Newspaper Page Text
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CONGRESSIONAL.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS,
Comzpondenee of the Baltimore American.
In Senate March 18.
After the presentation of petitions, the Sen
ate resumed the consideration of Mr. Clay’s
resolutions, and Mr. Badger addressed the Sen
ate on the subject.
He argued that a dissolution of the Union I
was possible incertain contingencies, and there
fore great care should be taken to guard against
such contingencies.
The South had a right to ask the enforce
ment of the provision for the recapture of fu
gitive staves. This was a question of right;
■f there was anything in the Constitution to be
relied on, it was this. Without the enforce
ment of that provision, there could be no per
manent pacification between the North and
He replied to many points iu Mr. Seward a
speech, and showed from the Scripture that il
slavery was an evil, it was not a sin.
If the sentiments of the Senator from New
York (Mr. Seward) were those of the North
ern people, or any large portion of them, this
Union could not stand.
Mr. Badger gave way to a motion to go into
Executive session, without concluding.
The Senate spent some time in Executive
session, and adjourned.
House.
Mr. Bsyly gave notice that he would to mor
row ask the House to go into Committee of
the Whole oo the state of the Union to take up
the deficiency appropriation bill.
Mr. Boyd, ofKy., presented the memorial
and credentials of the delegates elect from Cal
ifornia, and the Constitution of that State;
which were ordered to lie on the table and be
printed.
Mr. Brown, of Miss., objected to the recep
tion of the papers.
The Speaker ruled that it was too late ; that
the papers had been received and ordered to
be printed
On motion of Mr, Thomas, of Tenn , the
rules were suspended and the House resolved
itself into Committee of the Whole, ( Mr.
Boyd, ofKy., in the Chair.) and resumed the
consideration of the bill to admit California as
a State into the Union.
Mr. Williams, ofTenn., was entitled to the
floor and spoke for an hour in discussing the
qnestions involved in the admission of Cali
fornia.
Mr. Casey followed, and spoke his hour.
Mr Giddings next obtained the floor and
made a personal reply to the recent speech of
Mr. Winthrop. He was followed by
Mr. Thurston, of Oregon, who yielded the
floor to a rnotionlhat the Committee rise.
The Committee rose and the f|ouse ad*.
journed.
In Senate,..,- March 19th.
The Senate reumed the consideration of
Mr. Clay's resolutions, and Mr. Badger con
cluded his speech.
Mr. Badger further replied to the reuiaks of
the Senator from N. Y., (Mr. Seward.) as to
the recapture of fugitive slaves. He then
urged the extension of the Missouri compro
mise line as the proper mode of settling the
territorial question. He took a view of the
Wilmot Proviso, and that there was no strong
or just reason for its applieation to the terri
tories, white it would on the other hand, be
deemed insulting to the South.
He referred to a speech made by a man who
was a philosopher, a member from Massachu
setts, (Mr. Mann) as being far more violent
than any that came, in a moment of excite
ment, from any Southern member. Mr. Mann
gave it, as his deliberate opinion, that disunion
and civil and servile war were preferable to the
extension of the bounds of slavery. That the
Wilmot proviso, accompanied by such decla
rations, would be rejected by the Southern
convention, he had no doubt.
The evidence had been forced on his mind,
not that he wished it, that if that conven
tion met under such circumstances, the Union
would be destroyed. It would not be imme
diately destroyed, but a convulsion would take
place that would shake this Union, and be the
beginning of the end.
The very measure separated the South Ironi
the common interests of the Union, It was
a consultation for States as to the manner of
resistance and the mode of redress. It was the
first step, in all revolutions, that was most of
fectual. But suppose that the convention did
not propose any step tending to dissolution—
and he hoped they would not—they would, at
least, propose police regulations of an irritating
kind. Retaliation for the course of the North
upon the fugitive slave question would take
place. The States would enter into a compact
which was decidedly opposed to the constitu
tion.
No state had a right to secede. He agreed
with Mr. Webster as to that, but States could
not be kept in the Union by force. If a single
drop of American blood should ever be shed in
a quarrel growing out of this question, the har
money prosperity and integrity of the Union
would I- itterly destroyed.
He di >ot undertake to speak Tor the South I
and hardly for his own State, whether they
would separate, or secede, or resort to retalia
tion. The Legislature of North Carolina
passed a series of resolutions last year, em
bodying sentiments in favor of the Union iu
any event —but the proper interpretation of
the words were that no one of the events sta
ted ind icated an adequate cause for disunion.
But since that time the subject had been much
discussed in North Carolina, and resolutions
in primary assemblies had passed, which
pledged the State to support whatever was
recommended by the Southern Convention.
If some of the measures which he advocated
were not adopted, and if the Wilmot proviso
was not abstained from a deep and revolting
wound would be inflicted upon the Southern
mind.
Ifbe had not great eoufidence in the common
love of toe people for the Union, he should en
tertain fear for the stability of our institutions.
He was willing to withdraw objections to the
admission of California, and that was a great
concession But he insisted upon an entire
fu Ifilmenl of Northern obligation as to the re
capture of slaves, and the utter abandonment
of the Wilmot proviso
Mr. Cass asked the Senator from North
Carolina whether he considered the Missouri
line as a practical measure. Would be vote
for ilt
Mr. Badger replied in the affirmative.
Mr. Caos. What would it give the South
more than rhe has now 7 The line would give
you intervention North of that line, and non
intervention South of it.
Mr. Davis, of Miss.—None of us would take
that. I would not.
Mr. Badger. —I would be content 'o rest on
the necessary implication, that slavery was not
excluded South of the line.
Mr. Hale rose and vindicated the North, and
especially hie own peculiar party, from lire
chrrge of agitation. The Senate then ad
journed.
House.
H’hitney Railroad.— Mr. Fuller, from the
committee on Printing, to which was referred
a proposition to print extra copies of the re
port of the committee on Roads aod Canals,
accompanying the bill to set apart and sell to
Asa Whitney, of New York, a portion of the
publie lands to enable him to construct a rail
road from Lake Michigan or the Mississippi
River, to the Pacific Oceon, reported in favor
of printing fi.UOO copies thereof
Mr. Bowlin occupied the floor for an hour
in opposition to the whole proieet of ceding
the lauds to Mr. Whitney. He denounced the
project as a magnificent scheme, demoralising
in its character —that it was brought before
Congress in a spirit of wild and reckless spec
ulation. He said he intended to invite the at
tention of the House to this extraordinary
bill, which gave to an individual an amount of
public lands equal to ninety-seven and a half
millions of dollare—lai.ds sufficient in quanti
ty for a mighty empire. If the bill was passed
Whitney would laugh to scorn any effort of
Congress to control him, and throw himself <>n
the Courts to protect him against any legisla
tive action. The bill, he said, which was not
drawn up by the Committee which reported it,
toil by a cunning lawyer not here, created a
vast corporation, which would hereafter suc
ceaslully resist any legislation by Congress,
touching the question of a railroad communi
cation with the Pacific. He denounced the
scheme as decidedly worse than the Old Bank
which was put down by General Jackson:
and he appealed to all democrats not the slaves
of corporations to oppose so gigantic and cor
rupt a scheme.
On motion the House took up the bill to au p
ply deficiencies in the appropriations for the
service for the fiscal year ending 30th June,
V 186*1.
Mr. Bayly explained that the bill supplied
. **"**“•-•“•’X? 1 ’’-l* ‘ b)
' ■ LiK ***“
uWWfis >rpr- cri -usg $»~l*
■.vtßbwkt .‘ejm.wistvtH of
ic* t vi, ■>• • jne j'i >. •ISt,run
covet me pay tor th. Chief C'erk and certain
eilr» VtaHts which had been appointed by
fire Secretary of the Interior.
Messrs. Hampton and Vinton explained the
necessity which had compelled the Secretary
to make these appointments of Clerks without
authority of the taw, and enforced the neces
sity of he appropriation if it was intended that
that Department should he continued.
Mr Bayly explained that the law creating
the Interior Department created some six chief
clerks with high salaries; and that it was not
expected or contemplated when that law was
passed that other clerks, for which pay was
now asked, would he necessary or would be
appointed in the absence of legal authority to
de 00. He condemned the action of the Se
cretary of the Interior as illegal, and thought
Congress should set its face against the pne
tiee.
The debate was further continued till the
House adjourned.
SenMe March 20
Petitions were presented, after which the
Senate resumed the consideration of .Mr.
Clay’s resolutions.
Mr. Hale resumed his remarks, and argued
that the joint resolutions annexing Texas cre
ated no obligation on the part of Conx re>s. I
compact w M binding „„
and knew it w<* not The wm*
pact waa binding a. tar „ all the department,
of th* government and Tex., had concurred in
Mr Rusk asked whether Texas was bound
by the compart.
Mr Foote asked whether the compact could
be violated by any power whan ver.
Mr. Hale retired that as far as Texas was
concerned she was a State of the Union. So
far th ’compact was good. But the annex,
non reooluuorrs were in some respects uneou
etitutioaai. and solar the compact was now
void. Coogrem bad no tight Us make the
compact It belonged to the treaty-making
power.
Mr Hate signed that abolition was not ft
voted by both parlies in the North after 1835
and that the agitation waa chiefly in the Booth
about that time. He vindicated the Benat.ir
from New ) or*. (Mr Bernard.) for aoserttag
|be sopromMp of the taws es God.
' Mr. Seward took occasion to remark tha he
would Hund by every word of his speech. His
conscience was iu his own keeping, and he
was well content with the principles he had es
poused.
I Mr. Hale was bound, he said, to obey the
Constitution ; but he would not support fraud
and violence ; he would disregard every law
that had outraged the principles of the consti
tution. The constitution recognized iltvery,
but it also recognized other rights. The fu
gitive slave bill assumed that every man seized
was a slave, and the rights secured by the con-
I stitution were disregarded by it.
If such propositions were to be insisted upon
let the issue come, as much as he was
attached to the Union, he would say come dis
union.
The agitation on this subject was produced
not by the Southern people but by Southern
members of Congress. He asked Southern
members to cease from their representations
that the North intends or wishes to do the South
any injustice.
The subject was postponed, and the Senate
resumed the consideration of the census bill,
which was again discussed. The Senate then
adjourned
House.
The House proceeded to the order of the
day, which was the consideration of the reso
lution of the committee on Printing, propo
sing to print 5000 copies extra of the Report
of the Committee on roads and Canals in favor
of the bill granting land to Asa Whitney to con
struct a railroad to the Pacific.
Mr. Robinson, of Indiana, who was entitled
to the floor on this question, replied to the
speech of Mr. Bowlin, of Mo . of yesterday.
He denied that this was a great demoralizing,
speculating scheme, notwithstanding the de
nunciations of that gentleman, and that he saw
in it a * woolley horse” affair. He preferred
this plan of Mr. Whitney's, bscause the Gov
ernment was to be disconnected with it ; and
he should oppose any counter scheme which
involved the Government with it, and which
might be made a presidential hobby.
The fact he, said, that this plan afforded no
stockjobbing speculation—provided no divi
dends—was the greatest objection to it by those
who were opposing it through the country.
The plan of Mr. Whitney, he maintained, was
a self creating and self sustaining machine. It
proposed to settle the country paripatzu with
the progress of the road—and thus would one
contribute to the success of the other.
It proposed also instead of taking money out
of the Treasury, to put it into the Treasury,
for the reason that Mr. Whitney had to keep on
deposit to the credit ofthe Government $200.-
000 in advance of the amount which might be
received from the sale of the lands. He con
tended that the reason of the opposition of the
gentlemen from Missouri (Mr. Bowlin) was to
be found in the fact that there was a scheme
which originated with Missouri, and advocated ;
by Mr. Benton. -*
He concluded by saying that Mr. Whitney
sought to effect a great National road to the
Pacific, for the great public good more than
his personal advantage. After he had conclud
ed,
On motion by Mr. Jones ofTenn , the mo
tion to print was laid on the table, ayes 84 noes
53
On motion of Mr. Bayly the rules were sus
pended and the House resolved itself into com
mittee of the whole, and resumed theconsider
eration of the bill making appropriation to sup
ply deficiencies of appropriation for the last
fiscal year. The question immediately pend
ing was the proposition of Mr. Hampton, pro
posing to appropriate for salaries of certain
clerks appointed by the Secretary of the Inte
rior without authority of law, who had perform
ed service from the 9ih March, 1849, to the 30th
June, 1850. the sum of $14,568 32.
The amendment was supported by Messrs.
Vinton, Schenck, and Taylor, justifying the
action of the Secretary of the interior in ma
king the appointments of the clerks, now pro
posed to be paid, on the ground of necessity,
and the practice of other Secretaries under oth
er administrations.
The amendment was opposed by Messrs.
Sweetser, Disney, Kaufman, Jones,ofTenn.,
Phelps, Carter, Haralson and Fulton, on the
ground that the Secretary of the Interior had
violated the law creating that Department by
not, through the President of the United States,
obtaining atransfer of all the clerks necessary
to the operations of the Department, instead
of creating new officers, filling them, without
authority of law. That the law never contem
plated suchan expensive organization as had
been arranged by the Secretary, by which
some fifteen clerks, at high salaries fixed in hie
own discretion, had been appointed over and
above those provided for by the bill creating
the Department. That in fact this was a prop
osition, in effect, to create some 20 new clerk
ships, when the business of the country vias
diminishing, since 1849, instead of incre ts
ing-
Before any question was taken the Commit
tee rose and the House, at 4 o’clock, adjourn
ed till to-morrow at 12 o’clock.
In Senate March, 21.
Mr. Miller and Mr. Seward presented pi ti
tions in favor of granting a trial by jury to
fugitive staves.
Mr. Foote presented resolutions of the I. g
islature of Mississippi on the subject of slave
ry, Wilmot proviso, &.C.; and took occasion to
vindicate the Southern Convention from ani
madversions of the National Intelligencer, and
to state that the people of Mississippi wire
unanimous in favor of the convention.
Petitions were presented from citizens of
several Stales, against the employment of
chaplains in the army and navy and civil ser
vice.
A resolnlion passed for compensating
Robinson, for unjust arrest and detention, by
order of the Senate, on the charge of mena
cing Mr. Clay.
The Senate resumed the consideration of
the resolution offered by Mr. Bradbury, call
ing on the President for charges against office
holders removed since the 4th of March last.
Mr. Smith addressed the Senate at length
in reply to the speech made some time ago by
Mr. Brabury, and vindicated the President
tiro chiin>p that he had p*—
election by pledges which he had not re
garded.
Mr. Smith observed that the President came
into office unpledged and untrammelled. He
was not pledged either to remove office-hold
ers or not to remove them. He intended to
du as he saw proper. He found nearly all the
offices in the country in the hands of one
party, and with a due regard to impartiality, he
appointed his own friends to office. Gen
Taylor, he argued, had committed bimself to
no parly prior to his election ; but it was an
acknowledged duty of every President to em
ploy in public office members of that party by
which he waa elected to tho Presidency
This admitted obligation was always faith
fully performed, except by one person, whom
he would not name, here, and whose
faithlessness to the whig party had been visited
with merited reproach.
After Mr. Smith concluded, an executive
message waa received from the President.
The Senate then adjourned.
House.
On motion of Mr. Bayly the rules were sus
pended and the House resolved itself into
Committee of the Whole (Mr. Burt, of 8. C.
io the Chair) and took up the special order,
being the bill to carry into effect the Conven
tion between the President of the United States
and the Emperor of Brazil, concluded on the
27th Jan’y, 1849.
Mr McClernand explained that under the
bill the government of Brazil is engaged to
pay to the United States the sum of 530,000
milroas, current money of Brazil, with six per
cent, interest from the Ist day of last July, in
full discharge and satisfaction of all the claims
preferred by citizens of the United Stales,
being the subjects of ffie arrangement. These
claims arise upon a variety of grounds origin
ating with the Brazilian government, most of
them probably near a quarter of a century ago,
and fall within different classifications.
The object of the bill is to enable those
claimants, after long and injurious delay, to
establish their claims, and to obtain indemnity
in proportion to the sufficiency of the fund.
For this purpose the bill authorises a Com
mission, to be composed of a Commissioner
with a clerk, to be appointed by the President
and Senate. It will be the duty of the Com
mission to give notice, and proceed without
delay to hear the proofs of the claimants, and
adjudicate their claims, upon the principles of
justice and equity, and consistently whith the
laws of nations, and the provisions oi the
Convention, and to d-diver a list of the awards
that may be made to the Secretary of Stale,
within one year after die dale of the commis
sion. when it is to expire. That officer will
be required to furnish a certified copy of the
award to the Secretary of the Treasury, whose
duty it will be to pay the awards.
Tho bill waa, on the motion of Mr. Mc-
Clernaud ordered to be laid aside report.
1 ild .13 IDt B that tt
j Ths biK m*fcl**3
I d el
MWWg ckUb Jaua, w •*-
i'-ia ir. tn .ostae drataty uaJef .utisiuerauon be
ing the amendment proposed by Mr Hamp
ton appropriating $14,568 32 for the clerks
employed tn the Home Department without
the authority of law
The amendment was adopted—B6 to 79.
On the motion of Mr. Bayly. from’the Com
mittee of Ways and Means, an amendment
appropriating ssooofor extra clerks employed
in the 3d Auditor’s office during the session
of Congress, under the act of 1842. was
adopted.
The Committee then rose, at 4 o’clock, and
the bill to carry into effect the Cor ventien be
tween the United States and the Emperor of
Brazil, waa then read the third time and passed.
The House then adjourned,
la Senate- - Marc* 22.
A number of petitions were presented by
Mr. Shields, from the States of Illinois.
Messrs. Bernen, Borland, and others, pre
sented petitions.
The Senate took up for consideration Mr.
Foote’s resolution, to refer all the slavery and
territorial questions to a special committee
Mr. Day ion. of New Jersey, spoke at length
on the subject of the questions involved in Mr.
Bell’s resolutions proposed to be referred, and
upon the fugitive stave question
Mr. Dayton was not tn favor of settling
all questions by compromise bat of resting
each question on ita own merits. He was en
tirely in favor of the admission of Caxfornia.
and of enforcing the comuuutional requisitions
for the surrender of fugitive staves
Mr. Dayton look an entirely new view as
to the latter topic, and illustrated it by strong
cases. He wished the trial by jury to be al
lowed, for the purpose of satisfy mg’ Northern
sentiment
The subject waa postponed till Wednesday,
"•Mwin ld ©k the floor for that day *
.1 w ”> “«*' to-morrow
“3? 8 *, “«”dian. precisely—notwith-
standing efforts to the contrary.
Hose.
Tne House .pent a portion of the morning
hour in committee of the whole on ,he unvam
calender—then.
O a wot ton of .Mr Bayly. of Va.. the rules
a ere suap<-no*d and ihe House resolved itaeit
<MS caaamtuee us the whole on the ataia of d>a
Union, (Mr. Burt in the chair) and resumed
the consideration of the deficiency appropria
tion bill.
Several amendments: were adopted, the
most important of which were the folio -*ing:
For outfit for Minister to Prussia $9 000
For outfit for Cnarge d’Affaires to Austria
$4,500.
The bill was, after much unimportant dis
cussion. reported to the House.
Mr. Bayly moved the previous question, but
before any action thereon, the House adjourn
ed till Monday next.
THETOKLI
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL.
BY WILLIAM S. JONES.
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
DAILY, TRLWEEKLY & WEEKLY.
Office in Railroad Bank Buildingß.
DAILY PAPER,perannum (sentby mail,) $7 00
TRI WEEKLY " “ 40U
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AUGUSTA. GA.7'
WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH R7.
The Natchez Meeting-.
Some days since, we noticed the call for a
meeting of the citizens of Natchez and Adams
county, Mississippi, which was signed by a
large number of persons of both parties,
among whom were many of the most wealthy
planters, and largest owners of slaves in the
Union, to take into consideration the present
agitating questions of the day. The meeting
has been held, and, as a part of the history of
the times, we transfer the proceedings to our
columns, as we find them in the Natchez Cou
rier, together with the comments qf that jour
nal.
The Free Trader, a democratic paper, that
opposed the meeting with great virulence,
and denounced those who signed the cal! as
‘‘recreant to the interests of the South,” ad
mitted that the “call was indeed signed by
men of the highest wealth and respectability—
by men who own hundreds, if not thousands
of slaves each.’’
The Courier, alluding to the fruitless efforts
which had been made to dissuade democrats
from participating in jhe ineetingjfremarks:
** Leading Democrats assisted in the deliberations
of the meeting as olHcers, a leading Democrat pre*
sented and advocated the adoption of the resolutions,
leading Democrats were enthusiastically in their fa
vor—and, from all the bearings of the meeting we
could not tee why Democrats and Whigs could not
alike participate in the proceedings. There was no
parly project on foot— political topics were not intro
duced —partisan ends were not to be subserved—and
tbe whole meeting went off, as it was intended it
should, from the first—as a great gathering of the
I eople, in their primary capacity, to deliberate upon
momentous national affairs?*
The proceedings of thia meeting, emanating
as they do, from the principal city, and the
most wealthy and intelligent county of the
State, from men of such great wealth in slaves,
are destined, we think, to have a powerful and
controlling influence for good upon pub
lic opinion throughout the State, and as such,
we trust the calm, dispassionate, and conser
vative portion of the people of tho South will
scrutinise them closely.
The Central Railroad,
We learn from the Savannah Georgian that
the Agent of this Road has just returned from
the North, where he has purchased six new
engines, which are to be placed upon the Road
in time for the fall business. It is a source of
gratification to us, as it must be to every friend
of progress in the State, to observe that the in
creasing business of the Road demands these
expenditures for a greater amount of motive
power, and we hope the Company will now
have sufficient power to dispatch all their
freights promptly ; for nothing is so well cal
culated to commend railroads to public favor,
as dispatch in the transportation of freights.
The Georgian, alluding to the present busi
ness of the Road, and the prospects which the
future holds out to the Company and the city
of Savannah, remarks:
“While the downward freights have somewhat
diminished in consequence of the failing off of the
cotton crop, the upward freight has greatly increased.
The transportation has increased on all the lines con
nected with Savannah and the great facility, affor
ded in the early receipts of goods, by means of our
very excellent harbor and shipping, has induced
many of our up country Merchants to prefer Sevan
nah to any other as a shipping port. We trust our
Merchants with expected increased facilities will
another season be enabled to offer further induce
ments for the trade of the interior.
“ The extension of the Railroad into Tennessee,
connecting with the steamers on the Tennessee river
at Chattanooga, will likewise add to the transporta
tion. Several thousand bales of cotton have already
been for warded to the Atlantic ports from Chattanoo
ga, and we doubt not, Savannah will receive her due
proportion of the trade. Certainly our Merchants
can offer as favorable inducements as our Charleston
neighbors, and the facilities for transportation to and
from our port, are equal if not superior to those of
Charleston. When the connection of tbe roads takes
place near Macon, Savannah will have a decided
advantage over Charleston in this respect.
“ The re-estabiishment of our line of steamers
between Savannah and New York, which will be
completed during July and August, will render the >
route by Savannah complete. We may then look
for an uninterruptsd with the iu
rapid completion of the Burke county and
Sooth Western Railroads will soon make a decided
show upon the business of Savannah. The farmer
is commenced tn earnest. The latter is rapidly ap
proaching its completion.
“We are pleased to learn that L. O. Reynolds
Km]. President of the South Western Road, has al
ready ordered three Locomotives for the Road, and
that they will arrive in due time. It is coafidenily
expected that this Road will be in readiness to for
ward to market the coming crop. Such prospects
are highly flattering to the citizens of Georgia and
particularly to the citizens of our city.”
It haa often occurred to us, that if our Sa
vannah friends of the Press would lend all
their energies to building up their city, and in
creasing and extending their facilities for trans
portatation, and not exhaust themselves in con
tinued efforts to detract from the port and busi
ness of Charleston, they would succeed quite
as well—perhaps a little belter —at saving
of wear and tear of temper and fraternal feel
ing. At any rate, we suggest that the experi
ment be made ; and we think we venture little
in predicting that it will be entirely successful'
Dour* Corn, or Indian Millet.
We are indebted to Col. A. H. Anderson,
one of the most enterprising and intelligent
planters of Burke county, far a sack of Doura
Corn, sent to the Editor of the Cultivator; but
as that journal will not appear before the first
of April, 100 late for distributing the Corn for
planters, we have concluded we could not
render a more acceptable service to the pub
lie than by noticing it through tbe Chronicle
Sentinel, and giving Col. A’a mode us planting
and culture, and his opinions of its value, as
contained in his letter to the editor.
Although Col. A. requests the editor not to
say thing more of (his Corn, as the notice in
the Cultivator has already imposed on him the
writing of a great many letters, yet we cannot
forego the pleasure of giving his letter, for
which we feel assured, in his liberality of spirit
and the deep solicitude he feels for the success
of his brother planters, we shall not in vain
ask his forgiveness.
We have received the sack, and will take
great pleasure in distributing the Corn, in
snail parcels, among our planting friends,
that they may test its value
To tbs Edito. op tbb South bam Cultivator:—
Dkak Sib Iu one of your numbers, lam in
formed, you have been pleased to mention my ■»«•-
cesa in produeiiȣ the Doura Corn. I make no
* vYbat *. w I i &
-.U——i we«, tM pz;«WiiUH O» lue
taleois of some of ymir subscribers who read your
work to very little purpose. Suffice it to say, I have
soul you a sack of my Doura Corn for distribution,
and my mode of Cultivating the satne, with a lew
remarks of its worth on my form
Ist. I plant in rows or drills, five feet spurt, by
throwing two furrows together w ith a turning plow,
(having firat opened the land, whereon I make my
drills with a scooter plow,) after which 1 open the
drill or oed with ibis scooter plow, and drop the
Corn three feet apart in the drill, sod cover tbe
Corn with the foot so as to cover it not too deep. I
drop from six to eight grains to insure a stand.—
This Corn needs only two workings ; (first rate for
a lazy man) Wben about half-leg high, 1 thin to two
stalks, after plowing, and after (Wee or four weeks
plow it again, and your crop h worked, by which
time, if your land is goad, you will not be able to
see your mule fifty yards. This (.k>m is not to be
suekered, by no means, neither at tbe root nor
those springing out frou» the sulk, as each forms a
sulk, and my sulks will bear from six to eight
care.
Ibeiran with two heeds, with a view for food for
my Pigeons, having a fine floek. 1 have been plant
ing this Corn for five or six years, and find it good
every thing, as every k ind of stock will eat it
in preference to the common corn. Last year I
planted fifty acres. I cut <mly a w tggon load of
heads for seed and toe batter caKes —it turns down
buckwheat all hollow. Ou this fifty acres I turned
fifty head of mules and horses, two hundred head us
pork hogs, and twelve head oi milch cows, and it
fattene J tbe whole, and lasted until near Christmas.
Some of the laud whereon thia Corn grew,
was land said to be cleared before tbe Revolutiona
ry War, and without manure I think the field
won Id have measured one hundred bushels per acre.
I shall plant the laud thia year in Cotton, to show
bow a haa improved the land. The Ctb’u would
have avaraxed ten feet high throughout the field.—
My crop of this Corn for tbe present year, is one
hundred acres, so you may judge what I tiaink of it.
Respectfully, yourob’d servant.
A. H. Amb ■ a son.
Burke Co,, March 13. 1860.
During the year 1848-49. the number of
students attending the thirty medical colleges
in the United States was and the num
ber of graduates 1,370. Tbe whole number
ol students attending these institutions during
the past flee years is eetimated al 18.899. and
the whole number of graduates at 6,414.
“ Mr. Toombs’ Sfbkch is fully up to the mark. ■
It goes the whole figure without reservation. » ♦ ♦ It
knocks into a cocked hat, ail the fine spun theories
of Mr. Stephens of year before last, against the Clayton
compromise. ♦••• It is a Southern speech —a just
speech—e Union speech, but not a submission speech.
We thank Mr. Toombs for it. The Chronicle <&
Sentinel praises it I and in so doing condemns itself;
for if Toombs is right, the Chronicle has been incon
tinently wrong.”
Such is the high commendation pronounced
upon the late speech of Mr. Toombs, by the
Columbus (Ga.) Times. We concur in all
that is here said, except the knocking of Mr.
Stephens' theories into a cocked-hat —and the
conflict with the views of the Chronicle Sen
tinel. We assert that Mr. Toombs not only
affirms “ Mr. Stephens' theories,” but that
he sustains the views of the Chronicle Sen
tinel throughout, as to the force and effect of
Mexican law in the territories ; and understand
ing this to bo the question, suggested by the
Times, on which we differ, we shall proceed to
prove our position as briefly as possible. Mr.
Toombs says:
“We hold it to be the duty of this Government to
protect the persons and property of the citizens of the
United States wherever it* flag floats and It has para
mount jurisdiction. And us a juet corollary from
this principle, we affirm that, as the Territories of the
United States are the common property of the people
of tbe several States, we hive the right to enter them
with our flocks and our herds, with our men ser
vants and our maid servants, and whatever else the
laws of any of the States of this Union declare to be
property, and to receive full and ample protection
from our common Government until its authority is
rightfully superseded by a State Government. This
is equity—this is what we call equality; and it is
what you would call equity and equality, but for
your crusade against slavery.”
That Mr. Toombs draws a broad distinction
between the right of Southern men to carry
slaves to the territories, and the right to hold
them there, is very apparant from the language
employed, in the paragraph which immediate
ly follows. Whether the Times, unlike some
of its contemporaries, has the capacity or fair
ness to make this distinction, remains to be
seen. It says:
“We ask protection against all hostile impediments
to the introduction and peaceable enjoyment of al! of
our property in the Territories. Whether these im-’
pediments aiise from foreign laws or from any pre
tended domestic authority we holditto be your duty
to remove them. Foreign laws can only exist in ac
quired territory by your will, express or implied.
It is a fraud on our rights to permit them to remain
to our prejudice.”
Now we ask what impediments exist against
which Mr. Toombs demands protection from
iCongress, but the of* Mexjeitn
law? Will the Ttmsß inform us ? We should
really feel obliged for the information. Tha
position of the Times has been that the Vatifi
cation of the treaty repealed the laws of Mex
ico abolishing Slavery. If Mr. Toombs recog
nizes any such absurd opinion, where is the
necessity of any protection from the Govern
ment to enable Southern men to bold slaves in
California, and why should he ask it? He would
have stultified himself by making the demand.
The truth is, Mr. Toombs boldly affirms the
position now, and in this speech, which he has
always done, as to the force and effect of Mexi
can laws; and il is this speech, thus openly
avowing these principles, which the Times
pronounces as “fully up to the mark, going
the whole figure without reservation—a South
ern speech—a just speech—a Union speech
but not a submission speech.” We thank the
Times for its broad and full endorsement of the
correctness of the positions heretofore main
tained by Mr. Toombs and the Chronicle
Sentinel. Though a late convert, we hope it will
not be the less zealous in atoning for its for
mer errors.
One word as to Mr. Toombs' “ submission.”
This charge against Messrs. Toombs, Ste
phens, and others, was only uttered to serve
a partizan purpose, by those whose devotion to
party was paramount to their love of truth.
The people understood the matter perfectly,
and the vile, degraded creatures with whom it
originated, finding their motives were too well
understood, have long since ceased to repeat
the calumny.
MlssiMslppi--Tlie Nashville Convention.
The Legislature, aye. the Democratic Legis
lature of Mississippi, who affect so much confi
dence in the people, and who are ever so
clamorous for the people’s rights, have far out
stripped their brethren of Alabama in their
assumption of power iu the appointment of
delegates to the Nashville Convention. They
were not content to appoint four delegates for
the State at large; but, unwilling to confide the
selection of delegates to the people, they pro
ceeded to elect two delegates for each Con
gressional District in the State. The people,
therefore, who, in this country, are justly re
garded the source of all power, have had no
agency in selecting their representatives in
this august body. What a commenury is this
upon democratic professions.
We subjoin a list of the delegates elected by
the Legislature as we find il in a Mississippi
paper:
“For the State at large, Hon. W. L. Starkey,
Hon. C. P. Smith, Hon. A. M. Clayton, and S. S.
Boyd, Elsq. la Congreaeional District Jos. W.
Matthews ami Thos. J. Wurd; 2nd, G. P. Neill
and G. H. Young ; 3rd, Gen. Win. R.
A protest*against the proceedings was then read and
entered on the minutes.”
We took occasion to show, a few days ago,
that the Mississippi Convention, which con
eeived and suggested the Nashville Conven
tion, was called into existence by a small junto
of politicians iu Jackson, the capital es the
State, and not more than half the counties
in 'he State were represented. With all these
facts before the country, with the knowledge
that the people are the source of all power, we
should be glad to know what power or influ
ence the Nashville Convention can exercise in
this country ?
Messrs. Calhoun, Cass and Foote.
The conversational discussion in the Senate,
between Messrs Calhoun, Cass and Foote,
a sketch of the most important part of which
we publish this morning, will be found highly
interesting. In giving publicity to this debate,
the Richmond Times remarks:
“The South Carolina Senator strives hard to mend
his poßilioti of hostility to the Union as it is. We do
not think he has muoe the mailer better lor himself.
It is extremely fortunate for the good of the country
that Mr. Calhoun has at last distinctly betrayed his
true political sentiments. The consequence is, that
wiser and better men will represent the Southern
cause in the present controversy. His influence is
now confined to the little cotcries of extreme sec
tionalism*, whom alone he is qnalifiied to lead.”
Such is really true in reference to the influ
ence of the Carolina Senator, and it is, indeed,
a melancholy reflection that one with his great
intellectual powers, unsurpassed purity of
character in private life, and who has so long
acted a prominent part in the political dramas of
thia country, should, at his advanced age, ex
cercise so limited an influence.
Thb Tunnel —Many persons bav*? recently in
quired of us, when the Tunnel would be completed.
In order to respond to this question, with some degree
of accuracy, we have apfdied to the proper source
for information upon this subject, and have ascer
tained that the first day of July next; is die most
remote period fixed upon, by the Contractor, for the
consummation of this great work.— Ringgold Re
publican.
We are glad to learn that the ” proper source
for informaliou” has fixed upon some time
when the public may expect the road to be
completed. We fear, however, (so many pro
mises have already been made as to the com
pletion of the road,) that the public will be
rather slow iu giving even this last story cre
dence. Certain it is it is not entitled to any;
if we mav iudfe it bv those that have e one be-
■ sxme sr>buet*l, tbe
lie.. ; hence the annoying delay, to which th.
public are robjected in the transportation es
produce aod merchandize, and consequent loe.
to the State.
>■ On Wedne-tay morning last, tbe Engine ‘Ata
buna,’ conveying ihe posoergor ears and mail Iroro
Chattanooga, run off the tree 1 about four mile, from
this place, anti crippUd ktmlf again. Fortunate
ly no person was hurt. No blame is attached to any
ooe connected with the Reed, for these accidents, but
it is attributed to the condition of the track. 1 ’ — Chai,
tanooga Gazette, 22<f inst.
The excuse offered in the above paragraph
for the frequent running off the track on tha
State Road, strikes ns a, rather a remarkable
one. The track has only been laid down a few
months, and that it should be already so de
ranged aod out of order as to produce these
accidents, is rather unaccountable. If tree, the
work must have been miserably done, and it
behooves the Chief Engineer to give prompt
attention to the matter, and see that the road is
placed in proper condition forthwith.
Monnsn.—Wear, informed that Bziuauts
Wat.ms. of Columbia county, was deliberate
ly murdered, on Tuesday last, while m eep on
die bench in his work shop, by a negro boy,
about fifteen or sixteen years of age, in his em
ploy. The weapon used was a hoe, with
which he inflicted several blows on tbe head.
Tbe boy was taken into custody.
Naw Imsu Potato...—Tbe Macon Joar
mal and .Mezeenger of Wednesday th. 20th iost
saym W e nave received a fine mess of Irish Po
tatoes grown during the past winter, by Mr
P. A. Uwsou of Griffin. They are all of
very good size.—one of which weiged 10
ounces, and measured inches in circum
ference. A finer specimen of Potatoes we
have never seen at any season. Tbe process
by which they were raised we have not
learned. Mr. L. says he ha, “ plenty more of
th. sam. sort ”
* Signs in Georgia.
It is mi undeniable fact, and one which can
not fail to impress itself upon the mind of the
most casual observer of passing events, that
the people of Georgia will not sustain the
of the last Legislature, by a
response to their political intrigues on the
Slavery question- This, we have always be
lieved, and we rejoice to find our opinions of
the good sense, sound conservatism, and devo
ted patriotism of the masses so fully sustained
by their action. Thus may ultraists and dema
gogues be ever overwhelmed, and the Consti
tution and Union will be preserved, to dispense
the blessings of liberty, for ages, to unborn
millions.
But, we have said the people have not re
sponded to the legislative action on this sub
let us adduce the evidence on which we
the existence of this fact. The first in
ordur was the move in the Cherokee Circuit,
whjfethe citizens of several counties, without
diaffiiction of party, met, and disapproved of
the action of the Legislature in relation to the
Nashville Convention In Monroe County,
one of the most populous and wealthy counties
in tfae State, a preliminary meeting to promote
the object of the Legislature, could not be or
ganized, because of the total indifference of
the people, who would not attend the call
The same is true of Bibb County, which is
tha» alluded to in the Macon Journal 8f Messen
ger:
“A meeting on this subject, in this city, called on
Saturday last, was attended by very few individuals
of either party, and adjourned over until Tuesday,
and then, no person having appeared at the appointed
hour, aa a matter of course, all action in the premises
was suspended until—what time we are not inform
A similar attempt was made in Athens, with
lik<Muccess, if we may judge from the follow
ing notice of tbe abortion from the Southern
Banner— a journal which, only a few months
ago,* was approximating ultraism on these
questions. That paper says:
“ thiee o’clock, P. M. on Saturday last was the
hour and the day appointed for a meeting of the de-
party of this county at the Town hall in this
place, for the purpose of appointing delegates to a
District convention to be held at Gainesville on this
day, for the nomination of delegates to the Southern
convention at Nashville. The day was iuciemeut,
but it wag not sufficient y so at the hour of meeiing
the attendance of the people. There
be not the least interest manifested by
y »-nrwiving--SVltfe” ’ttalT we'
found- dozen present, and in the course of
fifteen few more entered, making the en-
tire not exceeding fifteen or sixteen persons.
The town bell was rung by the marshall, but all in
vain. The people would not come —and those wh >
were present concluded it was best to break up
without any action whatever. So the Democrats of
Glark county have appointed no delegates to the dis
trict convention. We infer from the perfect indiffe
rence manifested on this occasion, that they have no
desire to be represented in the Nashville convention.
Indeed, there seems to be a general conviction per
vading the public mini here that the irritating ques
tions which have distracted tbe country, will be
settled satisfactorily at the present session of Con
tfress. and that all sectional action by the South would
now be injudicious. Another and powerful conside
ration bus been that not more than half tbe Southern
stales will probably be represented in the convention,
and that its effect, under such circumstances, would
be to weaken, instead of strengthen the cause of
the South. In all of this reasoning theie is great
force, and we have no hesitation in saying that the
Sou titer it convention should at least be postponed un
til after the present session of Congress. In this
view of the case, we should appoint no delegates.”
Here is not only a positive refusal to co-ope
rate, but a cool suggestion to abandon the
whole thing, by one of the leading organs of
the Democratic party. This is indeed a severe
blow to ultraists, the full force of which they
cannot but feel.
We might multiply evidences of the disap
probation of the people, but we will not
weary the patience of the reader after sub
mitting another indication, which we find in the
letter of R. W. Flouknot, of Washington
County, to the Editor of the Central Georgian,
who had suggested Mr. F. as a suitable dele
gate from the Eighth Congressional District,
to the Nashville Convention. After thanking
the Editor for the honor, and respectfully de»
dining the nomination, Mr. F. proceeds:
” The fact cannot be concealed that the people of
Georgia have not responded to the action of the Leg
islature on that subject. Nor is there such a una
nimity among the slaveholding States as could alone
secure due weight to the action of that convention.—
Nor will the toneof Mr. Calhoun’s speech strength
en the cause by promoting that harmony necessary
to its efficiency. We, of the South, cannot abandon
the strong position we now occupy by asking for an
amendment of tbe constitution, believing it full and
sufficient for our protection, and that we can alone
be injured by its viol it ion.
“ Besides, it is hoped ind believed by many that
the present Congress will settle the whole question,
on a basis satisfactory to the South, which will pre
elude the necessity of a convention.
Here, again, the necessity for the Conven
tion is seriously questioned, and a severe thrust
given to Mr. Calhoun’s Utopian theory of an
alteration of the Constitution.
These are some of the signs in Georgia,
which induce the impression on our min I that
the great mass of the people are too intelligent
and conservative, to place themselves and the
institutions s»f the country at the mercy of a
few demagogues and political tricksters. Let
the country mark the progress of events,
cushion in the Senate, which will be found in
this morning's paper, it will be seen that Sena
tors arc as much in doubt as to Mr. Calhoun’s
real views as any portion of the people, and
that very different opinions are entertained by
different Senators The correspondent of the
Charleston Courier, alluding to this subject,
says:
“There is much feeling among the Southern Sena
tors in regard to the positions of Mr. Calhoun, and it
is, of courtr, likely to lead to dimension in their
ranks.”
What a great misfortune that the South Car
olinian does not assume a leas oracular and en
igmatical position, and relieve the country in
reference to his dreamy idealities and Utopian
theories.
That foe allusion of Mr. Davis, of Missis
sippi, to the action of the Senate on the recep
tion of abolition petitions, may be perfectly
understood, it is proper to remark that it “ had
referencito the fact that, on Wednesday, when
Mr. Sewird presented such a petition, and
moved tlat il be received, the usual motion to
lay the question of reception on the table, waa
rejected—yeas 15, nays 22; Mr. Dickenson,
of the Nqth, voting yea, and Messrs. Badger,
Clay, UjOerwood and Wales, of the slave
States, voing nay. Mr. Butler and Mr. Kino
said they slotlid hereafter make no objection to
the receptbn of petitions of whatsoever charac
ter. Mr. ladger expressed the belief that the
South hadbeen led to take wrong grounds on
this subjed.”
Kmory College*
The catalogue of the officers, students and
alumni of his Institution for 1850, which e<
hibitsit in i most prosperous and flourishing
condition.has been laid on our table. From
it we lead the alumni number one hundred
and twelve, of whom twelve are Ministers and
twenty-foir Teachers. The summary of un
der-graduttes is thus made up:
Seniors .24
J uniors 22
Sophomore- 49
Freshmen 25
Preparatory Section - 39
Total 100
Now in a tendance- • • •• - 145
We cannot but congratulate the friends of
this institution upon its suecee., and ae friends
of education throughout the State tpon the
progress every where making in (eorgia to
develope Iter mental resources, 'bis pro
gr'asa s drib .Igly SuGt trb.tr ’ w p- ■sea, ,
DM augury ler tne nature success uiuie otaus,
aod her rapid advancement to greatnss.
Emory College, as the intelligent reader is
aware, has been established, fosterel and sus
tained by th. Methodist Chiircb, anoafter pass
ing through a severe ordeal in its monetary
affairs for along series of rears, imy now be
regarded w ecoupying a permaient basis,
and we siueerely hope may centime to dis
pense it. blessings for ages yet to come.
Tbe Faculty is thus composed :
Faccltv.— Rev. George F. Pierce, D. D., Presi
dent ; Rex. Alexander Means, A. M., M. D., Pro
fessor of Phyeeal Science; Rev. O. L. Smith, A.
M., Prafeusr of Ancient Languages; Rev. J. M.
Bonnell, A Nt. Adjunct Protestor of Languages aod
Mathematics; Gustavo, J. Orr, A. M., Professor of
Matbsmatie, ; Rev. William J. Sasneit. A. M., Pro
iessor ot Engtbb Lkeramre; James E. Palmer, A.
8., Principals Preparatory Section.
Tbe Cottage is pleasantly located in a salu
brious climaß, within a mile of the Georgia
Railroad, in he midst of a very intelligent and
cultivated joputation. Aa tbe expenses and
regulationsif an institution are always proper
subjects so consideration, with those who de
sire to aval themselves of Us advantages, the
following e tracts from the Catalogue may be
very desirale:
Tzsjxs.— -Tbe brr. Cotlegiste Term commences on
the third Moday in August, and closes on the first
Wednesdays December.
The secon. Collegiate Tenn commences on the
third Wedaeday in January, and closes on Wednes
day, after tho hi rd Monday m Joly-
Exrms.i— Tuition per annum, *SO. Beard can
be bad, welding washing, fuel, Ac., al from *9 to
*l2 per uw*. Tbe law of tbe College requires
Tuition to beoaid ia advance, and it will be strictly
obsorwd
To Pau Go auhaus. —Circulars giving
the standing nd deportment of Students will be sent
tn Parents andCnardians. When any Student from
habitual inattention to duties, and want of
proficiency ar 1 progress, is found fiaggtng ‘. bi* «t
--ercises, the enue is'kindly inquired into, and if, after
suitable alleapUlo reform him, he w incorrigible, the
President wi| wile io bis Pareoi or Guardian, and
raforta him of lie feeu, and request h» withdrawal
from the Institution without notoriety or disgrace. '
Every Student is required to attend, on the morning
and afternoon of each Sabbath, divine service, in the
church of the village, unless special permission is ob
tained to attend religious worship elsewhere.
PnKPABATOQY ScHoot..—This School is connect
ed with Emory College, and is under the superinten
dence of James E. Palmer, A. B. The terms com
mence and end at the same time with those in the
College. Tuition for Languages, 833 per annum ;
for English Studies, 825 per annum.
We wonld Invite attention to thia School, knowing
that a good preparation for College is essential to sue
com in the College course.
“ We say that Mr. Cobb is not at all justifiable
for appointing those men. who have made their fana
ticism a curse to the country, upon the committees
he has put them upon, and where they desired to be.
We know they had the (resumption to demands
recognitiou of their claims; but they have never
heretofore been recognized ; and have no more right
to be recognized than would the claim of a dog to sit
at his master’s table. And yet we have a southern
speaker for the first time, lifting them from insignifi
cance, into importance, admitting their claims.—
The claims of the freesoilers ! A miserable band
of fanatics, not stronger than "a corporal's guard,”
comparatively. A man of nerve—a Jackson ora
Polk, would never have made such appointments.”
Such is the manly tone of the North Caroli
nian, one of the organs of the democracy in
the old North State, in reference to the Con
gressional Committees as appointed by Mr.
Cobb. How very different this from the lone
of the organs of the same party in Georgia 1—
Here the most ultra of the democrats, some of
those who bluster most vociferously, and play
the braggart in the most approved style on the
question of admitting California—aye, would
sever the Union if she be admitted—either
quietly approve of Mr. Cobb’s appointments,
or have not the independence to protest
against them, for fear of injuring the party.
With these facts fresh in the recollection of
every man, can any intelligent mind doubt
that the sole object of the leaders in all this
clamor about the slavery question has been a
desire to make political capital ?
Have the people forgotten the fierce spirit
of denunciation exhibited by these same dema
gogues toward the few Southern whigs who
two years ago voted for Mr. Winthrop for
Speaker ? Has it escaped their recollection
that those whigs were pronounced unworthy
the confidence of Southern men because they
gave that vote T Yet Mr- Winthrop did not
give Giddings. Root, Kino, and the imma
culate Wm. J. Brown, prominent positions in
either of the Committees having charge of
■ niftrquestfdns growing out of the slavery agi
tation. He was, however, denounced as an
"Abolitionist,” and those Southern whigs who
voted for him were pronounced unsound by
the same men who now quietly acquiesce in
the present arrangement of the Committees
by Mr. Cobb.
The’reason is obv'ous: Mr. Winthrop
was a Northern whig, and Mr. Cobb a South
ern democrat. In the one case they hoped to
make political capital, and in the other their
party attachments were superior to their much
boasted love of the South. Such are the
leaders of the democracy—rhe men who are
eternally prating about Southern rights, and
their readiness to sacrifice the Union for them.
“ In the fifth Congressional District, Dr. H. V. M.
Miller has been selected as the Whig candidate for
delegate to the Nashville Convention, andS. Fouche
as the Democratic candidate.”
In this district they made an effort to get up
a Convention to nominate dolegates, which
was well nigh resulting in a to’al failure.
Nearly half the counties in the district were not
represented, and some of the others only had
one delegate in attendance.
In the first Congressional district, the plan of
a Convention to select delegates was altogeth
er too republican—it was giving the people of
eighteen counties too much power, to allow
them to have a voice in selecting their repre
sentatives in the Nashville Convention, and
the good people of Chatham took the matter
in their own hands, and nominated Geo. M.
Troup and J. H. Cooper to represent the first
Congressional district in the Nashville Conven
tion, and W. C. Daniel and F. Barton, their
alternates. Well done, Chatham! say we.
This is “ taking the bull by the horns,” cer
tainly ; and however any one may question the
principle, all must admire the modesty of the
thing, in good “ old, republican Chatham” !
These are some of the evidences of the per
fect indifference with which the whole thing is
regarded by the people of Georgia. We might
go on to enumerate others—the large popular
assemblies in this and other Congressional
districts, and the enthusiastic Conventions that
have met to make nominations!—but we for
bear. The whole farce is absolutely too barren
for ridicule.
Stone Mountain Factory.—A meeting was
held at the Stone Mountain on the 18th inst., for the
purpose of organizing a Manufacturing Company.
This is a judicious movement, and we trust it will be
crowned with success. We shall hail with joy the
•lay when the entire up-country is dotted over with
manufacturing establishments. It has the necessary
water-power, and it is a high and healthy country,
a very important consideration with operatives.
There are hundreds of poor jieople in the Mountain
counties, as indeed (hero are in other sections of the
State, who are now idle, that could earn an honest
livelihood by working in ♦w-kftww**
a support by their own industry, wey
sSWiI. **•
The reader, who is familiar with our earnest
and unceasing efforts for years, to persuade
Southern men to build up the South by intro
ducing manufactories throughout the entire
Southeru States, may well imagine how mix-h
pleasure it affords us to chronicle the eviden
ces which are weekly, aye, almost daily, mani
fested, of the spirit of progress among South
ern men. We look forward to the day with
infinite pleasure and high anticipations, and
we think it is not far distant, when the system
shall become general; and we imagine it dis
closes to us a higher degree of comfort among
all classes—a greater and more general diffu
sion of the benefits and blessings of education
and moral culture among the poor—highly
cultivated fields, rewarding the husbandman
richly for his toil—a prosperous, industrious,
thriving people, with greatly increased and
more generally diffused wealth, which shall be
used for its legitimate purposes: the meliora
tion of the condition of mankind. All this has
been accomplished in the bleak and inhospita
ble climate of New England. Energy, perse
verance, industry and enterprise will not do
less for tho genial South. Let our motto be
onward —onward—and still onward! until eve
ry waterfall shall resound with the busy hum
of machinery, employed in the manufacture of
some article of necessity or luxury, either for
domestic or foreign consumption.
The Nashville Convention.
The subject of the Nashville convention,
says the Alabama Whig, “is now somewhat
agitating the South, and most of the prominent
organs of public opinion have expressed their
views with regard to it.”
After enumerating two papers in Georgia
and one in Florida that favor the convention
the editor proceeds :
“The Texas, Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee.
Missuunand Delaware presses are generally opposed
to it. Ahbaina and Virginia cannot be said to have
taken any decisive action on the subject, until the
will of the people is made known. At Houston,
upon taking a vole on the question of sending dele
gates, seven roles were cast in favor of it, and 165
against it. At Galveston, no notice was taken of the
resolu lions of the Legislature, which were regarded
as -‘foolish and assuming.” The Nashville Union
proposes to elect delegates, “but with no power, ex
pressed or implied, to dissolve the Union.” Out of
300 votes in Harris county, Texas, there were 4
votes for the persons suggested as delegate-, 6 in
favor of a convention wuhout naming delegates ; the
other 290 were against the convention.”
■ is a very woH f
c*jGurtiil. Il ccrta*nly hsA i?ic err: |
pH* veryip*7?
very uuhh way. iuf «u»wuve •
*• There is no such thing as doing anything “gratu
itously” in a printing office. Somebody must pay
for everything that is done. Not a line can be set
that does not cost money for setting. Either the
printer must pay the whole, or the advertiser must
pay his share. The only questions to be asked by
the publisher are : Who is to pay the money for the
labor? What ground has this party or individual lo
require one to pay for the promotion of its or his ob
ject ?”
We hope that no reader will for a moment
imagine from our copying thia, that any gratu
itous printing is ever done, or ever asked
about Augusta. We only thonght there might
be io some communities, some persons who
might expect publishers to do gratuitous prin
ting, and so we thought we would print the
views of the Salem Gazette, to let them see
what some people thought on this subject.
Mr. Webster's Speech, we are rejoiced
to perceive, is winning golden opinions for him
every where among conservative men of all
parties. The Picayune speaks of it in the
following eulogistic strain:
“ This speech is a rich intellectual treat to the ad
mirers of genius and oratory. As a mere effort of
mind, it will challenge the admiration of the most
resolute opponents of the principles it affirms, the re
sults at wnich it aims, and the means which it pro
poses. It is great in its condensed vigor of thought,
and its masculine force of expression—the stately
march cf its language keeping pace with the lofty
glow of the orator as ne discusses the majestic themes
of Peace, Liberty and Union. If Mr. Webster had
not by firmer efforts established his fame as an orator
of vast and unsurpassed abilities, this speech would
have achieved for bis name a high place in history
Let us give praise and honor to the statesman, who,
to great cammanliug talents, has, in such a crisis us
national peril, added the moral courage tv do what be
believes just in itself, and necessary for the peace
and safety of the country against such a formidable
array of discouraging obstacles as beset Mr. Webster
oo this occasion.”
Mrs- Frances Regnault, an estimable lady,
and her servant, were both instan ly killed, on
die 20th inst., in Richmond, Va., by being run
over by a horse that was running away, with a
butcher's wagon attached.
KenovatioWof ViWpi^A.—»<Welte glad\t<) |
hear from all (jWr'ers, of imprvitemieniL'
the farms of EaVerik Virgil hf aVncrak
opinion thj&Jj^landsof JrtioMtof the St Ahave’
gone lo irrecoverable decay: Tfiefle neverjwus b
greater mistake. Some years ago, there might have
been some plausibility for such an assertion. Now,
agriculture in the East is on the advance; our far
mers are improving every day, and under the influ
ence of various fertilizing stimulants, —Gatno es
pecially—the dead is coming to life, and the desert
blossoming like the rose. We have heard an observ
ing and intelligent farmer express the opinion that at
the rate agricultural improvements are advancing in
the East, portions of its even neglected spots will,
ere many years, be as fertile as the finest garden
lands in Kentucky. We rejoice to chronicle facts
like these. They are of the happiest augury.
Richmond Republican.
These are some of the good fruits of the la
bors of Mr. Ruffin, who, years ago, embarked
in the arduous enterprise of endeavoring to
persuade, through the pages of the Farmer't
Register, the farmers and planters of Virginia
to be wise and improve their lands, by bringing
to their aid all the light which science had then
shed upon tillage. He had then to encounter
all the prejudices which oppose themselves to
similar efforts in other sections of tha Union;
but he persevered, and by degrees he and those
who came after him in his laudable work, have
succeeded in partially overcoming those preju
dices, and portions of the Old Dominion that
seemed irreclaiinably destroyed by the unwise
system of culture universally practiced at the
South, till they are now beginning “ to blossom
like the rose.”
Such are the effects of the exercise of a little
sound discretion by an intelligent community,
who listened to the wise counsels of one who
taught the truths which science and experience
had developed to an investigating and intelli
gent mind. May we in Georgia not profit by
this example ? are we less intelligent, less dis
posed to investigate the truths of science and
the mysteries of creation—less susceptible of
improvement than the people of Virginia ? We
think not. Owr lands have been equally fertile
and are generally as susceptible of being re
claimed as those of other Southern States.
What, then, interposes to prevent a rapid pro
gressive improvement in their fertility?
This is an important question, the solulion
of which may be given in very few words. It
is because the great mass of our planters are
unwilling to be taught. They are very gener
ally of the opinion, that as they have devoted
their whole lives to their vocation, they know
as much about it as any one. Here is the first
great error—an error which presents greater
obstacles lo agricultural improvement than all
others combined. Correct this in the public
mind and you have accomplished more in the
dissipation of popular error, and toward the
onward progress of agriculture than has been
attained in a quarter of a century.
“Another Railroad Accident. — We understand
another bridge on the Georgia Railroad has given
way, white a large freight train was passing over it,
which was precipitated into the Oconee. We do not
understand that any lives were lost.”
We copy the above from the Griffin Jeffer
sonian for the purpose of giving the credit of
the accident to the Central Railroad, to whom
it properly belongs. We hope the Jefferso
nian was not led into an intentional error in
locating it o.i the Georgia Road. Perhaps
the Savannah and Macon papers may afford
the Jeffersonian some light on the subject.
Washington’s Farewell Address.
A few week’s since the question of the au
thorship of the Farewell Address of Washing
ton was introduced into a discussion in the
Louisiana Legislature, when Mr. Sigur expess
sed his astonishment that a gentleman should
ascribe the authorship to Washington, alleg
ing that it was the joint production of Jeffer
son and Madison. This circumstance has eli
cited the publication of an original letter from
Mr. Jay, which settles the matter most conclu
sively :
Some time before the address appeared, Colonel
(afterwards General) Hamilton informed me that he
bad received a letter from President Washington and
with it the draught of a farewell address, which the
President had prepared, and on which he requested
our opinion. He then proposed that we should fix
on a day for an interview at my house on the subject.
A day was accordingly appointed. On that day Col.
Hamilton attended. He observed to me, in words to
this effect —that, after having read and examined the
draught, it appeared to him to be susceptible of i o
provement —that he thought the easiest and best way
was lo leave the draught untouched and in its fair
state, and to write lhe whole over with such amend
ments, alterations and corrections as he thought were
advisable; and that he had done so.
He then proposed to read it, and to make it the sub
ject of our consideration This being agreed to, he
read it; and we proceeded deliberately to discuss
and consider it, paragraph by paragraph, until the
whole met with our mutual approbation; some
amendments were made during the interview, but
none of much importance. Although this business bad
not been hastily dispatched, yet aware of tbe conse
quences of such paper, I suggested the giving it
a further critical examination ; but he declined it,
saying that he was pressed for time and was anxious
to return the draught to the President without delay.
It afterwards occurred to me, that a certain proposi
tion was expressed in terms too general and unquali
fied, and I hinted it in a letter to the President,
As the business took the course above mentioned,
a recurrence to the draught was unnecessary, and it
was not read. There was this advantage in the
course pursued—the President’* draught remained
sent with if, he would Immediately observe tht parti
cular emendations and corrections that were proposed;
and would find them standing in their intended
places. Hence he was enabled to review and to de
cide on the whole matter, with much greater clearness
and facility than if he had received them in separate
and detailed reference to lhe piges and lines, where
they were adv bed to be introduced.
With great esteem and regard, I am, dear sir.
your obedient servant, John Jay.
torv Calhoun’s Hxalth.—A Telegraphic
dispatch from Washington, dated Saturday, 7J
o clock P. M., stains that Mr. Calhoun was
much better.
Nabmville and Chattanooga n^i LB0 An.
This company advertises that proposals will t, e re .
ceiyed at the office of the Noshiilleand Chattanooß..
Raill Road Company in Chattanooga, until the 20th
day of May next, lor the Grading and Masonry of
the Chattanooga Division of said Road—embracing
a distance of 271 miles. The work to be commenced
immediately after lhe letting. The work on this
division of the Road will be very heavy. The pro
gress ol lhe work on the remainder ofthe line, af
fords an earnest that the entire Road will be in ope
ration at no distant day.— Chattanooga Gazelle.
This sounds remarkably well for the indus
try, enterprise and indomitable perseverence
of Col. Stevenson, the President of the road,
uader whose management the work has pro
gressed so rapidly.
Mr. Speaker Cobb.—lt will be seen, by
reference to our Telegraphic dispatch, that Mr.
Kino, of New York, has made a very grave
and serious charge against Mr. Speaker Cobb.
We are pleased to see that Mr. Cobb promptly
demanded an investigation ; from which, we
feel confident, from our knowledge of him, he
will come forth unscathed.
While a clerit in New Tuesday
was proceeding to the Louisiana Bank to de
posit $2,510, he was jostled by a crowd, and
10, immediately afterwards the money was mis
sing. The alarm was given, and when the
bank was notified of the theft, it was found that
the bills had been exchanged for smaller cur
rency. Several old rogues were arrested on
scrpicion.
The Whims of Mississippi—California —
The Administration.—The Vicksburg Whig
say*: The following resolutions adopted at the
public meeting recently held at Jackson, and
attended by nearly all the Whig members of
the legislature, may be regarded as the veice
of die Whigs of Mississippi on the question of
the admission of California:
Whereas, our Senator* and Representative* in
Congrera have by a letter recently addressed lo his
Excellency, the Governor <>l lhe Suite of Missineintn, ;
Mated that it is their well defined opinion that Cah- ,
’ 1 ■uti-l >« • s«ale ol this Union at the
tw-eoK-. ki e/ ay Mmi thfc ♦
r fjf I
MtCta s*si .*.« put 4. < Jk’L’ .Ct - . '*4- i
deration, therefore,
Resolved, That we are not aofficiently informed
in regard lo tbe particular facte attending lhe forma
tion of the conetitutioo presented by California, to
give any positive opinion in relation to the qoestion as
now pteseoled ; butthat it is oar ardent desire that
California should come into (be Union as a slave
State ; yet if lhe people of California have fairly de
cided otherwise, and have formed a constitution and
State Government for themselves in accordance with
the constitution of the United States without any
fraud, improper or undue influence in lhe act and
manner of its formation, of which fact the Congress
of the United Siatea is the judge; we, as a patriotic
and law-abiding people, loving lhe South and the
Union, however deeply we may regret our exclu
sion from soil purchased with the common blood and
treasure, will acquiesce in the right of lhe people of
that country, as American freemen, to form their own
constitution as they may desire.
Received, That while the people of the State of
Mississippi would regard the passage of any act by
Congress to abolish or prevent the existence of slave
ry in any Slate or Territory of thia Union, or to abol
ish or interfere with the traffic in slavebetween
the citizens of different States, or to abolish slavery
in the District of Columbia, as subversive of the con
rit a lion and dangerous to public liberty, yet they
see no good reason to oppose the admission of Cali
fornia as a State with a constitution regelating its own
domestic institutions, at as early a day as said State
can be admitted in accordance with the requirements
of the constitution of the United Slates, and the usage
of the Government in similar cases.
Resolved, That we cannot consider the admission
of California as a State with a constitution fairly
formed by her citizens, as the Wilmot proviso in
another form, although slavery may be excluded by
constitutional prohibition.
The Official report by the Hon. Thomas
Butler King, of his visit to California, has been
looked for with so much interest that it will
doubtless be acceptable information to onr
readers to learn that it has been at length com
pleted—having been somewhat delayed in the
preparation by Mr. King s indwporition—and
placed in the hands of the Executive, by whom
it will doubtless soon be communicated to Con
gress. and, through the to the Public.—
Nat. Intelligencer.
A destructive tornado recently passed over
portions of Clarke and Champaign counties,
n lhe Slate of Ohio, doing great damage to
imber, fences, buddings, &c
i . ■ IMS
U'lis Gerrymander, A Ml and wIV
tho Whilom
Thefollowing document wiR explain itself
to all who have taken an interest in Legislative
affairs. It has been on file several weeks, but
we have been unable before t o make roon)
for it.
Millbdgevillk, Feb. 23, 1850
Messrs. Editors The undersigned mem
bers, having participated in the late withdrawal
ofthe Whig party from the House o f llepre
resentatives, and having seen the actor, in that
movement denounced by a partisan press as
” Disorganizers” and " Revolutionist,,”
the privilege of circulating through your col
umn, and those ofthe Whig papers generally
this exposition of our course and this reply to
the strictures it ha, received. We rest the
propriety of that course upon the constitution
which gave us the power, and upon the injus
tice of the measure which called for its exer
cise. The complaijjt against such a movement
is that It binds the wdt of the larger number to
that ofthe smaller and aback, the principle of
governing by majorities. This argument the
undersigned can but a specimen ol
the logic which deals in the Implication of catch
phrases, and can but regard its adoption a, a
melancholy illustration ot that infirmity of mind
which iu a similiarity of sound, suffers a con
fusion of sense. We for ourselves repudiate
any such universal doctrine as tbe right of a
majority lo govern a minority, or the duty of
a smaller number to yield to the will of the lar
ger. The inhabitants of the British Empire,
when compared with those ofthe United States
are far the larger number, but will scarcely on
that account be said to have the right of prescri
bing us a government. The farmer, when
compared with the number of his neighbors, is
a minority, and they are a majority, and yet he
would die in resisting a pretension on their
part to govern him in the management of his
farm. The right, where it exists at all, is pure
ly a conventional one—resting solely upon a
compact that it may be exercised. Where
there is no such compact there is no such right
The undersigned conceive that, in the Honse
of Representatives of the State of Georgia,
two very different majorities have this right,
each deriving it from a different source ami
possessing it to a different extent The one, a
majority of tho whole number of Representatives
derives the right directly from the constitution
itself, the highest compact in the Stale, and
possesses it beyond the power of defeat. The
other a majority of those who may at any one time
be present, derives the right mediately from the
constitution also, but directly from the consent
of those whocompose the quorum, and possess
es it subject to defeat by a withdrawal of that
consent. That consent is implied on th'o part
of all those who remain and vote with lhe
known practice of the Honse before them, it
is withdrawn by retiring from lhe House as
we retired. When each member shall give it
or withhold it, lhe constitution lias leftamat
ter for his own judgement. It enjoins neither,
and leaves each member thepowerto do either.
The constitution trusts the first majority abso
lutely ; it trusts the second only when the quo
rum alro is willing to trust it. And we can
not believe that the constitution could possibly
require a Representative to submit the fate of
all legislation indiscriminately, to a majority
less than that which, itself has seen fit to clothe
with the certain right of absolute control
When a sufficient number withdraws to des
troy the quorum, the act derives its very efficacy
from lhe constitution itself. Without the pro
vision which requires the presence of a quo
rum, the movement would be vain as tiia wind;
with that provision it is effectual to defeat the
measure at which it is aimed. How can that
be against the conslitiilion lo which the consti
tution itself gives effect 1 When we retired
we only stepped behind a barrier which lhe
constitution had erected, we only interposed
between us and the consummation of a tyrani
cal act. a shield which the constitution had
provided to our hands. We only subjected
the measure lo the test of passing, if at all, by a
majority of all the Representatives of all the
people. The whole numberol'Representatives
is 130. Os this number G 6 is competent to do
business, and of this 06, 34 is a majority. Sup
pose lhe 66 only to be present when a measure
is put upon its passage ; 34 are favorable to it,
the other 32 are against it, and believe the ab
sent 64 to be also against it. Are these 32 men
bound to sit and let 34 others, a majority ride
over the wishes of 96 ? We hold on the con
trary that these 32, this minority, would be in
duty bound to break up the quorum by with
drawing—their only effectual inode of resis
tance—would be bound to subject the measure
to the test of being passed by a majority, not of
a temporary number, but of the people’s Rep
resentatives, provided they should believe the
measure to be unacceptable to the people or
fraught with injustice. We attempted to app'y
this test to the Congressional District bill, be
cause we thought it was both the one and the
other. That it could not have passed if all the
members had been present is apparent from the
fact that 7 Democrats voted against it on its
passage, while no Whig could have been found
to vote for it- It could have been defeated by
remaining in and voting but for the absence
of a large number of Whigs—some and per
haps most of them having gone home under
standing the Democrats as standing pledged not
tn take up the bill. Certainly such was the un
derstanding ofmany who remained here. That
the bill will have tin unjust operation must ap
pear from an attention to its features It pre
sents a gross departure from the principle of
equal representation and equal division of
power among the people.
Under the apportionment act of Congress
in 1842, each State is entitled ti one Repre
sentative for every 70.680 representative pop
ulation which it contains. Since therefore the
whole State has as many Representatives as
the number of times it contains this ratio, an
equal division of power among the people
requires that each district should contain at
least this ratio of 70,680. For if any one
sv«R, ~n.cr ..T—VCG.n'ulll
more, while lhe larger can have no more weight
than the smaller, each being entitled to but one
Representative. Now a simple calculation
from the census of 1840, will show that the
6th district as organized by this bill, has a
representative population of only 64,889 and
that the 7th is still more deficient, having no
more than 62,610 —a deficiency of more than
5000 in one case and more than 8000 in the
other. These deficiences here of course
produce corresponding excesses in other pla
ces. But this inequality is still more striking
ly apparent under the'State census of 1845,
which being five years later gives a nearer
approach io the present state of population in
the several districts. A calculation from this
census will show that of the districts organized
by this bill, the 6th, 7ih and Bth, each has a
representative population below the Congres
sional ratio—below lhe number which, accord
ing to the spirit of tbe apportionment act, is
entitled lo a representative; while tho 3d, 4lli,
and sth. each Contains a representative popu
lation largely above the same Congressional
ratio. Between the aggregate representative
population of the one set of districts, and that
of the other set the difference is 73,141—a
difference greater than die number which
would entitle the State lo an additional Repre
sentative, and a difference therefore which upon
the principle of eqnal representation ought lo
entitle the three larger districts to 4 Represent
atives, so long as the other three have tfieir
one to each. Between the representative
population of the sth district and that of the
7tli there is the startling difference of 32,639,
a difference greater than half the representa
tive population of the whole 7th district, and
one entitling the sth, upon the principle of
eqnal representation, to have added to it*
present weight, more than one-half of the
same. Until the correction of these gross ine
qualities shall be made, the people who make
up these excesses in the larger districts, will be
virtually disfranchised. They are set aside as
being naught. The law is said not lo regard
very small things, De minimis lex non curat;
perhaps law makers can dispose of thousands
of their liege men by virtue of lhe same con
venient maxim. To such an extent has tbe
poor old State been stretched upon this party
rack, a feature distorted here, there a ligament
torn loose, and at every point each wrenched
limb bound fast in its posture of constraint
But these attitudes impressed by force, like
that of lhe bent bow, are unnatural ones, and '
when the cord is cut. terrific will be lhe re
bound. Os the injustice of this bill in its dis
tribution of power between the two politi
cal parties in lhe State, we propose lo speak 1
in reviewing the strictures which have been 1
so profusely heaped upon us and our associates 1
by a partizan press. To that part of our un- 1
derlakirig we now proceed.
And while we address our particular atten- 1
tion to an editorial in tbe Federal Union of ‘
lhe 19th inst, we deprecate any inference *
that we attach any special authority to its 1
statements, or that we deem it elevated above ■
any similar effusions by the “ decency ” of its '
** ”°le reason for the selection, ’
** > of answering all of them 1
'*J ■> " 't "J""tiro sma—. iiwaw .
:m t article, after many color
ing/ ’ • important omissions which
wt «r.r. so tedious as to notice,
says: “It is proper here to state that propo
sitions of compromise on Tuesday, Wednes- I
ity and Thursday were made by leading 1
Democrats to leading Whigs. One of them '
was that on the meeting of tbe entire House. 1
a sufficient number of Democrats would retire 1
to enable the Whigs to carry lhe vote on the J
reconsideration. Another was that a sufficient 1
number of Democrats would vote for lhe re- 1
consideration to carry it, provided a sufficient 1
number of Whigs to constitute a quorum 1
would pledge themselves to retain their seats 1
when the reconsidered bill should in its order 1
eome before the House. These and other ’
similar propositions being rejected by the 1
Whigs," &c. Here are staled two distinct 1
propositions which have gone forth to the 1
country as having been offered by “leading
Democrats" and as having been “rejected by
the Whigs" The undersigned have no
disposition to indulge in the application of 1
epithets, nor to use language unnecessarily 1
harsh, however much it may be deserved.
We will therefore say only, what the editor
has rendered necessary lo be said, that the ,
statement that either of the above “ proposi- ,
lions” was '■ rejected by the Whigs," or was
offered to them, is wholly untrue. We will not ,
take issue with vague statements so capable of
being explained entirely away, as to what
may have been offered by “ leading Demo
crats,” or rejected by "leading Whigs,” but
we do, as men acquainted wth the transac
tions of the lime, positively deny that either of
lhe above stated “ propositions ” was rejected
by “the If'higs" or ottered to them. And we
will remark that lhe editor by his stament
places his friends in lhe foolish attitude ol of
fering the less acceptable "proposition,-' the
second after the first and more liberal one
had been rejected. Leaving him to commend
hi* good offices to their gratitude, we remark
in the next place that the second ‘‘proposi
tion," though never made to "lhe Whigs ” in
the terms slated, may yet be considered as not <
very widely different from another which was
made byway of answer to a proposition from
“the Whigs to the Democrats. And remark
ing again tbat " tbe Whig* ” did not receive
a proposition of reconsideration on any terms ,
we will leave tbe charitable reader, when in i
mdtfeqiiel he secs the proposition which iwtjßgS
AndA to form bi* own jiKlgemrnt a* u>
Mhiy |c t»t«ril>fit.:<i lo nn-ri-preseiitaiioii. or as R®
WoTW-v far a vague conception of the true
proposition may have finally taken in the W S
mind of the editor the shape of that stated by cS?
him. But as to tbofirst proposition there is 8’
not the semblance of truth in saying it was
rejected by "the Whigs,” or that it was B
offered to them Indeed its offer by the 8 I
Democratic party would hive been wholly ln
consistent wtih the refusal which they returned H;
to the following. g’jig
Proposition by the Whigs. - g
Resolved, That we propose to the democratic par- -
ty to proceed to dispatch the balance of lhe legisla
tion ofthe country, upon condition that the motion to
reconsider lhe Congressional bill be postponed for
mrthcr consideration.
To this proposal the whig party received ■ i
the ioUowing
Response from the Democratic Party:
Resolved ihe democritic parly in the pres
ent House of Rep, wnutiT „ „„ ready ot nny ino , W|
meat («8 they have been since Tuesday in their
seals) to meei the member, of this body attached to
P * r ‘ y ’ " “ number of thorn to ■
consututr; a quorum to do business, and to proceed K
to lhe discharge of our legl,|. live daließ ; and that B
we are further wilhng p> suspend the present stand;
ng order of tbe House until the ,„ ore L e „ in g legist K
.non ts finished; Provided, [msrb ibe native of K
the pronso ] assursoces are given that if that order ■
h suspended, tbe House of Representative, ig , lot to ■
be again prevented from transacting the business of M
. the country by a withdrawal of the member* of tbe fl
whig party until the pr esent order i« disposed of and K
lhe Legislature is legally dissolved. ijitj
Is it not very remarkable that the editor, al fl
though assuming the style of history, should
have omitted all mention of this proposition '•J
by the whigs and this response to it by the ■
democrats? Will he supply the omission 8
now 1 The undersigned hereby lormally re- ■
quest him as an act of justice to publish this 8
entire article: and in the event of his refusing 8
this, then to complete his history of ‘ propo- I
sitione” by inserting the above offered by lhe 8
whigs and the answer of the democrats. fl
His suppression of this portion of the true jS
history, must strike every reader as a gross fl
distortion of lhe positions oftbe two parties. fl
It must do more—it must convince every Rvij
mind that the editor had a very tender sense fl
of the bearing of the part suppressed, llial ho 8
was not satisfied with the true position of his fl
friends, nor with that of his opponents; and 8
that hence arose the attempt to make the one ■
appear better than it really was, and to mangle fl
the other, or more properly still, to keep it ■
entirely out of view. Was the editor afraid to -8
let the country know that the whig® were wil- fl
ling to do the business ofthe country, leaving I
this mere party scheme to subsequent
while the
should be consummated or that legislation fl
should remain suspended and lhe people’s
money be squandered in idleness? And they
demanded, too, that lhe whig* themselves
should aid in the unholy consummation.—
They, with a refinement of cruelty, required
tbat we should be officiating priests in the fl
ceremony when we were also io be victims fl
on the altar. Let a candid people judge be- fl
tween u*. fl
As to the ed tor s remarks upon the division W
. of power which this bill makes-between lhe two 8
paities in this State, we wi I say as briefly as 8
possible that this division is even more unequal fl
than that among the people without distinction 8
of party has already beeu shown lo be. While 8
the two parties are so nearly balanced, that lhe ■
1 result of a Georgia election has become pro-
verbially uncertain, this bill out of eight Re- ■
presentatives appropriates five to the Demo ■
’ erals, gives two to the Whigs, and leaves bu*
’ one which in any just sense can be considered j
doubtful. In the last two elections for Gov
' ernor, lhe 4th district, which this editor classes
' a* "doubtful,” was carried for lhe Democrats,
’ at the first, by a majority of 183, and at the se
cond by a majority 0f444 ; while the 3d. which
he ranks also as * doubtful," was carried for
the Democrats at the first election, by a majori
ty of 512, and at the last by a majority 0f674.
The 2d, which be places iu the same class,
never has been carried for the Whigs in a Con
gressional election, aud was carried the last
time forjudge Wellborn, albeit by “the mea
gre majority of 86,” in spite of Itis unpopular
ity on tbe one baud, and on the other lhe ser
vices of his opponent under the flag of his
country upon lhe fields of Mexico. What can
render such districts “doubtful.” the undersign
ed are at a loss lo imagine, unless it be the in
dignation of a just people impatient to wash
their hands of lhe iniquity of such an organiza
tion. It might well happen under the opera
tion of this bill, that the Whigs might have, a
. majority 0f5,000, and yet have but three out of
the eight Representatives to which the Stale is
entitled. And this bill is the act of the Demo
cracy which loves to prate of a government by .
majorities, and of a sacred regard for the will of
the people! * i
Will not the people tear off the mask of hy- j
pocricy, and, like the followers of the "Veiled
Prophet,” turn with horror from tbe idol they
have worshipped? Democracy’s instinct fora
humbug can scarcely afford it a refuge, and
even encased as it is in the double armor of
the Senatorial and Congressional Bills, it is not
safe from the sturdy blows of an indignant peo
ple. It will stagger and die beneath tho very
weight of its harness.
But this editor sees fit, after denouncing the
withdrawal of the Whigs, to contrast the con
duct of hie friends—He asks, "Have they ever
resorted to such an expedient?” and he then
triumphantly answers bis own question, "Nev
. er.” He remembers a like resort by the Whigs
in 1840, but has managed to forget the retreat of
the Democrats under lhe lead of Judge Jackson
in 1845! We dismiss this point with the single
remark that this feat of forgetfulness might be
performed either by a convenient memory or
an elastic conscience.
Again, and lastly, this editor, after contrast
ing the couduct of Mr. Jenkins and his asso
ciates, says, "On Thursday it was rumored
that, disgusted ay their proceeding!., he ha'CtTre
..lanxl hi,nis-TCTtgnattun on Saturday
was sent to the Governor," dec. To say no
thing of the miserable effort to skulk behind a
“rumor,’ (which, by lhe way, has been made
known to the undersigned by the editor only,)
here is a clear attempt to connect the resigna
tion which actually did occur with a motive
w-hieh this editor tnti-t have known Mr. Jenkins
himself had in a marked manner repudiated, by
presiding over tbe meetings of those very “asso
ciates” in consultations a* to what "proceed
ings” the emergency required! If the edito r
did not know this fact, then is his ignorance as
convenient as his memory, Perhaps a subject of
curious speculation might be a comparison be
tween the extent of the two. How could the
editor so extol Mr. Jenkins and denounce his
"associates,” when lhe resignation of the one
and the withdrawal of the others led to the
same result— the lack of a quorum ?
In conclusion, the undersigned leaving the
editor to vindicate the sincerity of praise which
he has not shown to be distinguished from his
abuse, and remarking that we are conscious
the praise of our friend was meant as the con
demnation ofourselves, will yet adopt the eu
logy and say of him, “he returned to his home
bearing with him lhe laurels won in an able
legislative career untarnished, and enjoying the
increased confidence and respect of hi* fellow
citizens.” We trust lo redeem the sentiment
from the insincerity of its conception by tbe
cordially of our adoption.
Y. L. G. Harris, M. M. Mintz,
Robt. P. Trippe, B. H. Perkins,
Robert Griggs. Rich. Richardson,
Linton Stephens.
N. B.— Here are the names of all to whom
the subject was mentioned. In the burry of a
general dispersion, but few were seen on the
subject.
Oppositioh tactics. —We cannot too strong
ly reprobate lhe conduct of the opposition
presses towards President Taylor. That they
should oppose his administration is natural.
Differing from him as they do upon the proper 1
policy of the Government, it was not to be ex
pected that they would sustain his recommen
dations generally. But a factious opposition
—an opposition right or wrong—opposition lo
the "bitter end,” is neither honest nor patriot
ic: ami when it is pushed to indiscriminate
misrepresentation and unblushing falsehood, it
becomes infamous. Os this character is the
following telegraphic despatch from Washing
ton, which we find reproduced in the National
Intelligencer:
" Washisstoh, March 11, 1850.—“ The
President, i> is said, has issued secret instruc
tions to the commandanlsofthe various military
stations to hold themselves in readiness for ac
tion in case the proceedings of the Nashville
Convention should require it.”
The falsehood of this is apparent to any one
who will reflect upon it for a moment “It is
said!’’ By whom is it said? Where was it
said? Yet many people, as the Intelligencer
remarks, will not think of these questions. No
individual has probably ever conceived such a
thing but the infamous authors of such rumors
whose of ject is deception and mischief. We
•aw even in thep Washington r.orre.gnnmleqca
■, r . -u. liny* sgu an
intimation, that t*e President would probably
pursue some such course as that indicated in
tbe foregoing dispatch.
Akin to this same species of tactics, was a
paragraph in the Gesrgian of last week, taken
from that incendiary sheet, the IV. F. Post,
which stated that Geo. Taylor had given a
dinner to Hale, Giddings, Tuck and other free
•oil politicians. That all the members of
Congress participate in the hospitality and civ
ilities of lhe President, is quite probable, for
•uch is tbe established custom ; but the object
of this paragraph was to create the impression
that he had distinguished these abolitionists a
bove all other members, with a view to
strengthen his administration. Yet it waa all
very proper for Mr. Speaker Cobb to place this
same Giddings and his abolition confreres
upon the most important committees of the
House.
As the Intelligencer remarks, the next story
will be, as likely as not, that it is said that the
President has ordered a hundred or two bar
rels of gunpower to be placed in the basement
cellars ofthe Capitol, in order to blow up both
Houses of Congress!— Sav. Rep.
Tbe following appointments were unani
mously confirmed by the U. 8. Senate, in ex
ecutive session on Monday afternoon:
W.C. Rives, of Virginia, Envoy Extraor
dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to France.
George P. Marsh, of Vermont, Resident
Minister at Constantinople.
Epharim G. Sqnier. of Kentucky, Charge
d’Affaires to Guatemala.
Thomas M Foote, of New York, Charge
d’Affaires to New Grenada.
Thk Nashville CottvxitTios —Twenty eight
members of the Mississippi Legislature signed
a written protest against the acts of the legis
lative convention tn electing members to the
Nashville Convention, as novel, transcending
their legislative duties, and “ tending to sub
vert the dignity, harmony, perpetuity .nd
prosperity of tbe United Sates of America.”
The Natchez Courier, concurring in thia view,
expresses iu earnest hope that no delegate be
longing to the Whig party will accept tbe sta
tion assigned to him, or consent to serve tn
lhe Nashville Convention, " at least until regu
larly chosen by the people.” A very targe
meeting has been held at Raymond, Hinds
county, Miss., in which it is declared tbat as it