-of
his wife has so far violated that contract, as to
constrain him to appeal to the Legislature for a
divorce. That he makes hU appeal averring
entire incompatibility of temper and feelings,
and the niter impossibility of happiness to ei
ther party in the continuance of the matrim -
nial connection; and that h?s wife has commit
ted criminal acts inconsistent with the dignity
and purity of the marriage state. &c.
Money continues abundant at Philadelphia.
Loans on callage 54 a 6 P er Firstclass
paper 6 a 7 per cent.
At Boston the Money market remains with
out change. Good busme-s notes go at 9to 12
per cent." The stock market was inactive and
heavy.
Mr. Toomb'g Letter. -
The following letter of Mr. Toombs to
Gov. Towns, acknowledging the receipt of *
the resolutions adopted by the Legislature
will attract attention, while his severe but just :
censure of the petty, scheming demagogues
of the Legislature, will meet a cordial response
in tho breast of every intelligent, reflecting
patriot in the land, in short, of every man whose
love of country is superior to his devotion to
party.
The truth is, it is time the people, the con
servative men of the country, should rise up
in their majesty and put down these intrigueing
demagogues, whose highest ambition is per
sonal or political aggrandizement, for which
they are ever ready to jeopard the noblest
structure of human government ever devised
by the wisdom of man —and we rejoice to see
that Mr. Toombs has denounced them, in !
terms as appropriate as just:
{Copy.)
Washington, D. C,, March 11, 1850.
Sir:— I bare received, onder cover of your favor
of the 25th ult., the resolutions passed by the late ’
General /Vssembly of lha State ol Georgia.
The Bth resolution of the series declares that “it ’
“will become the immediate and imperative duty of I
“the people of this State (Georgia) to meet in con
“vention to take into consideration the mode and
“measure of redress, upon the happening of either of
“fourcontingencies :
Ist. The passage of the Wilmot Proviso by Con
gress.
2d. The abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia.
3d. The admission of California as a State in its
present pretended organisation.
4th. The continued refusal of the non-stavehold
ing States to deliver up fugitive slaves as provided by
the Constitution.”
The happening of either the first, second or fourth
of these contingencies would justify the proposed
measure, bat, in my opinion, the happening of the
third contingency would not warrant it. And I
deeply regret that a just cause should be endanger
ed by the assumption of such an unwise and untena
ble position. Congress has the express power to ad
mit new States. The admission of California under
that power is purely and solely a question of Con
gressional discretion, and would present neither a
just nor a sufficient cause for State interposition, or
case of the usurpation of power WM granted, nor the
abuse of a granted power. I cannot but believe that,
its insertion was not based upon a just reg.
the public welfare, bnt that it was prompted mainly
by that disposition to promote local party schemes
and objects which so eminently marked and dis
-u.aiwd .tbe action General As-
be admitted against my vote*.
lam very respeclful.y, your obedienl servant,' -
"7®. Toombs.
To His Excellency Geo. W» Towns, Governor of
Georgia.
Messrs. Calhoun and Foote.
The great interest excited by the very grave
and important discussions in Congress, has in
duced hs to devote much of our apace, for the
last few weeks, (and may, perhaps, for some
time to come) to the speeches of the distin
guished men who have participated in the de
bate—especially in the Senate, Indeed, we
should be much pleased, if our limits permitted,
to give the entire debates, as furnishing a com
plete history of this important epoch in our af
fairs; but this is impossible, and we must con
tent ourselves with the speeches of the great
minds—the giants who have met in this conflict
of mind with mind. Thus far, we have given
those of Messrs. Clay, Berrien, Calhoun and
Webster, of the Senate, and Toombs, o*f the
House; and shall, follow with such others as
we may deem worthy.
As a part, however, of this history, and no
unimportant part either, passages at arms be
tween Senators sometimes occur, of absorbing
interest and deeply exciting; with which the
reader will be highly entertained, amused and
instructed. Os this character is the encounter
between Messrs. Calhoun and Foote, the day
after the speech of Mr. C , in which the Mis
sissippian dissented from the views of the Car
olinian—a sketch of which will be found in our
columns, this morning. Such as this, too, we
shall endeavor to give as often as our limits
will permit, as we desire to keep the readers of
the Chronicle and Sentinel properly and thor
oughly advised of the action of Congress in
this eventful period. In the meantime, we
must ask the indulgence of our miscellaneous
readers, and trust they will find sufficient apol
ogy for our course, and be amply compensated
for the absence* of the usual quantity of mis
cellaneous reading, in the deeply interesting
and grave matter which now engages the first
intellects in ihe land.
“ The open truth is that we must fall back upon
some such proposition as that ol President Taylor or
Mr. Webster, and to (his the people of all sections
are coming. There has been enough time lost in
talk, more than enough of angry feeling excited, of*
pertinacious stickling for sectional rights, of defiance
and threats, qf contending lor ibis platform and lor
settled. Let the people’s representatives come togec..
ther for earnest action ; let them throw overboard
every minor thing about which there can be disputa
tion ; and let them try, not how they cun exclude
each other from the central point of union, but how
closely they can approach to that circle and how
easily plant their feet with n it. The thing will not
be difficult when this disposition is ripe, and it is time
that the effort was made. That it will be made and
be supcessful we cannot permit ourselves to doubt, for
we have abiding faith in the sober second thought of
the people.”— N. Y. Com. Adv.
The above paragraph, which we clip from
an editorial of the N. Y. Commercial, a paper
which has, for months, been very gradually
sliding into the embraces of fanaticism, is a
striking evidence of the great power and influ
ence the late speech of Mr. Webster is likely
to exercise upon the conservative men of the
North; and affords the ground for high hope
that when the “ sober second thought” of the
people is heard at Washington, as it soon will
be, the tone of ullraism will be silenced in the
halls of Congress, and a just and national ad
justment of the question be acquiesced in.—
That such will be the result, sooner or later,
we have never permitted ourselves to entertaint
a doubt, at any period of this eventful contest,
and the evidences of public sentiment at the
North, in regard to Mr Webster’s speech, as
evinced through the press of both parties, con
firm our convictions.
The great mass of the people of this coun
try are patriots, men devoted to the constitu
tion and our institutions; and they will no
long permit themselves to be led astray by
demagogues, designing politicians, fanatics or
ultraists.
For the Chronicle Sentinel.
Oglethorpe University.
Dear Sir Permit me, through your columns, to
call the atteniion of the friends of Education general
ly, to the peculiar advantages offered under the pres
ent plan for the endowment of Oglethorpe Universi
ty. This Institution, as your readers are aware, is
located at Midway, about three miles from the Capi
tal of our State. Its situation is healthy and plea
sant, its buildings commodious, its various chairs of
instruction ably filled, and, in all respects, it is an
Institution deserving of tbe patronage of the public.
About a year ago it was proposed by tbe friend® of
the College, to attempt to place it upon a f ermanent
foundation, by raising the sum of sixty thousand
dollars, on the “Scholarship plan.” This sixty
thousand dollars was to be applied to the payment of
the debt of the Institution, amounting to about twen
ty thousand dollars, and to the endowment of two
The ®cbotar«hips wrra of five and one hundred dol
lars each, and tbe plan reads thus :
“ The sum of one hundred dollars, when paid to
die authorized Agent of the Board of Trustees, shall
entitle the subscriber to the tuition, of ail his sons in
tbe Oglethorpe University; or in lieu thereof, the
sons of any family he may designate.
A subscription of five hundred dollars, when paid,
shall entitle tbe subscriber, or any Association of
subscribers, to a perpetual scholarship, to which he
or they may appoint the incumbent, and which schol
arship may be devised by will, as any other property
is devised.”
The great advantage in this plan is, that it puts a
collegiate education within tbe reach of persons of
rno<(urate means. The ordinary rates of tuition in
Colleges are from forty to fifty dollars per annum,
so that it would cost, on the usual plan, two hundred
dollar® for every son who graduated. Under this
plan, the payment of one hundred dollars secures the
tuition of a whole family, while a scholarship of five
hundred dollars is perpetual, and can be sold or de
scend from generation to generation to the end of
lime.
This plan has met with general approbation, and
the sum proposed to be raided has already advanced
to witbin five thousand dollars oftbe required amount.
A gentleman residing in the city of New York, has
promised to make a donation of one thousand dollars
provided the whole amount is raised by the 15th of
Aprii.
In Savannah upward® of SI 0,000 has been secured.
Iu Augusti we have about $4,000. One of our most
prominent citizens has taken a SSOO scholarship, and
thirty-three have subscribed 8100 each. The Trus
tees would be glad to have other citizens of Augusta
avail themselves of the opportunity to participate in
tbe advantages offered, and in so doing to contribute
to the educational advancement of our State. Any
further information on this subject may be obtained,
and the opportunity of subscribing offered, by appli
cation io K. P. Rogebs,
One of the Board of Trustees of Oglethorpe Uni
versity.
Cotton Deliveries.—The Liverpool Times,
of the 22d February, contains the following
comparative statement of the deliveries of
Cotton from that port, for the years 1849 and
1850:
Deliveries. Per Week. Speculation.
1P49-• •-270 994 33,868 136,440 23 900
Jito.-.137016 23 377 146.400 7,630
We learn by the steamer Philadelphia from
die Isthmus that the route for the Railroad
across the Isthmus having been surveyed and
the trees cut down for the greater part of the
way. ground will soon be broken and the work
pushed with ail practicable speed towards
completion.
On the 6th inst., snow to the depth of three
feet lay npon the ground in the western part
of the State of New York.
News of tl)c Week.
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC
F rom the N. Y. Journal of Commerce 1 ItA «n*t
Arrival of the Canada.
The Canada reached this port at noon to
day , with 65 passengers from Liverpool, and
6 Irnrn Halifax.
London. Feb. 22.—Conants close 95J to
•M '" r Money, and 95| to 95| for the account.
Un the corning of the 6tn January the ship
Uartinnitth »j a , b urnt in }j om t, ay harbor, it is
bettered by incendiaries.
In the House es Commons, Mr. D'lsraeli's
motion relative to adoption o f measures
for mmgattng a?™u^ lral di9tre , B „ [ld pro .
vtdmg relief for the poorefthe United King
dom, was defeated only by a Ministerial ma
jority of2l. In the course of the debate, Sir
Robert Peel pronounced a deliberate opinion
tagamrt Mr. D Israeli', economical arrange
■ menu, tn all their modiftentionsand varieties
In the House of Commons, Feb J4th Lord
John Russell related the origin and details of
the distress which called for the advances of the
unisons in Ireland. Famine had n ow ceased.
; and by emigration or death the Country had
. become, in a great measure, cleared. Ac
counts from the coast, and from almost all tho
countie. of Ireland, spoke well for the revival
of a spirit of industry and enterprise. In the
four months ending Januaiy 5, ' 1850; there
had been a decrease in Ute expenditure upon
Irish pauperism, amounting to £IBB,OO0 —
The number of out-door paupers receiving
relief had declined between January last year,
and the month just past, from 557,284 to 118,
940. These were among the tokens of brighten
ing prospects.
The French Republic.— The Monitettr con
tradicts, in the most positive manner, the va
rious reports relative to a change ol ministry,
and which, it adds, has not the slightest foun
dation.
The Naticnal Assembly, on Monday, re
sumed the discussion of the law of Public In
struetion, and the ministers obtained a victory
over the united forces of the partipritTe, and
the Orleanists, commanded by MM. Thiers
and Monlalembert. M.Thier. wished to give
the power of appointing inspectors of schools
virtually to the Council of Education. The
minister claimed the right ofpbsolnle appoint
ment for the executive, apd carried his point
by a majority ol 300 against 2G6. On this oc
o >aion the whole of the' left supported the .
ministry It won'd appear that the split be
tween the Legitimists and the ministers is
complete. The piirtipretre were Ins inastnn- '
ishment and fury at their defeat on the clause
lion Bill.
-Irrnnd by ttlH ..
total Io»se8 during the year 1'849; ;
A letter from Bredhes, in the ujn’er Py- ‘
renees. of the 10th inst, stales thtit ifie'neigfi
boring lands have been laid waste by a water '
spout.
Letter# from Oran of the 10th inst., state that d
an expedition under Gen. Macmahoit against
the insurgrem tribe of the Abedias, has had
complete success . The insurgents were se- ;
verely chastised ; 5000 sheep were taken.
Sioitzerland.— According to the Berne
zette there are still in Switzerland about 1,800
political refugees, two-third# of whom live
either by their work or the relief sent io them
by the German committees. Between 400 and
(>OO are maintained at the expense of the con
federation The greatest number reside at
Berne and Zurich.
Italy.— A private letter from Portici an<|
nounces that it was the intention of the Pope !
to set out on his return to Rome on the 13th a
uh. Circumstances have, however, it is be-i
lieved subsequently occurred, which have
duced his holiness again to d«f-r his journey.,
A letter from Naples of the 9th inst, gives .
an account of an eruption of Mount Vesuvius,
which has just occurred. According to this ac
count, it was one of the most magnificent ever ;
seen.
A banditti ol 150 men have plundered the
town of Brisigbella, containing 3,000 inbubi
lants.
A letter from Frankfort of the 13th instant,
says:
“All Germany resembles a camp. The Na
tional Assembly of Frankfort had decreed that
the government should carry the armed Ger
manic force up to 900,000 men. The princes
who had refused to obey the resolutions of the
Assembly, have executed this with great zeal.
The consequence is, that it is not Austria alone
which has imposing forces under arms, but all
other countries of Germany, especially Prussia
and Bavaria, have the same.” \
There are now in all Germany, including
Austria, I,4l6temperance societies, and no less
than 1,026 761 members.
The Prussian press-law, as revised by the
parliamentary committees, Contains a provisior
compelling the newspaper proprietors to give
bail to the amount of from 500 to 4.000 dol
lars, and a clause empowering judicial an th or i
ties to stop the circulation of foreign newapa
pers.
Notwithstanding the severe menaces df tria
by drumhead court martial pointed against thi
concealers of Kossuth notes, of the nbreCj
millions issued, only fifty-live and a half rtril
Imus have as yet been given up. .
A letter from Vienna, of the 1-1 th inst., state
that Stephen Georgy, the brother oi the traito
Arthur Georgy, has been forced to enter th’
Au.-trian army as a private sold Ur. Xv
The Czas (Tunes,) Uthcow
limits of Gatlic|a M any lives h
been lost, and all Tiie shalis are fiermeticall
closed, in order to extinguish the fire below.-
These mines are of immense importance, in
pecuniary viewS to the Austrians.
Russia and Turkey— A loFer from Buchar
est ol the 4th inst., announces that the Russiai
troops in the Dautibian provinces have receh
ed orders from Si. Petersburgh to evacuat
those principalities <- t the 20th of the presen
month, with the exception of a garrison of 10
000 men, with 30 pieces of cannon-
The Constantinople journals of ihe 2d it
slant, state that the greatest tranquility con tin
lies to reign throughout the Ottoman empire.
From the Baltimore American.
Later from California.
The U.S. mail steamer Georgia arrived a
New York at 12 o’clock on Friday nigh
bringing 2 weeks later advices from Cafiforni
than those previously in our possession by wa
of New Orleans
The Georgia left Chagres on ihe 27th
February, at 4£ P. M., and anchored at Hav
ana in three days and fourteen hours, Sh
was detained there 36 hours, coaling, and oi
the evening of the 4th instant; doubled Cap
Hatteras, nearly eleven hundred miles distant
in sixty hours, the shortest run, «e presume
on record, and arrived at Sandy Hook at 7 o
clock on Friday night,
The Georgia brings ihe mails of the Califm
ilia and Panama steamers of the 15th of Janna
ry and Ist of February. She had about tiirei
hundred passengers on boaid when she le|
Chagres. fifty of whom were landed at Havam
to proceed to New Orleans by the Falcon
No gold direct is entered on the manifest o
the Georgia, but $693 595 were brought to th<
Isthmus by the Panama, and a considerabh
portion of it is probably in the bands of tht
passengers by the Georgia.
The passengers brought, in addition to the
above amounts, some $350 000 in dust, not ip
the manifest. The steamer California, which
sailed 15ih of January, brought some SSOO,
000, which is on board the above ves-el. The
reason for the small amount shipped is, ihera
not having been any intercourse with the mines
for several weeks, in consequence of the great
height of rivers.
The Empire City 22 hours before the
Georgia. The CAero&ee was to sad the same
day, and the Philadelphia remained at the an
chorage at Chagres.
Among the passengers by the Georgia, sira
Col. Fremont and family, Major Vinton, U. 8-
A., and Mr. Devoe, one of the editors of the
Pacific News.
In regard to the overflowing of
city, we learn from the Pacific Ne'ws, that the
rains of March were accompanied by a strung
wind from the South, which melted the stir**
on the mountains, and increased the trim - ary
streams into wild and foaming
on she &b,
during the following night attained the hergh;
of forty feet above low water m«rit, heapM
down tents, rockers and other mining in»f de
meets. Out of a patty of nine Chinese minefa
lour were drowned. Sacramento City wa
entirely ’mandated, and there was a sinootl
sheet of water from Sauer's Fort to the city
In the city, the waler was over the Boor o
every bouse, with one or two exceptions, am
in most of them up to the second story. Wo
men and children were removed from th
houses in various ways In one instance
mahogany table was overturned and severs
women and children placed inside, and thu
kept alive until assistance could be obtained U
bring them off. The city was kept under wa
ter for nearly three weeks, with the exceptior
of a small portion of I, J, K, and L streets. A
least one-fourth of the tents and dwellings wer<
carried away, or rendered uninhabitable. Th«
loss of properly is estimated at several millions
Il is staled that the site of the be se
cured against inundation without any grea
cost by levees, and $209,000 have already beer,
subscribed for that purpose. ...
The intelligence from the placers is divester
of interest, as it respects the mining opera
tions at them, which are inturrupted either bj
the swollen condition of or by tbe
snow. Fair weather enabled snppltes to read
the mines, so that provisions are abundant, and
to be purchased at moderate prices. Flour by
the quantity is selling at2s cents per lb Pork
froth 37 to 62 Potatoes readily command
$l5O per pound. Nor other vegetatbles are
te be obtained. On the Middle and North
Forks of tbe American, the miners carnps are
abundantly supplied with venison
At the Georgetown diggmg’t a settlement ol
one thousand soul*, the placer is said to he
nearly exhausted.
At'Hangtown, near the South rork, where,
about 5000 people are quartered, although the
snow has interrupted mining operations the
belief is prevalent that the approaching sum
met will find ihe washings of unabated value.
This is an opinion which is very general res
pecting the entire country watered by the
American river. *
We learn from the Panama Star that Mr.
John L Stevens, Vice President of the Pana
ma Railroad, sailed from Panama on>» 27th
February for Bogota for the pir&rdsc of urg
ing Congress to furuish merits'assist in con
structing the Panama RmlwSm.
Gen. Conde, chief of .Mexican Commis
sion. and suite, arnvy/at San Diego, from the
mouth of the Gtlayrrer. on the 17lh Jan. Col.
Weller has Major Emory. United
States Topographical Engineer., that he has no
further use for the military escort under his
command. The letter states that gold has
been found in San Diego, and that the com
munity are in a great state of excitement about