Newspaper Page Text
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VFfLLIAM S. JONES.
tag,
THE WEEKLY
CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL
Ir Published every Wednesday,
AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM
IN ADVANCE.
TO CLUBS or INDIVIDUALS sending us Ten
Dollar , SIX copies of the Paper will be sent forone
year, thus furnishing the Paper at the rate of
► SIX COPIES FOR TEN DOLLARS,
bk or a free copy te ail who may procure us five sub
scribers, and forward us the money.
< he chronicle and sentinel
DAILY AMD TRI-WEEKLY,
* Are also published at this office, and mailed to aub
scribers at the following rates, viz.:
Daily Papkm, if sent by mail* • • • $7 per annum.
Tbi-Wbublt Papbb* .......... 4 u “
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.
, Im Wbbkly.—Seventy-five cents per square (12
lines or less) for the first insertion, and Fifty cents
or each subsequent insertion.
Orn (©cotte,
E ~ ~
NEW GOODS.
W M - H- CRANE would respectfully invite I
▼ ▼ the attention of the Public to Ma large and
| well selected Stock of
.SPRING AND SUMMER DRY GOODS,
pJtHienlariy, w vary forge
them are—
Rich ('rape SILKS, new styles ;
I Plain Chameiion SILKS ;
Small plaid Do ;
Colored ALBORINES and HERNAN! J
Plain and Printed BAREGES ;
Plain French LINENS, new article;
* Plain Linen CHAMBREYS;
Polka Soot JACONETTS;
Colored MUSLINS and LAWNS ;
Rich Embroidered Muslin SACKS;
Do. do. do. SCARPS;
Do. do. do. SHAWLS;
Grenadine and Hernani SCARPS;
I Black and white HernaniSHAWLS;
Heavy Embroidered Crape Do.;
Muses colored and white Kid GLOVES;
Lace and Silk CAPES;
Linen Drillings and COTTONADES;
Saxony CLOTH, for Pants;
j Merrimack PRINTS;
12-4 Hamilton SHEETINGS, bro. and bleached •
New York Mill SHIRTINGS;
Brown and bleached Do., all prices;
HOSIERY, all kinds;
And a full stock of all kinds of DRY GOODS,
r . which he will sell on as low terms as any other
House in the sity. He only asks the people to give
him a call, as be is satisfied both Goods and prices
cannot fail to please. mh2o
NEW GOODS, NE W GOODS
MIHE SUBSCRIBERS are now opening a
JL large Stock of
SPRING AND SUMMER DRY GOODS,
of the newest and most fashionable styles, among
which are—
Aiborines, Hernani and Polka MUSLINS;
Plain and Printed BAREGES and TISSUES ;
R ch colored and black figured SILKS;
Plain Chameiion Do.;
French Primed LAWNS and .MUSLINS ;
ijarge Plain and Embroidered Crape SHAWLS;
White and black Twisted Silk Da;
Richardson’s pure Irish LINEN ;
Rich Table Darnask and Snow-drop DIAPER ;
Rich Damask and Snow-drop TABLE-CLOTHS
and NAPKINS;
12 4 Barnsley’s heavy Linen SHEETINGS;
9 Sand 5-4 Pillow-Case LINENS;
’ French, English and American PRINTS;
Plain Chain brey and Plaid GINGHAMS;
. English HOSIERY, extra sizes.
—ALSO —
Angola White FLANNELS, a new article for
( Summer wear (which washes well and eoats very
lit'Je.) A good Stock of LINENS and COTTON
ADES, for mens’ and boys’ wear, together with a
great variety of other Goods.
They respectfully invite the attention of their
friends and p reons visiting the City, to their large
Stock of GOODS, as they will sell very cheap, not
withstanding the advance in the price of Cotton.
JAMES MILLER & CO.
mhl6-d2w&w4 Corner opposite Mansion House.
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DRY
GOODS.
Nn- 290, Broad Street, Augusta.
GRAY BROTHERS
VIITOULD respectfully invite the attention of the
v v Public to their largo and well assorted stock t
SPRING DRY GOODS,
which are now opeaing, and will continue to receive
weekly, in iheir New Stare, the newest and most I i
fashionable styles, adapted to the present and ap* I i
1 preaching seasons.
As an experienced purchaser will remain in the
m order at! the facilities
of getting goods cheap Ly •UMnjdg to the Auctions,
buying for Cash, tnrocktng off aOiMouaw
iecting the latest styles as they arrive from Foreign
markets. We have now In etdek—
' Rich, plain, colored and shaded SILKS;
Plain, pink, blue and black BAREGES and TIS
SUES;
Superior extra Crape SH A WLS;
Snow-drop Damask NAPKINS;
Superior double DAMASKS;
■ Extra rich Marseilles QUILTS •
Irish LINENS, of every description;
GINGHAMa and CALICOES;
Emboa’d Piano and Table COVERS;
Linen Cambric HANDKERCHIEFS;
Bleached and brown SHEETINGS and SHIRT
INGS;
Factory HOMESPUNS;
BROAD CLOTHS and CASSUMESES;
In fact, embracing every article in the Dry Goods'
line, which will bo Lund one of the largest assortments
in thk Oity, and now offer for Cash, at prices which
. they are confident wilt not fail to insure purchasers.
The Goods will be marked in plain figures, from
' which no abatement can be made, as our object is to
sell goods cheap for cash, and have only one price
asked. fe2l
CHEAP CASHMERES AND
M ER I NOES.
SNOWDEN & SHEAR
ARK now offering, at a very great reduction,
their Winter Stock of Rich Figured CASH
MERES, Mous. DE LAINES, Plain MERINOS,
and Colored ALPACAS, to which they respectfully'
invite the attention of the public.
They have also just received from New York a
supply of CRAPE dk PARIS, a new and beautiful
article for Ladies' Evening Dresses, to which they
respectfully invite the attention of the Ladies.
jal-dtwJr w
NEW SPRING GOODS.
Tl< RE NN AN Ac CO., are now receiving ‘
• their Stock of
SPRING AND SUMMER DRY GOODS,
Amongst which are—
Rich colored Silka, plain aod figured ;
Black Groa D’Rhine and Poult D’Soie ;
Bareges, Tissues, Alboiinew, &e.;
• Printed and Embroidered Jaconet, Swiss, fluid
Organdie Muslins and Lawns;
Linen Lustres and Chimbrcya;
Plain and Embroidered Crape Shawls ;
A large supply of Calicoes and Ginghams;
Jaconet, Swiss, Mull ami Nansook .Muslins;
Irish Linen and Linen Sheeting;
Table Damasks, Napkins and Doy las ;
Linen Cambric, and fine Linen Lawns;
Plain, Hemstitched and Corded bonier L, C.
Jxme Capes, Needle-worked Collars, C affc, Ac.;
Kid, Lisle, Silk and Thread Gloves an<l Pic Nic
Mitts;
Bonnet. Cap and Neck Ribbon* ;
Linen Thread, Lisle and cotton Lace ;
Silk Moravian and Cotton Hosiery ;
FL In und figured Bobbi nett, black a .nd while ;
Bleached and unbleached Sheetings and Shirtings;
Long Cloths, and a full snpoly of Domestic Goods.
' Also, Drab D’Etes, Casnraeres, C tabmereUs, Lin
en Drills, Uotmnadee and other style *, for Gents’ and
which we wid sell at a small advance on the co«,
and to which we respect fully invite the attention of
the Public.
T. BRENNAN A CO..
Next th**r to Hand A Willinina’s G rucery Store.
mb23
NEW SPRINO GOO’?S
ALEXANDER ft WRICIHT,
HA VM JVBT HECKIVEO ilwir 9t«k of
N«» aod SunoaMe h«Y GCiOHS, rmbra
oa, a ftnai .ariHy of rich a.d WookM. Drew
Gouda ot lhe Uirsi Myte..
Ftaio. twured aod Breeb. BAREG ES •
ALBOMNF.S and TISSUES.
Black GRENADINE and M ARQUISSE
l.npin’a aupcrioc biack BAREGE S.
SmaU Checked SU ES;
Brache, Poika and Preach Jac ar MUSLINS •
French CHAMHRRYS;
GINGHAMS aod Wf &at colon, in (real
„n«yt •
rior u , i'^no'?. E '' iSi 'fABLE CLOTHS,
and Damask DU PERS;
Dainaca DOYLAS and NAP KINS
SX'KSSffii
qualities *
U-f"-Cambric HANDKER-
■ a^* 5 ElHil NGS and JNSERT-
Ic'ri.a bana Jtal anor.meni ;
Thread LACES and Sjtnr® d ROBINETS;
MnH a '« l 11 MUSUN’S;
Sdk Warp FLANNEL; H rown I I SENS;
Fiatd, Lottaaand Linen « 'AUNGS;
F fen ' h ,0 " PR,LLSi
,***«’•»•» b*»w»SP.F.ETiNGS and SHIRT
INGS of »n width, and ooaliuee; aod a romtdere
*ad GOODS m ,h« r 1,.., .trick they
norr at th. lowest pricee, end reapeeifbllv invite the
adanuoarf th. mh2l
NEW SUPPLIES OF
% KA’COMICAL FLATS*, ia a*a <d 16
ra atchEjtatf lhe an. ts. hfe-ptam aad oolored
t '2**"* Fr«' n 'A of Bottrjeay and Jacnh - with .n
ehfiaaator, Im-.,
j, Skektoa, Snrfic.l lartrutneau, ChloreMrm, Col
fedien. *c. Atm. Kistcy'a Medieal Saddle B«rs •
new aad «pr<r>ed pattern, m*je to order; :.<»iher
wwh a tar<e .apply «f Droea, Medicinea, Cheat-cate,
dk., reoc-r>a( by mrr «ea«er, aad far ade by
HAVILAND. RISLEY ft CO.
WO Wn.aca.tr OraCTMta
Morton xontaove, u a youn< cbr»,
tiaa'a Chetee, a namiiv. fcanded on facta ia
lhe early hiatary of a Jeoeaa«t Maravian Miaeionary
Clerxi caaa—by C. B Monitae*'. dost paWfabed
aad <m ante by GEO. A. OATES & CO.,
ath2o Hromi-drew.
WEEKLY CHBONICLE jjESMEL
Court Calendar for 1850*
Our readers will find below our Court Cal-
1 end ar, carefully revised and with the alterations
in the courts, both Superior and Inferior, made
[ at the recent session of the legislature. — Re
corder.
Superior Courts.
1 JANUARY. JULY.
2d Monday, Chatham Ist Monday, Bibb
Richmond 3d Monday, Floyd
3d Monday, Bibb
Floyd AUGUST.
FEBRUARY. Ist Monday, Crawford j
Ist Monday, Crawford Cass
Cass 2d Monday, Clark
2d Monday, Clark 3d Monday, Cherokee
3d Monday, Cherokee Pike
Pike Welton
Walton 4th Monday, Baldwin
4lh Monday, Forsyth Forsyth
Baldwin Jack-on
Jackson Meriwether
Meriwether | Monday after,Lumpkin
Monday after, Lumpkin
MARCH. 1 SEPTEMBER.
Ist Monday, Coweta Ist Monday, Coweta
Laurens Ijaurens
Marion Marion
Monroe
Morgan Morgan
Taliaferro Taliaferro
2d Monday, Fayette 2d Monday, Fayette
Greene Greene
Gwinnett Gwinnett
Harris Harris
Madisen Madkon
Union Union
3d Monday, Butta 3d Monday, Hutts
DeKalb DeKalb
Elbert Elbert
Giltner Giltner
Hall Hall
Putnam Putnam
Talbot ! ' Talbot
Columbia Columbia
3«l Thursday,Bulloch 4th Monday, Newton
Monday after,Effingham Washingt’n
4th Monday, Newton Wilkes
Washingt’n Murray
Wilkes Franklin
Murray Macon
Macon OCTOBER.
Franklin Ist Monday, Warren
APRIL. Wilkinson
Ist Monday, Camden Cobb
Warren Thurs’y after,Rabun
Wilkinson 2d .Monday, Habersham
Cobb Hancock
Thurs’y after, Rabun Henry
Friday after, Wayne Randolph
2d Monday, Glynn Twiggs
Habersham Walker ,
Hancock Montgom’y
Henry Thurs’y after,Tatnall
Montgom’y 3d Monday, Emanuel
Randolph I Upson
Twiggs | Jones |
Walker | Oglethorpe i
Thurs’y after, Mclntosh | Campbell i
Tatnall Dade (
3d Monday, Upson Pulaski j
Jones 4th Monday, Early t
Liberty Houston |
Oglethorpe Jasper
Pulaski Lincoln
Dade Seri ven
Campbell Stewart '
Emanuel Carroll £
Thurs’y after, Bryan Chattooga ’
4th Monday, Early Telfair <
Houston Thurs’y after,lrwin $
Jasper Thurs’y before (
Lincoln last Monday,Bulloch (
Seri ven Monday alter, Effingham ,
Stewart
Chattooga NOVEMBER.
Carroll Ist Monday, Heard
Telfair Paulding 1
Thurs*y after, Irwin 2d Monday, Dooly 1
MAY. Jefferson I
Ist Monday, Paulding Muscogee
Heard Gordon s
2d Monday, Chatham 3d Monday, Burke t
Dooly Camden ,
Muscogee Sumter (
Gordon Troup
3d Monday, Burke Friday after, Wayne '
Sumter 4th Monday, Glynn
Troup
4th Monday, Thomas 1
Thomas Thurs’y after, Mclntosh '
Monday after, Lowndes Monday after, Lowndes I
Monday after Lowndes, Liberty <
Clinch. Thurs’y after,Bryan J
Thurs’y after Clinch, Monday after Ixjwndea, j
Ware. Clinch. r
Monday after Ware, Thurs’y after Clinch, j
Appling. Waie. .
JUNE. Monday after Ware*
Ist Monday, Jefferson Appling.
Decatur DECEMBER.
2d Monday, Richmond Ist Monday, Decatur '
Baker 2d Monday, Baker
- - - t
Inferior Courts. a
8
XABTKRN CIRCUIT. c
Wayne Last Monday in December and May. a
Camden* Ist “ in January and June. u
Glynn 2d “in “ “ f
Mclntosh •• • 3d “ in “ u
Bryan 4th “ in “ “ t
Liberty 2d “ in *♦ “
Bulloch«. » • Ist “ in February and July. r
MIDDLK CIRCUIT. (
Columbia •• • Ist Monday in February and July. |
Washington • 4th “ in January and July*
Montgomery, Ist *• in February and August. <
Tattnall■ •••» 2d “ in “ “
Emanuel. •« a Ist “ in January and July. ■
Fcriven .... 2d “ in “ “
Burke....» Ist “ in “ “
Jefferson.. • 3d “in “ “
Richmond, Thursd’y after Ist Monday in Mar. & Sep. J
MORTHKRN CIRCUIT.
Madison . •.. 2d Monday in January and July.
Elbert 3d “ in “
Oglethorpe.. 4th “ in “ and June.
Line. In- ... Ist “ in February and July. 1
Hancock ••• Ist , *• in “ and August.
Warren 2d *• in “ “ 1
Wilkes* •• • Ist •* in May and November.
Taliaferro. •• Ist “ in June and Dsoember. t
WKBTKRN CIRCUIT.
Franklin. ••• 4th Monday in January and July.
Rabun Ist “ in July and January.
Gwinnett.. •2d •* in June and December. '
Jackson 2d •• i« January and July. <
Clark 4tli “ in April and October. «
Habersham.. 2d “ in July and January. |
Hall 4th •' in “ “ I
Wa1t0n..... 3d •• in May and November. <
OCMULGKK CIRCUIT.
Wilkinson-* • 2d Monday in July and January.
Jones 4th “ in “ “
j asr er...... 4th “ in »
Baldwin...* 2d “ in May and November.
Greene-• 2d “ in June and December.
Morgan Ist ‘ in “
Putnam 3d “ in “
BOUTHKRN CIRCUIT.
Twiggs 4th Monday in January and July.
Lowndes-... Ist “ in February and August,
i Thomas*...» Ist “ in January and July.
Telfair* 4th “ in “ “
Irwin 4th “ in January, Ist in July.
Laurens •... Ist “ in June and December.
* Pulaski..... 4h “ in Jan. & Ist Mon. July.
Appling 3d 11 in June and December.
’ Ware 4tli “ in April and October,
i Clinch-*.... 2d •• in u “
FLIMT CIRCUIT.
Bibb- ...... 3d Monday in March and September.
Houston-... 4th “ in January and July.
Butu 2d “ in “ “
Crawford... 3d “ in May aod November.
Upton-/.. •• 3d “ in January and July.
Pike-. Ist “ in June and December.
Monroe .... 2d “ in “ “
Newton*.... 4th “ iu ** M
Henry 4th “ in January and July.
CHKROKKK CIRCUIT.
Paulding-... 3d Monday in February and August.
Cass 4th “ in May and November.
Cherokee.. .Ist “ in June and Deeetnber.
Forsyth 4th “ in May and November.
Lumpkin--.* 3d '• in June and December.
Union 4th “ in “ “
Chattooga... Im *’ in August and February.
Gilmer-....• •2d “ in January, lat in July.
Murray 3d “ in January and July.
Walker 3d “ in “ 1
n«l'd 2d “Y in March and September.
Dade Ist “ in June and December.
Gordon 3d f iu January and July.
■■
■ ■ » i -W ■
Fayette.3d Mot-.lay in January and Jane.
Carroll 3d “ in •> and Joly.
Meriwether-• 4th “ in April and October.
Troup Ist “ in February and Aujuat.
Coweta 4th " iu June and December.
DeKalb 4th “ in « «
Campbell.. . 2d » in •• “
Cobb 3d “ in « ••
Heard...... 4ih " in May and November.
SOUTHWUTIM CIMCUIT
Randolph-. • 2d Monday in January and July.
4th “ in February and August. I
Early ...... 2d “ in January and July.
Decatur Ist <( in April and October
Dooly M in June and December, j
Macon 1* ” ■■ February and AunuM.
Sumter 3d “ in “
Baker, Tueoday after Ist Monday in Mar. and Sept.
CHATTOHOOCHSI CIRCUIT.
Stewart Ist Monday in February and July.
Marion od “ in May and November.
Muwxwee.. • 2d “ in February and August.
Talbot-•• 3d “ in June aod December.
Harris-..... 4th “ in January and July.
ACCORDKONS AND FLUTINAS.--Tbe
subecribers have lately received an assortment
of the fineet ACCORDBONS and FLUTINAS ever
brought 11 this sity, beautifully inlaid, and made by
lhe best French manufacturers. They will be sold
at reasonable prieee at
GEO. A. OATES A CO.’S
Piano. Book and Musie Depot, Broad-et., opposite
tbs State Bank.
JUTDD’S MEDICATED LIQUID CU
TICLF..
ANEW and valuable preparation for dreestng
every kind of wvuods —Burns, Scalds, Cuts,
Bruises, Ac ; ud far dressing sere Nipples it is un
equalled. It aUsya pain and farms a firm smooth
esmtiug similar to the natural akin, which may be
freely washed with water and soap without injury to
the wound or dressing. I. » highly recommended
by the Fneuiiy, who have need loan'd it only needs
to be used to have it recommend itself. The genuine
i uM M Awgwsu by
I HAVILAND, RISLEY A CO
ttlcM Whoieeale Druggists,
aSaMPHENK WICKS.—Ad wans of Gam
, V> pl»»e WICKS may be bad of the Subscriber—
r a large fat jast received. Also, Freeh CAMPHENE,
at ?5 rm. per ration. For sale bv
' ' PHILIP o. MOISE, Drugcist,
anhSS MetralTs Range. Broad st.
POB INVALIDS— Taprocn. Sago, Robert
eon's Barley. Bermuda Arrow Root and Groats,
' just received and far sale by
; mb23 PHILIP A. MOISE, Draggfac.
I I < fCALLISTBaa A I-bealmg Oiatmemt, jus
I IT JI r«MHV«d «ad for sale by
PHILIP A. MOISE.
MISCELLANEOuTIn'E
RATU RE.
From Hunt's Merchants 1 Magazine.
Money—lts Nature*
It is sometimes questioned whether or riot
money is “merchandise.” The proper defim
! lion of merchandise is, any article possessing
intrinsic value, capable of being appropriated,
and of a portable nature. Air possesses intrin
sic value, since without it we could not l |ve ?
but it is not capable ofbeing appropriated, and
■ therefore it is not merchandise. Land posses
ses intrinsic value, and is capable of being ap
-1 propriated ; but it is not of a portable nature,
j and therefore it is not commonly considered
as merchandise. Gold and silver are, certain
ly, in all three respects, withinj the definition.
They are merchandise of special value, since,
in addition to that which they have of an intrin
sic nature, they derive artificial value, from the
circumstance of their being selected as money.
He who can obtain this merchandise, may be
sure of obtaining with it directly whatever oth
crarticles he may desire; a certainty not pos
sessed by the owner of anything else. It is ,
this universally satisfactory character of money i
which makes the chief practical difference be
tween it and other merchandise, in matters of
business.
The power of coinage is usually, though not
of necessity, retained by the government of a
country. The power of declaring what shall
be a legal tender, or, in other words, what mo
ney shall be considered in law as competent
for the discharge of debt, of course belongs to
the government, as the source of law. The
latter power is totally distinct from the former ;
for a government may coin money which is no
• ittgr.l na«se» only by. tfyl
sufferance of the community, as is the case,
for instance, in regard to our copper curren
cy.
Coined money is sometimes spoken of as the
creation of the government. It is, however, in
reality, no more created by the government
than the hops which are marked by the general
inspector, are created by that officer Coinage
ia only the certificate ofa value already existing
in the gold and silver. Whatever the certificate
is worth ia added to the value of the material,
and that is all.
The amount of money which is most conve
nient for the use of any country at a particular
time, depends on a thousand causes, which it
is difficult, if not impossible to ascertain, with
precision. The requisite sum is diminished to
an extent not commonly appreciated, by the
use of substitutes for money—for example,
those termed bills of exchange. Only general
principles can be laid down as to the amount of
money needed in any community.
What is demominated division of labor, is the
ground of the convenience of money. Hence
it is that in civilized societies more money is
needed than where things are in a ruder state ;
for in civilized societies, the division of labor
is carried to the greatest extent. Where every
man produces for himself all the articles which
he wants, little or no money will be found. On
the other hand, where each man produces but
one article, money becomes very convenient
for the purposes of sale and purchase, and lhe
amount of value vested in it, or its substitutes,
will increase in proportion, to the prosperity
of the community ; unless, as may be the case,
some improvement in the method and means
of doing business makes it possible that a less
amount should come to perform the same ser
vice.
Again, whatever promotes or restricts the
employment of the substitutes for money, such
as bills of exchange, &c. of course promotes or
restricts, other things being equal, the demand
for money.
So, too, whatever increases or lessens lhe
speed of communication between one place and
another, may lessen or increase the amount of
money requisite for the same business. For
example, were a merchant in New York to buy
goods in Canton to the amount of SIOO,OOO
per annum, and pay for them in specie, he
would need for this trade, if he could get re
turns from China twice in the year, but $50,-
000 in specie at any one time; while, in case
be has but one return per annum, he must send
out the whole sum of SIOO,OOO at once.
Should he borrow the sum of money requisite
in each case, at the rate of 6 per cent per an
num, and repay the loan at each return from
the sum he has realized during the six or
twelve months’ interval, he would pay vearly
$6 .000 interest in the latter case, and only
$3,000 in the former. The advantage in the
former case is, that the same amount ofbusiness
may be carried on with a less capital; or more
business with the same capital. The principle
applies to cases on a smaller scale. -'A nimble
sixpence ia better than a slow shilling ” Thus,
one of the important benefits which railroads
and magnetic telegraphs confer on the commu
nity is, that they diminish the captal requisite
tor a certain amount ofbusiness
It has been gravely maintained that the
total amount of money, bills of exchange, and
credit paper of every description, in any com
!oub. Ab well might it be averred that the
capacity of a wheel-barrow must be equal to
the bulk of all the goods ever conveyed tn it.
Money, like the wheel-barrow, is but a medium
of conveyance, and the same money may serve
to convey consecutively many values equal to
itself. Indeed, lhe supposition respecting lhe
wheel-barrow would be iosa ridiculous than
that to which I have referred concerning
ney; fur in the former case, the whe** >6arrow
ia compared only with the goods actually con
veyed in it, ”hile as to the b»*<er, it must be ob
served that there is a amount of value in a
country, witn money never has anything
to do. Whatever may be the sum total of mo
ney in <& country, it forms but a small propor
of the national wealth.
Money may be abundant, without any in
crease of the national wealth. There may be
more pieces ofthe same, or even a less value.
Even though there is really more value in gold
and silver in any country, it is not certain that
there must be, therefore, a proportionate in
crease of wealth. It is possible that the gold
and silver may have been procured at the ex
pense of other commodities, it is certainly
true, however, that when, by what may be term
ed the natural course of things, money in
creases rapidly in amount in any conntry, with
out depreciating in value, we are justified in
drawing favorable conclusions respecting that
country’s prosperity.
Men sometimes apeak ofa scarcity of money
when there is no real scarcity. We are apt to
think that scarce which we cannot readily ob
tain. When credit is impaired from over tra
ding, and men are reluctant to risk their money
at luan, the cry is that money is scarce, when
perhaps there may b»’ as much money in lhe
country as ever. It is at such time that special
iy high rates of interest are demanded. A real
scarcity of money is but a slight evil, compared
with this state of things. The chief effect of
actual scarcity, is to augment the value of each
particular piece, thus tending to keep the en
tire value the same. Increase or diminution
of die mere amount of money, in any country,
other things remaining the same, is precisely
analogous to the dilation or concentration of
spirits.
Say compares money to the oil distributed
among the wheels of complex machinery.
There is considerable justness iu the compari
son. Hume, however, had made it before
him. When, as is sometimes the case, this oil
is not properly distributed, there is a great
deal of creaking and disorder in the machine
ry. Such is its usual operation, however,
that probably no sensible man. now-a-days,
would wish, with Pliny the Elder, to revert
to lhe rude practice of barter, instead of pur
chase and sale. It is a profound remark of
Montesquieu, respecting the usefulness of
money iu national commerce, that by its
means •* commerce is carried on in proportion
to lhe demands of the nation which wants
mo«t, while in barter it w carried on only to
the extent of lhe demands wf the nation which
wants least, as otherwise the latter could not
liquidate the account.” The same is true. also,
of individual trade.
i- I .'.' Xjj|nirM‘OWi.inLJ6U*iiiww 'ni']|^-e«iU4llir»af r ,iWi[LiEi |1 . ■' > r'l
MoredfJeanjt Lind.— A friend, who recent.
Ij encountered Barnum on board of one of
the Norwich boat,, and who haa ahown all the
document., relating to the engagement of Jen
ny Lind, inform, ua that -lie writes English
with propriety, and her letter, gives favora
ble idea of tier womanly character. She a,k,
Mr. Bar num to -‘rare her from her friends
in other words to protect her from the many
well meaninc people, who always crowd to
make her acqaaintance, and rob her of the
time essential to practice or to repose. She
writes, that while not performing, she would
like to be located iu some quiet, secluded vil
lage, where she could have'a few poor fami
lies to visit’" aod be spared fashionable intru
sion.
Mis, Lindt, now about thirty year, of age.
She is a native of Stockholm, and the only
child of poor parents, both of whom are now
alive, proud of her fame, but prouder of her
atfectiouate filial qualities, and many estima
ble traits of character. Os course she ha,
placed them in affluence from her superabun
dant means. She "is about five feet six inches
high, of fair complexion, light hair, fine figure
and features, which some call homely, but
which may be pronounced beautiful if only for
the expression, hy which they are illumined.
Her vocal power, were fully developed twelve
years ago. butshewas the pride of Stockholm
even as a child. She made her first appearance
at Berlin as Agatha in Der Freischutx, was em
inently successful, and from that time her ca
reer has been most brilliant. Her demeanor
and manner, are natural, graceful, and free
from affectation. When Mr. Barnum's agent
met her at Bremen, he was suffering from a se
vere a;ue. She bad him removed at once to
berhotel—administered to his suffering, with
her own baud,—and would not have him speak
of hie business until he was folly recovered.—
Basiss Tritascript
Greet feesntisa so Enginunng The Cm
Cmnati Time, says that Mr. Sellers of that city,
formerly of Philadelphia, and known as one
es the most ingenious mechanic, of the United
States, hasju-t completed an invention which,
it ts said, will sunplyfy and reveluuomxe the
whole science of engineering. Mr. Seilers
submitted his machine to the inspocuon of Dr.
Locks. T. W Bakewell Mr. Rickey, and
other wseoufic gwntlemen. ail of whom ap
prove of it, aod eoowder it a great triumph of
mechanical skill. The machine, the Time,
learns, combines the operation of the peraam
bulater wnh that of the pentagraph, giving
profile line, of plats, surveys, aad measuring
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 27, 1850.
distance,. By trundling it over a tract of
- country, a more accurate survey for a railroad
can be made than by any other method; and
at least 15 miles per day mapped with correct
ness—altitudes, depressions and space. It
can also be used on our streets, thus dispens
ing with the services of an engineer.
Railhoad Farks—Railroad and Stkam-
, , boat Competition.—The Albany papers an
nounce that the several railroad companies
forming the lino between that city and Buffalo
have concluded to reduce the fare on their
I roads, On and after the Ist of May next, the
fare in all the trains, excepting the express,
will be SB, and iu the express, $9.75. Tho
distance from Albany to Buffalo is 326 miles.
According to an article in the Boston Jour
nal it appears that since the Hudson River
Railroad was opened an account has been kept
of the number of passengers arriving hy
steamer and railroad, at several landing, on
tbe Hudson River. It is shown by tho ac
count kept at Dobbs Ferry, that the railroad
look 83 per cent, of tho number—lhe railroad
fare 30 cents, the steamer, 25 cents. At Sing
Sing the railroad carried 85J per cent. —the
railroad fare 45 cents, steamer 25 cents. Al
I Yonkers the railroad carried 85j per cent, of
lhe whole number—railroad fare 25 cents
steamer 121 cents. At Peekskill the railroad
fare was 55 cents, and the boats charged first
374 cents and then fell to 25 cent,, but 'he
boats secured so etn "II a share that in a few
weeks they drew off, and left the whole busj
ness of the place to the railroad.
The trains on the Hudson River Railroad |
average but 1 j cen’s per mile per passenger,
and averaged from October to January 19,
1850, $1.64 per mile of train run. Tlie>ve- I
rage earnings of tbe seven lines out of Boertoni |
at higher ratß.?, were»n 1846 $1.37 permit
train run; in* 1847, $1 34 per iuile - o
run. The cost of running the Hudson
Railroad has been 80 cents per mile run,
In confirmation of the above favorable re-1
suit of a railroad run at moderate prices,'h
may be stated that the railroad from Philadel
phia to Wilmington, Delaware, carries 9-l|ftbs
of the travel and earns $50,000 a year fropj
the local travel, against a competing lineof
steamers, the charge being 50 cents for 3ft
miles. The New Jersey Railroad, from Jetoey
City to Brunswick, with almost exclusively a
ocal traffic of passengers, and averaging a
little over 1A cents a mile, summer and winter,
pays 7 per cent, on a cost o ! $60,000 per
mile, and controls the travel against the steam
boats.— Raltimore American.
Singular Luminous Appearance.—Captain
Purkis, arrived yesterday, from Porto Cabello,
reports that on the 12th of February, in lati
tude 14 10 and longitude 64 58, at eight o’clock,
P. M., he ob erved a luminous appearance
in lhe heavens resembling a large ball of tire,
about ten feet in diameter. It appeared in the
West, moving eastward, rather slowly, and
was in sight a little more than a minute. It
appeared to travel about ten degrees high, and
during its continuance the heavens were illu
mined with a brightness nearly equal to that of
noon day. When disappearing it broke into
a thousand fragments.
Inhabitants and People.—Mr. Calhoun
says, in his recent speech, that the residents of
a'Territory are only “inhabitants,” and those
of a State are “ people” and that it requires a
“ people ”to form a State government. It was
Mr.,Calhoun, we believe, who some yearssince
said he was a citizen of the United Stales, but
not a citizen of the government of the United
States What puzzles us is, how the poor
“ inhabitants ” of California are ever to be
come a seeing that they are not a
people until they have a State government, and
as inhabitants cannot form such a government
—N. O. Bulletin
Nashville Wire Suspension Bridge.—
We are pleased to learn that this superb struc
ture will probably be completed in the month
of May next. The heavy anchorages and
piers on both sides of the river, and towers
on ’he South side are now done. The entire
superstructure, or body of the Bridge, will be
finished in two or three weeks more, and the
immense dirt (ill on the north bank, 1300 feet
long, 110 wide at the base, and 40 high at the
anchorage, requires bnt about three or four
weeks more work. We have taken some
pains to ascertain lhe coat and dimensions of
this work, as such structures are rare in the
United States The length of the Bridge is
656 feet, and the whole length of the Bridge
and embankment 1956 feet. Width of super
structure 28 feet—carriage way 20—two foot
ways, each 4 feet. The Bridge will span the
Cumberland opposite the south-eabt corner of
the public square of the city, at an elevation of
110 feet above low water, over the main steam
boat channel. Base of pier 60 by 30 feet,
solid mason work ; anchorage 60 by 56 on lhe
north side; solid limestone cliff on the south
side. There are to be 16 cables, each cable
composed of 200 strans of No. 10 wire, each
wire tested to bear 1500 ibs. The whole work
is calculated to bear* weighted’ lbs.,,
or 2 401 X ttms.^«T*!*' <ao-t '°f »h» fl magnificent
at but SIOO,OOO, though
$225,000. We'll re*assured it will be^omr of
the most substantial bridges in America. — True
The Secretary of War has laid before
the House of Representatives an exposition
of rfie character of the forces employed in the
Mexican war, and the losses of the respective
arms of the service during hostilities.
One of the tabular statements shows that the
strength ol lhe army at the commencement of
hostilities with the republic of Mexico, in
April, 1846, was 7,244; the regular force on
the frontier of Texas, May, 1846, present and
absent. 3,554 : the number of troops that join
ed the several divisions of the army in Mexi
co, including recruits, 27,470, of which
15,735, were of the old establishment,
11,186 new regiments, and 548 marines—
which, added to lhe force on lhe Rio Grande
in May, 1846, makes the whole number of the
regular army employed every where in the
prosecution' of the war, inclusive of July 5,
1848, lhe date of the President’s proclama
tion of peace, about 31,024; 35.009 men
were recruited from May Ist, 1846, to the
termination of the war in 1848; 32,190 were
puten rotue to Mexico, which exceeds the
number joined, as reported on the rolls and
returns.
Recapitulation of the casualties incident to
the whole number of volunteers, under
various periods of service, is as follows:
Discharges before the expiration of the term, 9,-
169, of which 7,200 were for disability.
Deaths, 7,015, to wit Ordinary, 6,216; killed
in battle and died of wounds, 607, accidental, 192.
Resignations, 279 ; desertions, 3,876.
Forces employed and mustered into service. —Old
establishment 15,736 men
Additional force 11,186 ”
Aggregate of regular army 26,922
Volunteer force.—General staff 272
Regiments and c0rp5..73,260
Total regulars and volunteers .. • • 100,454
Os lhe 15,736 men of the old line, 800 were
either killed or mortally wounded. Os the
73,260 volunteers, 600 only were killed or
mortally wounded, showing a difference of five
to one. At Molino del Rey, in two houpt,
706 men were killed and wounded. At Busua
Vista, which lasted two days, Gen. TaylsP*
loss was 673.
The Dignity of Labor- A people's treas
ure is in useful labor; there is no wealth, and
can be none, but what it creates. Every good,
great or small, is purchased by it Savages
with boundless territories and fertile lands, are
indigent and often destitute because they
work not. A single day’s labor of a peasant
or mechanic tends to relieve human wants,
and increase human comforts. It produces
that which is not to be had without it, and to
which tons of glittering ore can contribute
i nothing. In fine, there is no wealth but labor —
i no enjoyments but what wre derived frumjt.
i We extract the above from the report of the
t Commissioner of Patents, a valuable docn-
Iment, which we have just received from Mr.
Eubank himself, [saye the Philadelphia BntU-
Il IS by inculcating doctrines like these that
the youth.of this coontry will be rendered
worthy of their aee and nation: an age sur
passing any that haa preceded it, a nation to
which the great work of regenerating the
world has been committed. In die worn out
kingdom, of Europe, labor, instead of being
considered honorable, has been long regard
ed as the reverse ; and tbe consequence lias
been that a thriftless athtoeracy, living in
idleness, or else living by the sword, has long
eaten out the vigor of the state. But here
indolence is looked upon, by all sensible per
sons, as a viee, and that whether lhe human
drone be rich or poor. The public sentiment
rightly declares that no man can be a. good
citizen who lives in idleness. Every inhabi
tant of a state should con'ribute towards the
wealth of the state; if he does not do this be
is a worthless member of the body pohtic.
Even leisure is a blessing only after a season
of labor. He that never works does not know
what recreation really is. A man lias no right
to be idle : Nature avenges herself if be be
comes so; the gout, dyspepsia, and a long
train of other horrible diseases punish him for
his indolence. He who would be healthy, hap
py, and truly h morable should work—work—
work.
Among the memorials presented to the U
S Senate, on Friday last, was one from Dr.
J. H. Pulete of Cincinnati, who proposes the
construction of a telegraph to connect tbe old
world with the new, and asks sueh action by
Congress as may contribute to lhe realization
of bis project. The route proposed is across
the continent to some point in California;
theuce along the eoast to Behring's straits;
thence across these straits, and through Nortb
-1 ern Asia aod Europe, to St. and
to tbe western cities of Europe.
A Gold Chain, worth fl4oo, has been fox
warded by Mr. Geo. W, Eggleston, ot' San
Francisco, where it was nanufaettired, intettd
ed as a present te Hon Daniei Webster, as
> an acknowledgment of his eminent success in
| foe cause of the Union of tbe states. Tbe N.
Y. Journal of Commerce says of it: ”It is in
i deed emblematic of that strong chain, forged
s by our ancestors, which Mr. Webster has done
store than any other man living to rivit and
| strengthen, which binds together this great
oonfederacy of slates into one united republic
f —so solid it is, so strong, so massive.”
’ Tbe Kanawha (Ya.) Republican of March
- 13th ays that tbe adrocates of the Nashville
I Convention in that pan of Virginia are indeed
! - few and far between.”
F _ POLITICAL. t‘
THR A
-‘ SLAVERY QUESTDIN.
From the Natchez
THE NATCHEZ
<4 Mighty “Rally for the
Saturday last, 9th inst., by far th®
' most respectable assemblage ever in
Natchez, met in the Court House at o’-
clock. Unlike most public meetings first
summons of. the bell was sufficient to the
court room, and it seemed to ns that ev* u iaM
approached with an earnest solemnity ?W®d
upon his features indicative of the great feet
that he had heard the Union of his b.
country threatened by rash and bitter dema
gogues, mid felt compelled by the
sponsibilities which he owed to. hunsefc hj H
country, to the world and the great canafe o f
freedom everywhere, to come forwrd aod ad
minister astern rebuke to that cold, unreeling,
and false-hearted ambition that would
glorious temple of our liberties of
an evanescent supremacy over a
and of an infamous immortality*
The call for this great and solemn
was signed by three hundred and eighty
planters and citizens of Adams
Natchez. The names to the call
owners of from ten to hundreds, if not /
of slaves, whose interests are all
tbe institution which the Constitution
iiv of our citizens have
saujec , certainly have lhe deepest:
j one lljat outweighs the pecuniary
I any Jtfnilar number of citizens to fc« j;Abl iB
unity hl the Slate, or ,,
j .
I great and densely crow Jed
| posed ofa numerous
zens hrely or never seen . gariteri 4
ings. : They came out, sumtnolSt by u vmce '
more powerful than the trumpet voice of parry*
came, as came the brave old father* vF
the Republic, when they reared the mightmKft
of self-government over the ruins of
as. d Monarchy, everyman feeling and acimgAo:
flWafone and single were called upon to sus
tain his country’s glorious institutions in their
day of peril, and stand by them the firmer and
the sterner lhe harder lhe hurricane of passion
blew, and the louder the thunders of faction
and treason to the Union, rolled in the lurid
political atmosphere.
The Union Meeting was organized hy the
unanimous election of Dr. Stephen Duncan as
President, Messrs. Isaac Lum and John R.
Stockman, Vice Presidents, and E. B. Baker
and John Fleming, Esqs., Secretaries.
On taking the chair, as President, Dr. Dun
can addressed lhe large assemblage in brief, yet
eloquent and convincing terms, and in a spirit
of fairness and candor that would have had an
adrrirable effect even if every person present
had been opposed to the admission of California
with the anti-slavery provision in her Constitu
tion. He remarked that the call fur the meet
ing had, in advance, been stigmatised as treason
and cowardice —as a party movement to vindi
cate and protect lhe policy of the present ad
ministration of the general government, and as
suicidal to he true interests of the slaveholding
portion of the Union. In refutation he would
say, that it had been many years since he had ta
ken any active partin politics or evenattendeda
political meeting; he could not be connected with
any mere political or party movement; but he
had heard the Union of his country threatened, its
value calculated, and demagogues openly pre
dieting its overthrow. He was connected most
vitally with the South, identified entirely with
all its interests, and all he was, all he had, or
ever expected to have, had been acquired
in the South where he had spent the active
part of his life, where he should always live,
and where he expected to die. He alluded to
the nature of the call for lhe meeting, defined
its objects, and announced that the subject was
open for the action of the meeting.
B. Pendleton, Esq., then rose to offer a pre
amble and a series of resolutions, fur the con
sideration and acceptance of the meeting
previous to reading the resolutions, he took
tiie opportunity to remark that it had been
charged that members of the political party to
which he belonged (Mr. P. is a strong and de
cided democrat) had been imposed upon by
the insidious wording of the call, and had given
their signatures to it under an entire misappre
hension of its nature and objects.
But for himself he would say that when he
put his name to lhe call for tho “ Rally for the
Union,” he knew very well lhe nature of the
document, and the meaning of every word of
the instrument he signed, and those who knew
him would bear witness that whenever he was
convinced of the propriety and justice of any
course of action, he had no evasions ®r con
cealments, but would openly and boldly act
up to lhe dictates of his judgement and con
science.
Mr. Pendleton thee read lhe preamble and
resolations tßfit wilt Imafound tn
port of for consideration and
when he lose and addressed the meeting, amid
much applause.
Col. Bingaman commenced his speech by
deprecating party spirit, on an occasion so
momentous and so fraught with peril to the
glorious institutions of our country, achieved
by lhe blood and consolidated by the wisdom
of our fathers. Before entering tbe vestibule
so holy and consecrated, the dust of party
should be shaken from the shoes, and all pre
sent should ieel and act as if they belonged
aloue to lhe party ofthe whole country and of
the Union. He alluded to the danger of mis
apprehension and misconstruction that pre
vailed in inflammatory and excited sanes, in
which the words of a speaker might be twist
ed into meanings and designs the author nev
er dreamed 01, and instanced the ludicrous
case from the Spectator in which the riquirer
for St. Ann’s lane in London got toundly
abused by both Cavalier and Round-head, and
utterly failed in bis attsmpts to shape tie ques
tion to the taste of either party. Col. 3. gave
a brief summary of the privileges graited to
the native population of California by the
treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which emstitut
ed them bona fide American citizens ol condi
tion of tbeir continued residence, and argued
that all lhe proceedings of both the naive and
lhe emigrating population of the tnw Stale
knocking at the portals of the Union for ad
mission. had, in the pointed neglect >f Con
gress to give them a territorial government,
been strictly legal and as closely adiered to
former precedents, in the absence « provis
ions in the constitution for such sases, as
could be expected in the attendant dssimilari
ty of circumstances; that they had t solemn
and undoubted right to admission, notwith
standing the slavery prohibition coifained in
their constitution, on the doctrines kid down
by the most eminent statesmen, ncludiug
Gen. Vass, of our country; and tbi it was
no way to secure Southern rights by per
petrating a wrong on California.
Col. Bingaman deprecated the coueinplated
■ Southern Convention at Nashville, uid held
out as a warning the unenviable sane of the
Hartford Convention; and closed his speech
by magnificent and glowing picturei of our
national glory and renown acquired is com
mon and joint property and all, aU -esnlting
from the union of the States now th’eatened
with annihilition by a rampant spirit if disso
lution.
We do nut pretend to give even a sytripsts of
Cot. Bmgaoan’s topics, much less the {lowing
language aid ornate periods of an eloqient ad
dress —whim was frequently interrupted by
bursts of apslause.
John T. McMurran, Esq., followed Col.
Bingaman, md like the latter deprecated party
spirit and avoeated the adoption of the reso
-1 Unions whin had been offered to the meeting.
He conteded that no crisis had yet arrived
which calta tor the action of a Convention of
1 a part of th States of the Union; that no act of
hostility bd been offered to the South by the
North whii would justify lhe forruw to calcu
V.. U-. 3H.1 bre.lk I-- teritw-f lh< I;
that snen aerisis might arrive, bS tiiat it had
notyetcoae; that m yet Coagfea* had not
presumed on its powers to abofiift slavery in
the Diatrictof Columbia, or by the formal pas
sage of the Wilmot Proviso in relation to all
territorial acquisitions forever excluded it from
all new lermory acquired by the co® tn on trea
sure and bkod of both free and slave-holding
States; anc that, as Southern slaveholders,
however mich we might desire that the insti
tution should also prevail in the new State of
California, ’et inasmuch as we did >ot immi
grate Uiithir with such property and such
opinions in sufficient numbers to secure a
hearing and a voice in the matter we were
bound to admit California as she chooses to
present herself.
Mr. McMurran said that when trupand real
causes for a dissolution of the Imoi should
have bee« given, if ever, the remed/ would be
taken out of the hands of demagogies and po
liticians; tbe people iu masses and in their
solemn primal prerogative, as in ins assembly
before him, would take the matter in hand.
But it was of the most awful and romenious
importance that the people shonlu be right,
• and the cause just, before they assgned such
tremendous responsibilities* ne, in case
of such lamentable division, said he, whether I
come up a citizen ofthe United State North;
of the United States West; of fie United
States East; of tbe United Slates Gntral; of
■ lhe Umted Stales Pacific; bß*© th© onsolation
to kno w that the fragmeat of our one glorious
Union,on which my fortunes and haptness are
1 embarked — is in the right! Mr.M. spoke
J with much solemnity aud eloq ’ene, and his
’ remarks created a profound sensaOn in the
’ minds of his audience.
? A motion was made, which pre vied uuani
-1 mously, that Gen. Robert Stanton b heard in
opposition to lhe resolutions. Gen Stanton,
after thanking the meeting for an idulgeoce
i he had not anuetpated and had mad no pre-
- pa ration for, proceeded to address t« meeting
’ in a warm, impassioned, ts not argumentative
» and convincing, style of eloquence He took
the ultra Southern view of the qnetion, aad if
- be failed in presenting the ttrongmt points, or
i in the order be presented them, vecanuot ia
& all candor, criticise his effort, as we ioubt not
i the call upon him was as unexpected to tbe
t speaker as io tha hearer.
c After Gen. Stanton concluded, CoL Binga
man was loudly called for, and b> pleasantly
h responded by the remark that the nstonan* of
e anuquitv asserted that Carthage wa ruined by
d neglecting the counsels of the agetvnd expe
rienced, and following those of rash nd tape-
ttiousyoung men; and it appeared to him that
his young friend Gen Stanton belonged to the
latter clasts.
The Secretary was then called upon to read
the resolutions, one by one, for the final action
, of the meeting. On reading the first resolu
tion, Judge Winchester opposed some objec
tions, notwithstanding which the first resolution,
and all the rest were adopted—the first and
second by an overwhelming vote, and the fe
| mainder almost, or quite, unanimously.
Thus passed by far the largest and most ini
-1 portant public meeting ever convened in tfc«
" city of Natchez. The feeble sketch given
J above was taken under many disadvantages of
s position—there being no convenience for re
j porting—and while a severe headache was en
deavoring to dissolve or wrench asunder the
! component parts of our cranium But we
hope we have done no one injustice, no mat
ter if we have not come up quite to the spirit
of the occasion.
• Whereas, the people of California have (bo far
as we know and believe by their own free and inde
pendent action, and without the exercise of any un
due influence either on the part of the past or present
administration.) formed a State Constitution; and
now claim, (according to the stipulations of the trea
ty by which she was acquired,) admission into tlwe
Union; and whereas, it would be alike impolitic
and unjust to attempt to fortify our own rights by
trenching upon the rights of others ; and whereat,
it is the duty of all good citizens, cordially to unite
in pl&'iotic endeavors, to calm the excitement which
pervades the country, which blazes in our national
wccundffls, and would seem to portend a dissolution of
Union and the consequent prostration of our free
fwstilulions; and whereas, it is hoped and believed
| U..w the admission of California, upon such terms
f ader such regulations as Congress in their
Mm Stud temperate deliberations, may de< m proper
; rgnlh' to impose, would pave the way to a satisfac
,V * and fthui settlement of this vexed
5 vir «*'**•% Bnd leud 10 ,bo preservation
s it Resolved, That the clause of the Constitm
California which prohibits the domestic re
'HajbW of slavery within her I orders, should form
Jw&batacle to her full, free, and prompt admission
asiAnUnlegr.J and equal member of our confedera
. cy; and that we do not deem such admission to he
a question of unconstitutional aggression by the non*
?9tavebolding States, on the rights of the slaveholding
States, but we consider it a mere question of expe
ls arency, the agitation of which is calculated to cre
ate division instead of a united action on the part of
the ; outh.
Resolved, That the failure of Congress to provide
a civil government for California, fully justified the
people of that Territory, in endeavoring to provide
one for themselves and applying for admission into
the Union as a State.
Resolved, That we cherish the Union as of price
less value; that we will zealously co-operate iu all
efforts towards its preservation and perpetuity, as
our most precious inheritance, so long as it secures
those rights which are guaranteed to us by the
Federal Constitution; and that we will never re-|
nounce it until those rights are clearly and palpably
violated.
Resolved, That although political precedents,
clothed in the venerable habiliments of lime and
sanctioned by the weight of patriotic and revered,
names, are entitled to our deep consideration and
respect, yet they ought not to be deemed, as of un
questionable authority and binding force ; and that
the adoption by Congress of the ordinance of ’B7, in
the form of the Wilmot Proviso, would by us be con
sidered an unwarrantable and unconstitutional usur
pation, on her part, of a power, vested exclusively
in the territories of this Union at the time of the for
mation of their organic law, an insulting imposition
of degrading disabilities on the people of the south
ern and south-western Slates, and a total prostra
tion of our constitutional equality, to which, as Amer
ican citizens—worthy of the name, we ought not,
and cannot be expected, patiently and pusilanimous
ly, to submit.
Resolved, That Congress possess no constituiional
power to interfere with the traffic in slaves, between
the several States.
Resolved, That the abolition by Congress, of
slavery in the District of Columbia, without full re
muneration to the slave owners therein would be un
constitutional, and an act of flagrant injustice; that
to abolish it without the concurrence of the Slate of
Maryland, would be an unscrupulous violation of
implied faith; and that to abolish it, without the
consent of the people of the District, would be ty
ranny of a deep and undoubted dye.
Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to pass
such an act as will secuie to the citizen the full bene
fit of the provision of the constitution, regarding the
reclamation of "persons held to service or labop’ in
one State escaping into another; and that our Sena
tors and Representatives in Congress from this State
be solicited to use their best exertions to procure en
actments which will most effectually accomplish this
object; and resolved further, that the outrages re
peatedly committed by portions of our fellow citi
zens of the non-slaveholding States upon our charac
tera and rights as slaveholders, and the legislation
of several of those States obstructing the recovery
of our slave property within their borders, are sub
versive of rights solemnly and explicitly guaranteed
by the constitution, and at war with the spirit which
formed, and which alone can preserve, that sacred
instrument, tending, with fearful rapidity, to alienate
one section of the Union from the other, and to sever
the bonds by which we are a united people.
Resolved, That the citizens of each and all the
States have an equal right to transport their property
and domestic relations of all descriptions recognized
by the constitution, to any of the territories of the
Union—that such territories, acquired as they may
have been, either by the common treasure or blood
Lot citizens of the several States, are, and ought
to be, free and open to their equal enjoyment; that
(mr para-»°»nt to all
with the flag of the Union, Whether advafited to the
North or the South, to the rising or setting sun, is
borne proudly onward, and authoritatively establish
ed, in |>eorlcß3 supremacy, the constitution of the
Union.
Col. Bingaman then read the following reso
lutions, which also passed :
Resolved, That it be recommended to onr fellow
citizens of the several counties of this State to con
vene together and give public expression to their
views on the subjects embraced in the foregoing reso
lutions.
Resolved, That the President of this meeting for
ward to our Senators and Representatives in Con
gress, copies of the proceedings of this meeting.
Resolved, That these proceedings be signed by the
President and Vice Presidents, and countersigned by
the Secretaries, and published in the newspapers of
this city.
The meeting then, on motion, adjourned.
Stephen Duncan, President.
John R. Stockman, ? Vice
Isaac Lum, J Presidents.
E. B Baker, ? a , •
» u • r Secretaries.
John Fleming, 5
Mr. Calhoun’* Position.
Debate in the Senate. Wednesday, March 13.
The Sanate took up the motion to refer Mr.
Bell's resolution* to a committee of 13, and
Mr. Cass having spoken at some length, with
out, however, concluding hi* remark*, the fol
lowing explanatory discussion took place:
Mr. Calhoun. 1 have a few word* to say in
reply to the observations of the Senator from
Michigan, and, a* it is in reference to a point
of some importance, I desire that what I say
shall go out with bi* remarks. 1 regret very
much that the state of my health does not
permit me to enter fully into the argument,
and that 1 shall be under the necessity of econ
omising my word* as well a* my strength.
Mr. President, the Senator could not have
heard me with more regret make the declara
tion to which he ha* alluded, than I have heard
him this morning make the declaration which
he ha* made. Sir. the Senator and myself
have two distinct and different conceptions as
to the mode of saving this Union. Hi* whole
course has been a course of palliative*. And,
sir, of all courses, that is far tbe worst. Why.
sir, you might a* well treat a cancer that is
about striking into a vital part with palliatives,
as to treat this question with palliatives. No,
sir, my idea ba* been from the first that it was
a disease that would be fatal, if not finally
arrested ; and I have acted upon that imp re*
sion If lam wrong, it is because the impres
sion is wrong—and in order to arrest it, it is
necessary at every stage of it to understand the
real cause and progress of the disease, and the
causes by which it endangers the Union.
In my late speech, which the Senator ha*
heard with such profound regret—and I am
amazed that my meaning should be so utterly
misunderstood by the honorable Senator from
Michigan—l stated simply, and in a* few word*
as 1 eould, what would certainly, according to
my judgement, save the Union, promote con
ciliation, aud restore harmony and good feeling
throughout all section* of the Union. That
can the Senator believe that the South is safe
while one portion of the community hold
entire possession of the power of the Govern
ment, to wield it for their own benefit in any
manner they please, and while they see fit to
interfere between lhe two section* of the
Union 7 Can any man believe that the South
is safe while this stalo of things exists 7 No
man can say that be believes if. Ido not
at least; and therefore, all the wonder of the
honorable Senator upon that point may cease.
But the Senator say* it is impossible to com
ply with the requisiton of giving us a new
constitutional guarantee. Well, that very dec
laration goes to show—•
Mr. Cass. The honorable Senator i* en
tirely mistaken. I certainly did not say any
thing of the kind.
Mr. Calhoun. I *aid in my remarks the
other day that such amendment in the consti
union would be made as would give to the
South ,
Mr. Cast- The Senator will pardon me, I
have not alluded to the subject of an amend
ment to the constitution. Iwas coming to it,
however, and should have spoken of it before
concluding my remark*. I should prefer, there
fore, that the distinguished Senator from South
Carolina should hear me before he undertakes
to reply.
Mr. Calhoun. 1 understand the argument
of the Senator as leading to that.
Mr. Caos. I hope the honorable Senator
will defer bis remarks until to-morow morn
ing.
Mr. Calhoun I do not know that an oppor
tunity will then be afforded me of saying
wbal I desire to say upon thia point. The
Senator say* the new guaranties cannot be
given by amendment* to be made in the Con
stitution. Sir, I insist that that is the legal and
constitutional mode; it >s the mode pointed out
by the Constitution itself. Why, whoever
before heard of such n suggestion as that to
amend tbe Constimiion would betreason 7 It
shew* a state of feeling e tilting in the mind of
th«r Senator which, in my opinion, is tn con
sistent wttbjodieiou* action.
I intend to branch off here, and to show that
die distinguished Senator, if thi* Union is ever
to be dissolved, will bave contributed his full
share to iu dissolution: that the very entan
glement we are now in, originated in the last
presidential election: and, as 1 think 1 have
demonstrated, originated in a violation of lhe
r Constitution and a violation and disregard of
r lhe sovereignty of the State* Whenever lhe
Senator chooses to go into a discussion upon
• thi* point lam ready to meet bim.
it Mr. President, I must necessarily abbreviate
e what I have to Bay. The distinguished Sena
tor heard me with painful feeling* designate
d Washington as the illustrious Southerner.
i> Why, the Senator ought to remember that
i- every effort ha* been made to take Washing
ton out of our hands; but it seems that the
i, morality of the present time i* that the assil-
I ant i* perfectly innocent, and the assailed the
- only guilty party. Yes, sir, it was endeavored
to take him out of our hands; and we are to
be stigmatized a* disunionists, and his message
* —hi* farewell address—to be quoted against us,
i while I venture to assert that the greater part
f of that message directly bear* upon the assail
ants, and not the assailed. It was to meet th 's
. that I reminded the Senate and lhe world—and
> rightly reminded them—-that Washington was
, an illustrious Southerner; he was not the less
. an illustrious American; but I must say that
t the whole proceeding here for the last fifteen
years lias been such that, if carried out and
consummated, as.it will be, unless some de
finite understanding is arrived at, the end off
the whole will be the holding up of Washing
ington as a miserable slaveholder. Ido not
insinuate that Washington should be regarded
exclusively a* a Southern man. I only say we
have a right to claim him as an illustrious South
erner, for he was a Southern man, a Southern
plauter. And we do not intend that he shall be
taken out of our hands.
Mr. President, with these remarks, I will
content myself for the present, »ithout detain
ing the Senate further.
Mr. Cass. One word, Mr- President, for I
do not wish to bo misunderstood. I have not
uttered a syllable in regard to the constitution,
or the constitutional amendment suggested by
the distinguished Senator from South Caroli
na—not a word. The honorable Senator sup
posed that I bad arraigned him for seeking a
constitntiiC' ■> amendment. Such an idea uevj
er rrtnereiflsy head? Afad allow uie to leU the
Senator that that was not the difficulty at all.
Mr. Calhoun. What was it, then 1
Mr. Cass. The ground upon which it was
put by the honorable Senator was, that if a
guaranty were not given to tbe South, by an
amendment to be made to the constitution, it,
would be faul to the country
Mr. Calhoun. Certainly, it would, in the
end, be fatal.
Mr. Cass. But the honorable Senator said
it must be done immediately, or it would be
fatal to the interests of the country.
Mr. Calhoun. No Sir; that is not the lan
guage I used.
Mr. Cass. I beg the honorable Senator’s
pardon; it is so stated in the speech: “ If the
question is not now settled,” says the Senator,
“ it is uncertain whether it ever can be settled
hereafter.”
Mr. Calhoun. Certainly.
Mr. Cass. And one of the processes by
which it is to be done is by amending the con
stitution. There were two points stated by the
honorable Senator. One wa*, that there must
be an amendment made to the con*titution—
and I merely mention this because it excited
some surprise in my mind—and the other, that
the admission of California be made a test ques
tion.
Mr. Calhoun. Certainly.
Mr. Cass. That if California were admitted
it would be followed by a dissolution of the
Union.
Mr. Calhoun. No, sir. I wish lhe Senator
would read the remarks 1 made in reference
to that point.
Mr. Cass. I will read them, sir, with plea
sure.
“If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain
whether it ever can hereafter be ; and we, as the re
presentatives of lhe Stat s of this Union, regarded as
governments, should oomelo a distinct understanding
as to our respective views, in order to ascertain whe
ther the great questions at issue can be settled or
not. If you, who represent the stronger portion, can
not agree to settle them on the broad principles of
justice and duty, say so; and let the States we both
represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you
are unwilling we should part in peace, tell us so, and
we shall know what to do when you reduce the ques
li nto submission or resistance. If you remain si
lent, you will compel us to infer what you intend.
In that case, California will become lhe test question.”
Mr. Calhoun. Read on ; read the whole.
Mr. Cass. I will, sir.
"If you admit her, under all the difficulties that
oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you
intend to exclude us from the whole of the acqnired
territories, with the intention of destoying irretrieva
bly the equilibrium between the two sections. We
would be blind not to perceive, in that case, that
your real objects are power and aggrandizement, and
infatuated not to act accordingly.”
Now, is there a Senator here who does not
know what that means! Idu not affirm that
it is objectionable to propose an amendment to
the constitntion. Far from it’; that is one of
the most harmless things in the world. But
the admission of California, according to the
honorable Senator, is to be made a test ques
tion, and it went to my heart’s core when I
heard the declaration; for I knew very well,
if that was to be a test question—if such was
the sentiment of the South —the Union was
*ptie. An immediate amendment of the con
stitution I consider almost impossible. Ido
not say that amendment* may not be made, but
extreme cases and extreme difficulties; for, if
we commence changesand alterations, He who
i* the Ruler of Nations alone knows what
changes may be made, and what sort of a Gov
ernment this will become.
In commenting on the honorable Senator's
remarks, I have connected these two subjects,
the amendment of the constitution now or at
a reasonable time, and the point that was made
by him that the admission of California was to
be a test question.
Mr. Calhoun. I must say there has been a
strong disposition manifested on the part of
the honorable Senator to misconstrue my ex
pressions—and plain expressions they are.
The Senator say* I asserted that a dissolution
of the Union would follow the admission of
California. Ido not assert that. I stated that
it ought to be considered a test question, but I
leave it to tny constituents to determine what
course they will take. Let the gentleman give
the words I used, and I am willing to stand by
them; but he must not expect me to be re
sponsible for his interpretation of them. Well,
in regard to the word “ now,” I did not in
tend to be understood a* asserting that the
amendment must be made instanter, but that
an indication should be given now that such
amendment would be agreed to, and let it then
be carried through the ordinary process.
Mr. Foote. I hope the honorable Senator
from Illinois wdl allow me to occupy the floor
a few moments. He will see that I have been
assailed by lhe honorable Senator from South
Carolina, who undertakes this morning to ex
press surprise at my course ill regard to the po
sition that ha* been taken by him. But. sir,
there is not a Northern pres* that did not un
ders'ant the speech of the honorable Senator
precisely a* I understood it. There is not a
Southern man in the other House who does not
understand it as Ido Yet the honorable Sen
ator is surprised that I, a friend of his. should
take the liberty of commenting upon his re
mark*. and thus endeavor to guard against a
misconstruction which 1 did believe would
be pul upon his language. For 1 hoped, as I
said at the time, in giving the honorable Sena
tor an opportunity of explaining this part of
hi* speech, that an explanation would be given
that would be satisfactory to the whole country.
But I must say that his explanation on that oc
casion wa* not satisfactory to me; nor is the
explanation which he has now made entirely so.
I understood the honorable Senators* frank
ly avowing that in that speech he intended to
make a new issue, and thi* he ha* done, sir,
without consulting other Southern gentlemen
who were equally interested in this contest
with himself; and who were entitled to be
consulted before any issue was made. This
issue, sir, is unknown to lhe State which I rep
resent ; it ha* not been made known to any
part of the South ; and with all due respect
for the houurable Senator I must say. without
attributing to him any thing unkind, that 1
think he acted discreetly and unjustly in ma
king this important movement without having
conferred with hi* Southern brethren. For
tny neck when 1 wa* asleep, without my con
sent having been antecedently obtained to
such a serious personal liberty. I assert that
neither the people whom I in part represent
here, nor myself, have had the least notice
that such a movement as this was to be attemp
ted ; nor has the honorable Senator heretofore
ever so darkly hinted his intention to originate
this new. grave and most perplexing question
And under what circumstances is the proposi
tion to amend the Constitution now brought
forward ? The Senator ha* had numerous op
portunities for offering any amendment he
might choose to offer. No man is acquainted
with the constituiional mode of proceeding in
such a case better than the Senator. Has tbe
Senator ever offered any such amendment, or
indicated any disposition to offer any amend
ment for the purpose of providing additional
security for the South 7
The Nashville Convention will assemble in
about two months, and if this contest shall
then be going on, if terms of compromise shall
not then have been agreed upon, and if this
excitement shall contiuue to spread and in
crease in intensity in the intermediate time —I
say, under these circumstance*, and with the
deliberately prepared speech of the Senator
from South Carolina before them—a speech
a* well matured and digested a* any that ha*
ever been delivered in Ibis body, in which he
introduces this new issue—what is likely to be
tbe effect of it 7 What wonld be the constitu
tional amendment proposed ? We a’l know
that the Senator ha* denied that any cotnpro
promise can be made ; and he is even oppos
ed to the raising of a committee for the pur
pose of preparing some measure of adjust
ment; andhe must know that in the coarse of
the next two or three months the Nashville
Convention will have tbe whole subject before
them for final decision, so far a* the South is
concerned. Now, suppose, as I have said,
j that the present excitement continues tucreaa
! mg in intensity until that time ; suppose that
' the healing influence wtycb we have all fell.
I and felt gratefully, within the last few days,
had not been interposed, and that none but
such speeches as have emanated from gentle
men unduly excited on this subject should be
made during the intervening period of two or
three months; suppose no plan of compromise
to have been agreed upon, and the Nashville
Convention had met and thi* new issue had
been submitted to them—taking into cousider
f ation also tbe great influence of the Senator
t from South Carolina —would not thi* new is
t sue of a constitutional amendment in all likeli
hood be adopted by the Convention I And, as
VOL. LX IV---NEW SERIES VOL. XIV—NO. 13.
e it is known to be impossible to make that a
i- mendment at the present time, any one must
e clearly see, and none more so than lhe Sena
tor Irotn South Carolina himself, that the ef
it feet, whether intended or not, would be to
bring about a dissolution of lhe Union I I be
b lievcitsir, and every man must believe it.
I admit that the Senator's motives are patri-
* otic and proper; but it is not becoming in him
i o get up here, after tho explanation whr:h I
> made the other day, and express surprise that 1
s should place upon his language an interpreta
, tion of which he says it does not admit, but
t which all disinterested persons will decide to be
- the only interpretation which can be reasonably
* affixed lo it. No matt is more devoted to the
I South, none more willing to incur respon*ibtli-
> ty of every kind for it than I am; and I will
i ' not admit the right of auy man to make a new
t issue for the people whom I represent—ah
i issue which I conceive puts the Union iu peril,
I whether so intended or not, and subject* the
- cause of the whole South to almost certain
f overthrow.
With these remarks and returning my siffi
cere thank* to the Senator from Illinois for hi j
courtesy, I yield the floor.
Mr. Calhoun. —1 cannot permit the observa
tion* of the Senator from Mississippi to pas*
without a remark. The Senator, in his ardor,
often infers that which has no foundation. He
ha* just declared solemnly, as ifbe knew the
tact, that I wa* opposed to the raising of any
committee.
Mr. Foote.—Has not the Senator told me
distinctly that he was opposed to my motion ?
Has he not urged me not to persevere in pres
sing it for adoption 7 Ha* he not voted against
taking it up for consideration 1 These surely
are facts.
Mr. Calhoun.—The Senator ha* not told the
i whole. lam opposed toraising a committee
i at the present time. I have uniformly held
the lat'gnag'ijhat when tbe subjects had been
debated and regularly gone through, if any gen
tleman desired to attempt to effect a compro
mise, I would throw no impediment tn tbe
way. Iso informed the Senator himself. I
appeal to my colleague, and to all my friend*
about mo, if such ha* not been invariably my
language! Now, I trust, this misconception
will always hereafter be avoided.
Mr. Foote. —I never intended to renew the
contest, and never would have renewed it with
the honorable Senator, if he had not. by ad
verting to it, drawn me into it accidentally.
[Then followed an allusion to the meeting
at St. Louis, and to Mr, Foote’s habits of in
, tercourse with Northern men.]
fc ..... ,
Mr. Calhoun’s Position--Variously Un-
I derstood.
fit Senate, Thursday, March 14th, 1850.
Mr. Cass continued his remarks, which
were interrupted on Wednesday, by lhe ex
planation* between Messrs. Calhoun, Foote
and Cass, published in our paper of Saturday.
After advocating the right of California to
' admission a* a State, Mr. Cass made the fol
, lowing reference to Mr. Calhoun’s suggestion
1 of an amendment to the Constitution :
I, regret, sir, that lhe Senator from South
Carolina is not present, as I desired to extend
. my remarks further than 1 shall now do. 1
have already said that the speech of that honor
' able Senator inevitably leads us to the conclu
sion, that upon the admission of California de
pends the dissolution of the Union. He like
wise contended that an amendment to the con
stitution was indispensable, and his remarks
on yesterday seemed to connect the fate of the
couutry with the accomplishment of this ob
i ject.
Mr. Downs. The Senator from Michigan
states that the Senator from South Carolina
remarked in his speech that this amendment
wa* indispensable. Now, I may have misun
derstood hi* words, but certainly I think he
- only said that it was desirable.
Mr. Cass. I do not desire to exchange
words upon this point, and have not the slight
est disposition to provoke debate upon it. In
order to satisfy tbe Senator from Louisiana, I
will read the Senator’s own words :
[Mr, Cass here read the pan of Mr. Cal
houn’s speech, after suggesting a new provi
sion of the Constitution, which ‘‘will protect
the South,” he says:]
“If the question' is not now settled, it is un
certain whether it ever can hereafter be; and
we, as the representative* of the States of this
Union,'regarded as government* should come to
a distinct understanding as to our respective
views, in order to ascertain whether lhe great
question at issue can be settled or not. If you
who represent the stronger portion cannot a
gree to settle them on the broad principle of
justice and duty, say so, and let the Stales we
both represent agree to separate and part in
peace.”
“I have not another word to say, Mr. Presi
dent. If these remarks do not justify the con
clusion I have drawn from them, 1 do not know
what can.”
Mr. Downs. Do I understand the Senator
as saying that he understood lhe Senator from
South Carolina as asserting that the amend
ment should be made now 7
Mr. Cass. The Senator from South Caro
lina, in the explanation he gave us. *aid he did
- —— -> sn ho Holte now- t- ut that it was
indispensable that it should be done. Am I
not right 7
Mr. Foote. The Senator from South Caro
lina said, I believe, that it would be indispensa
ble ultimately. That, I think, wa* the word he
used.
Mr. Butler. I know it may be expected that
I should be able to indicate what are the pre
cise opinions of my colleague but I have in
realit. no more knowledge of his view* than is
or may be in the possession of any senator; but I
did understand him distinctly to'say—so far as
I can infer from other sources, I believe it is
his opinion—that when the Northern States
shall have acquired suuh a predominating in
fluence in the councils of tho nation that there
shall be no security for the South against their
abuse of power, then there should be inserted in
lhe constitution some provision by which the
the minority shall have it in their power to
avoid becoming a despised and degraded
minority. Sir, that is his idea. And I will say
iu thi* connexion, and I endorse bi* view to thi*
extent, that I do not see that we have any se
curity in the forbearance of a northern majori
ty. lam free to say that Ido not feel security
from that source; because when 1 hear one
gentleman say that he hold* to one part of the
constitution and disregard* another, according
to hi* conscience, and others come in and say
that they will break it down so far as they un
derstand its pro- isions, what security have we
for the preservation of our rights, unless we
have something to rely upon byway of a ve
o?
My colleague ha* not intimated that the
Union may not continue for many years to
come. But what sort of Union is it by which
we are bound together, when the elements of
strife are introduced here every day 7 He ha* ’
always adhered to the Union.and he wishes to
restore to it the element* Os it* prosperity, by
producing harmony and conciliation ; and they
are attained by the North doing justice and
conceding to the South an equal right in tbe ac
quired territory,? by complying with lhe re
quisitions of the constitution in relation to the
delivery of fugitive slaves, and by ceasing the
agitation of the slavery question, and by provi
ding for the insertion of some provision in the
constitution which will give to the South some
security that her right* will be respected.
Mr. Downs. With the permission of the
honorable Senator, I will state that I believe he
wa* not understood, without going minutely
into the views expressed by the senator from
South Carolina—that I believe he wa* not un
derstood by southern members of this body
generally in lhe sense in which the honorable
senator from Michigan understood him. I
certainty did not so understand him, and I am
not aware that any southern senator did.
Mr. Foote. I understand uow from the ex
planation that has been given by the colleague ,
of the honorable senator from South Carolina, ,
that it is the opinion of both these gentlemen ,
’.hat an amendment to tbe constitution is indis- ,
pensable. Does the senator from Louisiana ,
doubt that such is their opinion 7 |
-- -1 did iibi m;d»Fstaftd the
gentleman. ,
Mr Foote. The Senator from South Car- ,
olina said there should be such a provision in .
the constitution a* would amount to a veto {
power in favorofthe minority.
Mr. Cass Gentlemen will remember that ,
my time is very limited
Mr. Downs. I trust the senator will allow
me to finish the sentence that I have commen
ced. Without going into a minute anala
sis of tbe speech of the honorable sena
tor from South Carolina, I say now that I did
not put the construction upon it which is put
by the honorable senator from Michigan, and I
believe that southern senators generally did
not.
Mr. Borland. A* one Southern senator, I
will say that I did not.
Mr. Downs. 1 know of none that did.
Mr. Rusk. Will the honorable Senator
from Michigan allow me simply ‘o say that I
hope the Senator from Louisiana will not
make a construction or assume to speak for lhe
entire South? We are all here. I do not
choose that the Senator shall make a construc
tion for me; that I can do for myself. I do
not choose to enter apon that matter now. 1
have not investigated the subject. But I hope
tfie Senator will not assume to speak for the
whole South.
Mr. Downs. Ido not intend to speak for
any body but myself; but so far as I know or
have heard, the view that 1 have stated is that
taken by tbe whole South.
Mr. Foote. 1 hope lhe Senator from Michi
gan will permit me to add a single word. I know
that the construction which I placed npon the
honorable Senator’s remark is the construc
tion that was given to it by nearly all lhe
Southern members of this body. I eould give
their names, if necessary. 1 have said *■> be
fore, and my word is not to be disputed by any
body.
Mr. Down-i. 1 did not dispute the assertion
of the honorable Senator, but I have a right
to speak for myself. I have not converged
, with the Senator from Texas, nor with any
t other Senator in regard to it. Ido not make
- it a business tedoso ; but I hear what Sena
! tors say lo me ; and I now say again that the
r Senator from Mississippi, op to this time,is tbe
» first Senator who has put the construction that
s is new contended for upon the speech of the
I distinguished Senator from South Carolina. I
- speak of what I know. It is true I may be
r mistaken ; but Ido not coincide in that coo-
- struction, and I believe there are many from
i- lhe South who do not. I
a Mr Cass. May Ibe permitted to say that I I
must request Senators no longer to interrupt
me 7 I hope I shall be allowed to go on, as
my time is short, and I will finish what I have
to say in a very few minutes—l am generally
quite accomodating, but upon this occasion
I must insist that there be no more interrup.-
tions.
After Mr. Cass had further proceeded in
his regular remark*, the following debate took
place :
Mr. Davia of Mississippi. I understand
that the honorable Senator from Michigan
expressed a wish to ask me a question.
Mr. Cass. Yes, sir ; ye*, sir. 1 wished to
a»k the honorable Senator from Mississippi
if he would vote for the Missouri compro
mise 7
Mr. Davis from Mississippi. I will answer
the senator from Michigan with great pleas
ure. I have stated on several occasion* that I
would take the Missouri compromise. This I
have said elaborately and decidedly, on several
occasions, and explained at some length in a
recent speech on the resolutions of the Senator
from Kentucky. I have stated that I consid
ered it as an ultimatum, less than I believed to
be the rights of tbe South, but which I would
accept to stop the agitation which now dis
turbs and endangers the Union.
Mr. Cass. As I had a conversation with the
Senator on this subject in the morning, 1 sup
posed he understood tbe precise object I had iu
view. As this, however, appears not to be the
case, I will ask him if he would accept the Mis
souri compromise, as it was regulated by the
statute providing for tbe admission of Missouri
into the Union.
Mr. Davis of Mississippi. I understood the
Senator, in a conversation thi* morning, to
make that inquiry. I then told bim that I
would not. I now answer before the Senale ?
—No. To meet this inquiry, I waited id the
Senate chamber expecting "that he would, at
the expiration of the morning hour, address
the Semite; but, as he uid no;, I left
when the Senator from Illinois was addressing
the Senate, to answer a summon to see a sick
friend. I returned in a few minute* As I
was informed after lhe Senator from Michigan
commenced his address that he had signified a ®
wish to ask a question of me, it seemed to me
proper to remind him, at the close of his re
marks, of the wish he had announced.
I now answer his question in its modified
form. I would not take lhe terms of the Mis
souri act, but would accept its spirit if presen
ted in terms applicable to thi* case. When I
spoke of the Missouri compromise, I spoke of
it as an arrangement by which the Territory
was divided between the slaveholding and the
□on-slaveholding interest; I spoke in refer
ence to the result, the intent of that compromise
which gave to each a portion. I have always
been ready to rebuko that mean spirit that
would evade its true meaning by a diffusive
adherence to its words. I would not take the
compromise in the terms by which it was ap
plied to the remaining part of the territory ac
quired under tbe name of Louisiana. I would
not take it as applied to Texa*, when that State
was admitted into the Union, because lhe cir
cumstances of both were different from those
of the Mexican territory ; but I would take it
if made applicable to the present case and ex
tended to the Pacific. I considered that, when
this Senate had voted lo receive petitions and
to refer them to committees, lo consider upon
the power of this government over slavery in
the territories, over slavery in the District of
Columbia, and over the future admission of
the slave States, we had taken one great step
in advance, and one which would awaken
the apprehension of the South; and when, in
close connexion with this action of the Senate
followed the remark of the honorable Senator
from Michigan, that the Missouri compromise
could not be extended to the recent acquisi
tions from Mexico, I looked upon it a* a con
junction in our political firmament which bo
ded evil to those likely to be destroyed by the
joint attraction of the planet*. It was there
fore, that I spoke of the declaration as a thing
to be noted, marked as lhe foreshadow of an
event. If we are not to have non-interven
tion, lhe right to go into these territories and
there claim whatever may be decided to be ours
by the decree of nature —if we are to be de
barred from acquiring, by emigration, by en
terprize, by adventure, by toil and labor, equal
ly with others, from the common domain of
the Union—if we are forbidden to use the com
mon field of which we are joint owners—-if in
addition to all this, we are told that no division
can be made, that all of that which we own in
common must finally become the exclusive
property of the other partners —in truth, sir,
we are rapidly approaching to that state of
things contemplated by the Senatorfrom South
Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,] when without an
amendment of the Constitution, the right* of
the minority will be held at the mercy of the
majority. Give us our rights under the con
stitution—the constitution fairly construed—and
we are content to take our chance a* our fath
ers did for the maintenance of position in the
Union. We are content to hold on to the old
compact; and as we believe in the merits of
our own institutions, we are willing to trust to
the working out of our own s* ivation.
If we are to be excluded, by congressional
legislation, from joint possession on the one
hand, end denied every compromise which,
: by divison, would give us a share on the other
—neither permitted to an equality of posses
ion as a right, nor divided occupation as a
settlement between proprietor*—l ask what is
the hope which remaine* to those who are
already in a minority of this confederacy 1
What do we gain by having a written consti
tution, if sectional pride or sectional hate can
bend it a* passion, or interest or caprice may
dictate? What do we gain by having a gov
ernment based upon this written constitution,
if, in truth, lhe rights of the minority are held
in abeyance to the will of the majority 7
And now, I ask the Senatorfrom Michigan a
question: Will he not, under the crisis which
uow hangs upon the face of the country—will
he not support lhe Missouri compromise—the
spirit of the compromise—for a division of
the Territories between the two interests of
the country ?
Mr. Cass. I will answer the senator. I
spoke of the Missouri compromise, which
established a line that ran through a country in
which slavery existed, and which declared that
slavery should be excluded north of that line,
and left the country south of it as itfound it,
to continue slavery or to exclude it, as the
people might judge best. I say that my doc
trine for the whole territory is non-interven
tion.
Mr. Davis, (in his seat,) I prefer that, too.
Mr. Cass. I agree, therefore, with the sena
tor from Mississippi. 1 say that this govern
ment has no right to interfere with the institu
tion of slavery in the Territores; and I say if
the South think they have rights there under
the constitution, in God's name let the Su
preme Court determine the question. No one
can object to that.
* Mr. Davis, (in his seat.) But we cannot
get there.
Mr. Cass. 1 do not know that. I think
otherwise. 1 would observe, and the Senate
will remember, that the point in issue was the
Missouri compromise ; and now 1 understand
the Senator from Mississippi would not vote
for that measure unless it was accompanied
with lhe declaration that slavery should, or
may, or does exist South of the line. Do I
understand him aright?
Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. I have several
limes hsd occasion to explain that point. I
will agree to lhe drawing of the line 36° 30',
through the territories acquired from Mexico,
with this condition, that while slavery is pro
hibited North of that hue, it shall be permitted
t<> enter South of the line ; and that the Slates
Hbichmaybe admitted into the Union shall
come in under such constitution* a* they think
proper to form.
Mr. Ca**. With respec. to the last point, I
imagine there would be no difference between
u*. With respect to the other, lhe proposition
is intervention north and non-intervention
ho utii of lhe line, without confering any right*
on the South. It would be of no pract cal
utility whatever to that section of country,
unless accompanied by some legislative dec
laration on the subject. I repeat the belief that
We have no authority to say that slavery shall,
or shall not dxist in the territories of the United
state*. It i* a matter to be left wholly to the
people of the country to decide. That is, I
think, lhe true doctrino I have ever main--
tained it and unless I change greatly I shall
abide by it
Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. The senator
doe* not exactly comprehend my meaning.—
He and I do not differ much as lo the power*
of Congress over the Territories. The dif
ference between the honorable senator and
myself seems to begin just where lie ceases lo
answer. I say, that if we cannot be permitted
to »o into these Territories, and test our rights
under the law of nature, and before the Su
preme Court »f the United States, shall this
agitation continue? —shall thi* sectional strife
be nnassuaged 7 Will not the senator, like
myself, come down in this stage of the ques
tion, and teke less than his own standard —lake
the Missouri compromise a* adapted to the
Territories? .
Mr. Cass. What I would do to save tins
Union from dissolution, if dissolution were
impending over it, aud to be averted only by
one course of action, it is difficult lo say—l
would do almost anything.
The Boston Journal stale* that arrangement*
are in contemplation, which, if carried into
operation, will expedite the transmission of the
great Southern mail to and from that city. It
is proposed to have three mails daily between
Boston and New York. The first to leave
New York at 7 A. M., arriving in Boston via
the New Haven Railroad. &c., al 6 P. M.
The next to leave at 3 P. M., and by the same
route reach Boston at half past 11 P. M.
From Bo*ton to New York the contemplated
arrangement is to have the first mail leave
Boston at 7 A. M., and arrive at New York at
4 P. M., in season to intersect with the South
ern mail, which leave* New York als P. M.
AU letters, &c„ mailed at tho Borton office
to go South, would, under this arrangement,
be made up by thein.elve*, so that they coaid
be immediately transferred to lhe Southern
mail, and thus go immediately forward without
any detention tn New York- The next mail
will close al 2i, and the third at 5 P. M., as at
present. The 24 mail to go via New Huven
Ac., and the 5 P. M. via Stonington.
In the Annual Report of lhe Patent Office, it
i* estimated that “the aggregate amount of the
nroducta of labor and capital in lhe United
& 18«. §2 or. m
I round numbers, 2,000 millions dollars.