Newspaper Page Text
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ed audience.
Debates in The Nashville
CONVENTION.
Eighth dat—On the question as to wheth
er the amendments presented by Mr. Mcßae,
of Miss, should be adopted and made part ot
the address, a warm controversy took place,
which was participated in by Messrs. Mcßae,
Gordon and Colquit, Messrs Gordon and
Colquit taking strong ground against the a
mendments so offered. Gen. Gordon said the
address was none too strong in the character
of the phraseology used, that every thing ha
been done in the’ Committee which appeared
possible to make it acceptable to all, and ne
was against any further attempts to modify or
soften the terms of it. . -
Mr. Mcßae read at length the portions of
the Address proposed to be stricken out, wi
the amendments proposed by him in lieu o
them,—said that the Address ought to go to
the wor'd with entire unanimity on the part ol
the Convention, if it were possible—that it was
his object, if it could be accomplished, to pre
vent having any protest go out along with it
and insisted that any objections on the part of
those who were disposed to go further than
was indicated by the Address, had better take
the shape of “addenda," than compel men to
weaken the strength of that document by any
thing like a regular protest.
Mr. Colquit, then took the floor. He said
the resolutions were tame enough, in all con
science. We in the South, he said, have for
years been engaged in planning schemes for
party aggrandizement, and it was time for
this to cease. Men should speak out what they
felt. Let the rights of the South be really in
fracted, and be did not know the Southern
State or the humblest man in the ranks who
wonld not come up and face the politicians
He was willing to have margin enough incor
porated in the report to suit the views of gen
tlemen who might wish to address the people,
but he was for decided measures. He would
advise every Southern State to go to moulding
bullets, canting cannon, and filling their arse
nals, if need be, inorder to defend their rights.
Was he a Disunionist ? The Union, he would
say, could not be destroyed, but he was not
for tame submission ’ The Union was dear
alike to all, North and South ; and if the peo
ple North loved the Union as he did, it would
be preserved. But every nian. woman,
and child, South of the willing
to die for their rights. It resolve
itself into this, at last —if did
know how much to ask for
of this controversy, and he could get what he
so desired, the Almighty knew he would ask
- by a humorj"
ous story in substance—that a fellow in Geor
gia bad purchased a new pair of “gallowses ”
and wished for an opportunity to display them.
Ata muster therefore, he pretended he wished
to fight [in order to get a chance to pull off his
coat.] But it proved to be a fight sure enough
and the mover in it got whipped. Mr. C.
hoped the Delegates had not come to the Con
vention to show their ‘■gallowses'.’’ He did
not want any dodging either, and he hoped
that every delegate would lake the responsi
bility and come out over his own name in
what he did.
He was briefly and handsomely replied to by
Messrs Meßae and Stuart, of Mississippi, anJ
Judge Hunter of Alabama, having secured the
floor, on motion, the convention adjourned to
half past fnur o'clock.
Aftzrsooh Session.—Judge Hunter tiav
* ing the floor, p oceeded to reply to the re
marks of Mr. Colquit. He regretted the ne
cessity which called for a reply, but he could
not avoid answering the charges of pusillani
mity and cowardice conveyed in the speech
of the gentleman from Georgia. Men rose
here to talk flippantly of their love for the U
nion, whilst raising their hands to tear it to tat
ters. He would ask was there no other man
here but himself devoted to the preservation of
the Union ? Was it to be expected that the
Convention would adopt views which not one
in ten or one in fifty of the people would sus
tain? He came here with a heart full of the
spirit and the temper of compromise, aud he
accepted the resolutions without a word of
dissent although they did not fill his ideas ful
ly; although they did not agree with tho posi
tions assumed in all of them. He stood there
as the sole representative of his Congressional
District, and as such he was willing, notwith
standing his objections, to take the Resolu
tions presented by his colleague. But
did the Address correspond with the Resolu
tions—was it based upoh it 7 It should have
beam fitted for the Resolutions and was it so
fitteil ? No it was not I They had gone in the
Address beyond the limits of the Resolutions.
He would say to the Author of the Address,
whoever he might be—that it was calculated
to work evil at home—to inflame the passions
of the people. Although there were no: ma
ny here who agreed with him, yet there were
more perhaps, than gentlemen might think ;
and the: who differed had the courage to de
clare themselves. Before he would see Disu
nion carried out.he was against the Address and
for the “Compromise'’ a thousand times over.
[Stamping in the gallery in approbation.]
There, said Judge H., was the voice that cheer
ed him on—that would continue to cheer him
on. He disagreed with those who drafted the
Address, in relation to the portion tha related
to California especially, and the Address char
acterized the Compromise of the Committee
of thirteen as a comprehensive,scheme of eman
cipation. [Here Gen-. Gordpn explained that
this portion had been atricken out. Judge H.
accepting the 'explanation.] Other expres
sion* and portions of the Address were objec
tionable, other positions were overstated. Such
ration was calculated to exercise a bad influ
ence at Washington and to awaken the pas
sions of the people, which he considered to be
wrong. He would pay his humble tribute of
admiration to the gentleman from Mississippi
, n<.l.l H , ~„.i..„, >
■■■■■WW'rnCTomproinue a thousand times in pref
erence to Disunion.
Mr. Winston, of Alabama, said he arose to
express his dissent to nearly all that had fallen
from his colleague on this occasion. He had
heard too*much about the Union—the glorious
Union! but when it became an instrument of
oppression, then it became infamous. He did
not care for the demonstrations—the stamping
in the gallejues, it did not move him. His
health would not permit him to make a speech,
but coming as he did, from the same State, he
could not be silent.
Mr. Boykin, of Alabama, arose to rebuke
the spirit which had been evinced in debate.
He came here not to aid in vexing the ears of
gentlemen—not to breed dissention among
the people, and he must therefore enter his
protest against alt this. This body was a de
liberative body. It was composed of the most
dignified and able men in the South, and it
was letting down the character of it to go into
inflammatory debate. Almost all ages of the
world had presented similar acenes. When
men were subjected to great grievances it had
always been customary to assemble together
to get redress. It was so with the conscript
Fathers of the Revolution, and the same spirit
of conciliation which marked their action
should characterize the action of this grave
assembly He was determined to stand by the
rights of the country, and he took for granted
thatyrrina facia every gentleman present was
in favor of sustaining the rights of the South,
differing only as to l h e best method by which
that end should be attained. He would notice
briefly some of the points of difference in the
Address. He thought the mode of argument
adopted open in some respects to attack, and
consequently and unfortunately to overthrow.
He referred particularly to that part in relation
to California. Men in and out of the Conven
tion differed in respect to this—the highest le
gal lore in and out differed tn relation to this
question If we went on in the manner pro.
posed to declare the inadmissibility of Califor
nia to enter the Union, we might be at issue
with the Congress of the United States. In
stead of putting objections on constitutional
grounds, other and as he considered weaker
grounds were assumed—that the action of the
people there was irregular and revolutionary
If wo stood upon the right position, we were
impregnate—if we opposed the admission of
California on other and weaker grounds we
might fail. That then ought to be left out of
the questions discussed, as he believed. The
Address stated that Congress, in adopting the
constitution of California, adopted in effect
the Wilmot Proviso. The people of Califor
nia had adopted that constitution, right or
wrnna Uo .t ..1 a ■ i
wrong. He believed then, that the Address
was liable to attack and successful attack too.
To sustain his position, Mr. B. quoted Mr
Calhoun's speech made in 1837, proposing to
admit Michigan, and he thought that the sug
gestions <>f prudence and the spirit of concili
ation should dictate the leaving out of the por
tion he had referred to. The distinguished
gentleman from Virginia, (Gen. Gordon,) had
admitted that the difference was bnt tr>Hia.
that the substitute offered was essentially the
same. If things could be harmonized it was
the duty of all to concede something to that
end. United here, we should go home united ;
and be was in favor therefore of the substitute
offered by the gentleman from Mississippi.
The Convention ought not to attack specifics!
ly plans before Congress. There were gen
tlemen here who were like the gentleman from
Alabama, who had declared he would go for
tha Compromise a thousand times before he
would go for Disunion, and why then attack
the compromise plan of Mr. Clay, and fail to
attack that of Gen. Taylor or that of Gen
C«M r He came here not to discuss the plan
ot this man or of that man, but to discuss
great constitutional principles. There was a
large portion of delegates here from the diffe
rent States tn favor of the Compromise of the
Committee ot Thirteen, and was it prudent or
proper therefore to hurl a shaft at al! who sus
tamed that plan 1 Nothing ought to be done
here to dtvtde the Southern people. If men
wno were here now—men distinguished for
bc run they would
won’d so h’m*"* 1 fo,d lh,,r arms qttietlv, but
the neo’nU a* beture
-Xis rolhL-m gentleman here
They X^ M CO b". W . ] ddre u
be created, and he implored the chwou,d
“°t t® d " r,d * •* members— not to lurn'them
M u fn> ? ,hW P ,O ctea!e dtsrord at home
Mr Pickens regretted the necessity of tre«-
passmg for a few moments on the attention of
the Convention. He hoped there would be
more harmony than appeared. The gentle
man trom Alabama, by tn/ereace. charged upon
the Convention plans of Disunion. [Mr.
Hunter explained—be did not intend to be so
understood ] His friend from Georgia (Mr.
C olquitt) had been arraigned lor some of his
jennments What reason had the gentleman
SS K thT.;" ■"7“ 7-
UM—VW.iiw.u,,
hw person tbaniusheel. Why did not the gen'
demon point to the viewsof other men who had a
made aggressions upon public rights? Until tl
lately the ship of State had sailed smoothly it
along with nothing to endanger the rich treas- ii
ure with which she was freighted. How had -
things changed? Some strong hand must v
grasp the helm or she wonld be driven upon
the most dangerous breakers —“O’er which a
the sorrowing sea-bird had sung.” Was the v
Union to be saved by timid resolves —to be c
saved by measures engendered by foul and I,
leprous fanaticism ? He was here to save the t
Union, and he would not give a fig for your e
Union without the Constitution What were a
the principlesof the Resolutions of'9B ? That i
the Union of the States was a compact—that 1
each State acceded to the compact. What '
follows ? Why that each State, in the last re- I
sort, has the right peaceably to secede from the t
Union. If the Convention dispersed without i
unanimity was not each State compelled to I
act for herself? if all were united, did any |
believe the Union wonld be dissolved ? The I
people of the fifteen Southern States look to
us to declare their rights and attend to their in
terests. With all acting together, the Union 1
never could be dissolved. Take a middle or
half-way course, and it might be. There were
some States where men dare not make these
questions a mere matter of party. Act togeth
er and there was no need of an appeal to arms.
We could appeal to public sentiment—to the
people, looking boldly to secession as the last
remedy to sustain our rights. This was con
s rvative and would make the government
pause.
Give us a Union protecting our rights, and
we would spend the last drop of our blood to
defend it. He could not bow to the god of
fanaticism with its leprosy. He called this a
conservative body, but if we could not pre
serve our rights, he was compelled to appeal
to a reso;t to arms, which the gentleman from
Alabama so much dreads. The remarks of
that gentleman were so much the reverse of all
with which he coincided, that he was compell
ed to speak. He apprehended we were about
to set in motion here principles of the highest
importance. Did you ever, Mr. President,
in leaning over the bow of a steamer in the
Mississippi think of the little rivulet far away
amongst the hills, over which the hunter care
lessly stepped, and from which the wild deer
drank. Follow it out,and what was the mighty
result, witnessed ?
It might have beeu observed that South
Carolina had taken but little part in this Con-
vention. They had met here at the invitation
of Mississippi, a younger but gallant State.
She had led on a greatoccassion aud she would
lead again. Let her place her line again ever
so high, and they of South Carolina would be
with her. They asked for nothing more than
was honorable—they would have nothing
less.
Mr. Gholson spoke at length in favor of
amending the Address, and took occasion to
define and defend the position he occupied
With p jpiqi M i| f j t jy»'t'mPiinu l U[ 'il' in wwX'
Compromise bill was passed would gentlemen
be willing to dissolve the Union.
Mr. Newton, said he had not intended to
speak on the occasion- His colleague and
friend (Mr. Gholson) had asked, however —if
in case the Compromise Bill was passed,
would he be willing to dissolve the Union?
He had no right to put such a question. He
himself was not, however, for timid counsels,
any more than for rash ones. What was the
fact with regard to the proposed Compromise ?
Why, five out of six of the proposi ions were
in favor of the North. Was that a compro
mise which proposed to take for a single free
State nine hundred and sixty miles on the
shores of the Pacific, cutting us out forever
from all the commerce of Asia and that quarter
of the world, and confining us to our own
shores here at home ? The day had passed when
he knew the distinctions of party, in common
parlance, and South, there ought not to be any
distinctions recognised between Whig and
Democrat on these questions. He had fought
for Whig principles with all the ardor of his
nature; but he could tell party leaders that
party ties were broken, and the) must look to
the people hereafter for guidance. He came
from the county which was the birth-place of
Washington, and in that county they recog
nized no distinction of sentiment upon the
questions which had brought him there. He
yet hoped that his friend and colleague and
himself would go home to co-operate in meas
ures, notwithstanding the slight differences of
opinion now existing between them.
Remarks of Mr. Gholson in the Southern Con
vention—Mr. Gohlson of Virginia said that
he did not rise to make a regular speech.
The position which he and other members of
thisconvention occupied had not been fairly
staled. Gentleman speak of timidity. That
which some call timidity, is often evidence of
great moral firmness. It is easy to go along
with the current—it is more difficult to oppose
it. He knew that he was in a minority in this
body, yet he trusted he had the firmness to
pursue that course which his judgement ap
proved.
He was happy to hear from the gentleman
from South Carolina, (Mr. Pickens,) that the
course of that State had heen misunderstood—
that it was conservative. In much that had
fallen from that gentleman, he concurred. To
oilier portions of his speech he could not
subscribe. He was for taking firm ground—
for uniting the South; but he was opposed to
assuming a position, which he did not believe
a majority of the Southern States would, or
ought to sustain. He had been axions to pro
duce concert and harmony, and with that
view had been willing, that the resolutions re
ported by the committee should be adopted.
He would have made no opposition to them,
but he could never agree to the address now
under consideration. He regarded it in every
respect, as unwise and imprudent—calculated
to distract, not to unite the South
The amendments proposed by the gentle
man from Mississippi he considered as of no
importance. The argument remained sub
stantially the same. You could not mistake
the object of the argument. It would be no
more necessary in order to understand that the
address referred to the •• Compromise ” to say
so in words, than it would be to write over the
picture, “ this is a horse.” If gentlemen insis
ly to do so directly. He dissented from the
address. Gentleman say they are anxious to
leave here united. Then thay had it in their
power to do so. The resolutions take ground
as high as any Southern man need occupy. It
is unnecessary to enforce these resolutions by
any argument. The argument will distract
Besides who can undertake to say what form,
the plan of adjustment before Congress, may
assume ? He did not propose to discuss that
measure. But if he agreed with gentlemen,
that it was open to all the objections urged by
the address, he should still regard it unwise to
issue it.
Gentlemen should recollect, that this Con
vention does not represent the whole South.
The address declared in substance that by the
acceptance of the Compromise, the rights and
honor of the South would be sacrificed.
There are numbers of distinguished men—as
true friends as the South ever had, who enter
tain dliferent opinions—who hail it as the of
fering of peace. There are several Slave
States, which from public indications, are
ready to accept it. Why then place, er at
tempt to place, the South in a position
from which she may back out?
Suppose the compromise bill, with such a
mendments as may be adopted, becomes the
law of the land, does this Convention mean to
declare that this Union is to be dissolved ? If so
then he declared that in his opinion, the South
will not sustain them. He called upon dele
gates here to answer the question. Will the
South resist the compromise bill, if passed ?
He appealed to the delegates from Alabama,
from Florida, from Mississippi, from other
States, and askrd them, to tell him, will the
people ot those States resist? He appealed to
his own colleagues, and asked them, if Virgi
nia is ready to dissolve this Union, rather than
acquiesce in the compromise if it become a
law? If gentlemen are not ready to answer,
that resistance is to follow the passage of the
measure, why, he asked, publish such an ad
dress ?
Sir, lam timid. I wish the South to take no
hasty action—to make no hasty resolves—but
to consider —ponder and weigh well every
measure, before its acts.
Let die Soutli keep herself in the right, and
let this Convention assume no ground in which
they will not be sustained by the great body of
the Southern people 1 desire never to see the
South placed in a situation from which she
may 5o compelled to take a step backward."
Mr. President. lam one of those who de
sire to use every effort under heaven to pre
serve the Union. 1 trust—l believe it may be
pre erved—-preserved without the sacrifice of
Southern rights or honor . I agree that firm-
’ nees is indispensable— but sir, moderation is
not less s>. I love the Union—love it for all
that is glorious in the past—or bright in the
i future. 1 love it because ofthe blessings it has
• conferred upon the civilized world. 1 shudder
at the contemplation of its destruction. 1 dare
not calculate its value. It has blessed the in
habitants of earth, while its influences have ex
tended to Heaven. Strike down this Union,
and the trembling thrones and tottering crowns
of the old world will again become steady.
Despotism, that has been quailing before the
inarch of free principles, will again rear its
head and fasten the chains that fetter the minds
and bodies of men. He would pause, before
he would take any step involving the perpetui
ty ofsuch an Union.
He loved the South more than the Union,
and would never agree that she should be sub
jected to shame or humiliation. He loved the
South as he did his own hearth and tireside,
and gentlemen would fl nd when the necessity
came, which ho prayed a kind Providence
might forever avert, that those whom they may
now regard as timid, will be found the first
where danger calls. Let no man think that
the South—any part of the South will ever
yield to the arrogant pretensions ofthe North
ern fanatics. We must have peace, security
and equal rights, or this Union cannot endure.
It was an Union of equality into which these
States entered, and that man deceives himself,
who thinks that the South will submit to see
the Constitution, which formed die terms of
the compact, perverted and abused, and in
stead ol continuing the source of protection
and blessings, converted into an engine of
wrong and oppression. Every man in whose
bosom there is a Southern heart is resolved
—determined to stand by Southern rights—
our duty to ourselves, to our children requires
it.
But still he was m favor of moderation—
conciliation, and then should justice be denied
us. South Carolina. Georgia, Alabama, Ten
nessee, \ irgmia and all the South could to
gether rise upiu defence of their right ’at all
hazards and to the last extremity.*' He re
peated that the amendments offered by the
gentleman from Mississippi did not change the
Ot a^r ess—they did not make it
acceptable to him.
Remarks 0f Bmrly
tucker said that it gave lunch pleasure to have
opportunity now of addressing the Con
ventton. and to remember that when he did so
belore. it was for the purpose of allaying ex
citement. It was not for one in whose veins
ume had chilled the fire of youth and weak
ened the force of imagination, to call down the |
applanse of gallerias. l>«» he wished to speak
the words of truth and soberness, those becom- I
in* his years. He arose to answer hiscolleague <
from Virginia, (Mr. Gholson.) who had asked i
—in case the Compromise Bill was passed,
would he be willing to dissolve the Union.
He was prepared to answer that question ;
and when he had answered it, his colleague
would be about as wise as he was before. His
colleague was an able lawyer, and would hard
ly put such a question into a bill, He should
be willing to have the Compromise Bill pass
ed with amendments, if they would let him
amend. If it was asked what he would do if
it passed without amendments, the gentleman
himself could not answer the question, and he
was nSt prepared to answer it. It was because
they saw there was danger and did not know
the extent of it, that they were there. He had
not Mine here with foregone conclusions. He
had tne declaration of Virginia—that she was
prepared at all hazards, and to the last extremi
ty to resist the adoption of the Wilmot Proviso.
The California Bill differed from the Wilmot
Proviso as the man who burns down a house
differs from the Burglar. It would be for the
Legislature of his state to say what action
should be taken in the last resort:—On that
paint he was not prepared to answer
He said that he was prepared to speak mod
erately. If the Address reported had been
such as was proposed by others he should
have voted for it although he should try to
persuade others to think as he did. He was
for peace and harmony. He was not sorry the
debate had been gotten up, for each gentleman
present owed his best thoughts to the Conven
tion. The debate had however, taken a very
discursive character. It had brought up almost
every thing relating to these questions. He re
peated he was prepared to speak soberly.
Some had spoken as if there was danger and
apprehension of strife He saw nothing of
the sort from the manifestations here. He
spoke not only without fear, but with a hope
of joyful expectations. In his temper of mind
he was prepared to put away all manner of
“wrath aud doubting,” but unfortunately this
temper was peculiar to himself. A sense of
danger not visible, seemed to pervade the
minds of many, and he knew too much of the
laws which govern mind to know that such
could act properly. He wished to show the
peopleof the south that they had nothing to
fear. If he saw a boy running into the water
at the sight of his own shadow, he would say
—Stop, that is not the devil. He would tell a
revolutionary anecdote interesting to him.
The late Judge Johnson said that during the
Revolutionary war. he was attracted to a com
pany attached to Washington s corps—a corps
■ that always bad plentyoffighting to do. Capt.
Manly took charge of him, kept him on his
right, and charged him to stay by him. They
met on one occasion a parly of the enemy’s
dragoons about equal in numbers, and on both
sides chock full of fight. He found himself
opposed to a rtrrnjiiii y
upon him at a rattling pace, expecting to ride
over him and cleave him to the saddle. But
striking with great force, his adversary parried
the blow, and he, finding himself in danger of
pitching oyer his horse’s head was constrained
to cling to the mane. In his fear, expecting
moinentarily to feel the blow of his antago
nist’s sword upon his head, he tried-to draw it
with instinctive fear under the cape of his
coat, when a blow from Manly's sword scatter
’ered the brains of his foe and relieved him
from the danger. He had ever since believed
that men were very incapable of proper rea
soning under the influence of fear.
Mr. Webster, for the alleged purpose of
preventing Disunion, had put forth the “raw
head and bloody bones” dictum, that no se
cession could be peaceable. Mr. Webster—
tor their purposes were different—had sought
to make it appear that in case of dissolution,
wars would ensue. What did these calm words
of Mr. Webster’s mean ? They could have
no other meaning, but that if any portion of
the South tried to relieve itself by secession, it
would be followed by coercion on lhe;part of
the North ! What was this but a menace,
a mere brutem fulmen. You must lay down on
your face and suffer your pockets to be picked
or we will cut your throat ; which, being in
terpreted, means the Compromise ! He un
derstood —for he could notread speechesnow
a-days, they made him sick—that Mr. Clay and
Mr. Cass, that “northern man with Southern
principles” said the same thing. A formida
ble triumvirate ! All triumvirates were formi
dable ! It was the position of men Eke unto
Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus! Caesar and
Pompey, had Crassus to hold the straws whilst
the game was played. Gen. Cass was made
a cat’s-paw and did not know what he was
there for any more than Lenlulus did, acting
tor Anthony and Augustus. Defend him from
triumvirates—from the plans of men coming
from different quarters, all for themselves, and
the ‘devil take the hindmost.” There was mis
chiefbrewing ; and one of them will be thrust
aside, and never more be heard of. Augustus
had his province, Anthony his, and they left
something in the hands of the stakeholder to
be played for. “When rogues fall out honest
men may come by their own.” What had these
men in common ? Had they not been vituper
ating each other for years ? He did not know
what Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster had between
them, but he thought Mr. Webster knew why
Mr. Clay had not been the candidate of his
party repeatedly. “While the grass grows,
the steed starves : What said the pro
phecy some four thousand years ago ?
•‘Dan shall be a serpent by the way—he shall
bite the horse’s heels so that the rider shall fall
backwards.” There was not a man on earth
whose heart bowed down more reverentially
in the presence of true greatness than his own,
whilst he abhorred man worship. It was nat
ural for man to look up, to seek for some
thing between him and divinity—to make an
idol of almost anything 1 Under the healthy
. influence of this passion, we raised our eyes to
j Washington. Others looked up to some bull,
Apis ! Some in the political church found it
a in Clay, some in Cass, and some in Webster !
j In Mr. Clay he did see something to admire, in
3 Gen. Cass something, about Mr. Webster —
f nothing. He could understand why they
• should reverence Clay, but in the “god like”
. as they call him at the North, he could Ml flfiQ
7 debauchery and prof-
* ligacy he could not see anything to command
i admiration. There was Cass ! When Achilles
r was going to the Tfirojan war, he received from
J the oracle what meant one thing, or another,
i The Nicholson letter was such a thing! It
’ meant somthing for one side, —a different
thing for another. He was glad that his friend
, had stricken from the Address Mr. Clay’s
name, for he would have nothing personal in
t that document.
He was sorry to wear out his poor voice in
talking of these matters. He had said that
i Mr. Webster’s menace was a mere bruitm
fat men I He would put a case. Suppose
Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, Mississippi,
and Louisiana, should form a Southern Con
federacy? Suppose they, driven to it, should
| be compelled to secede ? Where was the
power on earth to lift a hand against it?
i Wou’d New England ? Every one knew that
her necessities for cotton would compel her to
be quiet. Every body knew that she had taken
from the South some seven hundred millions
of dollars, and had not left it to ba idle. She
had realized it—had put it in factories, ships,
and palaces. What became of these, with the
cotton cut off? Her marble palaces would be
open for those who chose to occupy them
like those of Venice, and her merchant princes
would skulk in obscure corners. Every man
in England, was interested in this question too,
and we should have her capitalists swarming
over here. The impossibility of having any
resort to violence was plain. If New England
interfered, England and all the world would
cry out, slop ! to enable the South to go on
end make cotton. What would coercion do?
Could the South be coerced back into the
Union? Could you get back South Carolina
if she should go out ? The attempt would be
such suicidal folly as was never heard of!
You might as well say, that if Orpheus had
been the only man in the word, the women
would have killed him. He did not believe
that Tennessee and Kentucky would permit
their Northern neighbors to cross their territo
ry to attack their Southern friends ! The mo
ment that secession takes place,—the mo
ment a breach is made, —that moment the
word Union loses its charm. Suppose North
Carolina, on this question, was met with an
invitation to join the Union, would she not
stand by her sister States ? He begged leave
to suppose a case. Virginia is crowded in the
tobacco market by Kentucky and Missouri .’
Suppose such a Coufedaracy—that Clay could
keep Kentucky, and Benton Missouri! The
Southern States would only have to make
some slight commercial concessions tu England
to gel five or ten cents knocked off of the
duty on tobacco, and Kentucky and Missouri
s could not sell a pound in the English market.
I People understand these things! But sup
a pose the Confederacy embraced all the South
$ ern States, a country from the Chesapeake to
r tile Gulf of Mexico and the Rocky Mountains;
j and what could she want? There would be
a homogeneous population—ties of blood, and
a harmony uninterrupted- No nation has
, ever existed with so magnificent a prospect, as
i would be presented by this view ol the case.
What would be wanting ! .Any thing in com
> merce—manufactures ! Virginia included
5 coal and water power in abundance. What
i could they want ? Suppose this thing done ?
Where would be Pennsylvania ? She had
, now to sustain herself against the competition
of all New England, and was always crying
out about the Tariff Yet she had the South
’ ern market. Take away the Tariff, and she
, goes to the markets of the world, in opposi
tion to New England, and she would at once
be the workshop of the South; and instead of
, being on the margin and contending for the
markets with New England and New A'ork,
she would have it all to herself. There was
Ohio, Illinois and Indiana• What Ohio
would do he did not know—she was a sort of
nondescript. She had industry, skill, wealth,
commerce, and all that. But when you go
ashore at the •• Queen City,” you would think
she was imported from Germany. There was
a little of the Irish brogue to be sure. She
had all the elements of greateness, but she was
• a problem. One ofthe most beautiful features
of the slavery system was that the association
of the whites and blaks had elevated the latter.
Associations between equals would generally
elevate one class at the expense of the
other. Our system had made the negro pretty
much of a gentleman ! The Ohio man has
nothing to elevate but the hog. and he cannot
make any thing of him. There was one thing
Ohio reminded bin of—it was a green and
standing pool—aye, a cess-pool.
He was conscious that he had tired the pa
tience of the audience. A tired man speaking
to a tired audience, was like a tired
man riding a tired horse .’ He had not
said a tenth part of what he had meant
to say ! He came here with his mind charged,
and he might as well attempt to drain Lake
Erie through a goose quill as attempt to bring
out all in his mind through his speech. He
had said nothing of compromises, but he
would say he was sick of tnem. We had
always lost by them, and they had all come
from the same quarter. Some of the agitation
might have been gotten up for the sake of the
credit of pacincaion. But he was too much
| fatigued to speak, aod would close. ,
Remarks of Judge Wilkinson— Judge Wil- s
kinson, of Mississippi, begged the indulgence c
of the convention whilst he made one or two \
suggestions. He spoke for the purpose of I
harmonizing matters in debate —to find out i
where they were, so wide had been the latitude i
of discussion. Like the venerable gentleman 1
from Virginia, he would vote for the Address,
or any thing which would promote harmony I
and make all agree when they left here, al
though he did not agree with all it contained.
There were gentlemen here believing that when
the time comes for the appeal to the ultima
ratio— to secession, or whatever it might be <
termed, they would not be justified in oppo
sing the Federal government unless the con
stitution was openly and directly violated. He
took higher ground, although he would yield
something to the prejudices of those who dif
fered with hm. There were great cardinal
principles of ethics, reserved rights, the right
of political justice, for instance. This right
had been repeatedly impugned. If it was im
pugned by the admission of California or in
any other way, he was disposed to resist it.
Are we to be deprived by the great code ol
political ethics of our rights, because certain
rights were not named in that instrument?
Let the Address, if it be necessary, be remand
ed to the committee. He would like to see
it re-cast, although he could receive it as it
was. But it had been compared to a bed
quilt, and there was something apt in the
comparison. It ought not to appear with
a piece of broad cloth here, a piece oi
there, and a piece of damask in another place.
He would vote for the Address in either of the
forms, but he should prefer to see it re cast.
He could not take his seat without thanking
the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. I ic
kens,) for the high compliment paid his State
yesterday. Like two stars, if the time should
’ ever come, when they should jostle in their or
bits “ chaos would 'have come again.’ He
was not there to praise the Union, much less to
disparage it. Ithad wrought its benefits. It
’ it had covered us with glory, the North had
clothed itself with power. Grass was growing in
' the streets of Charlestion, Norfolk and Savan
nah, and in hie own State, in those residences
once the seat of a generous hospitality, “ the
rank grass now waves, and the fox looks out of
i the windows.” He should not specify the
mode of resistance. He had listened with much
pleasure to the gentleman who had last occu
pied the ears of the convention. He had
mentioned Ohio—her conduct towards her
. old and indulgent parent in her aggressions up
i pon her! She was indeed compelling that
parent to drink of the standing pool.
i Remarks of Judge Goldthwaits. Judge
Goldthwaite of Alabama, said : he felt some
i delicacy in occupying the time of the Conven
tion, as his delegation had already occupied a
i good deal of its lime. If he did not feel the
, necessity of harmonizing, he should not think
r of imposing bis remarks M""." 'lgw. iuiU mi'iri
s- tut? 'llllflessity ol creating tho greatest effect
both al home and abroad. He did not mean—
that to produce that effect there should be the
sacrifice of any right principle, or the establish
ment of any wrong one. He differed some-
I what from the sentiments conveyed in the Re
■ solutions and Address ; but believing that the
Resolutions reflected the views of a great
majority of those present, he went forthem
He believed that in relation to the principal
points, there was no difference of opinion.
He proposed to review some of the poii.ts re
lative to the evils specified.
It could not be disguised that the civilized
world was leagued abroad against us. Revo
lutionary France had, the first thing, set free
three hundred thousand slaves, who had vindi
cated their claim to freedom by rapine and
murder. England had done the same thing,
and other nations of Europe, the same also.
The whole of continental Europe with the ex
ception of the weaker powers had taken the
same ground, and on this continent we had
seen in the last few years, fourteen States
deliberately instructing their Senators and
Representatives in Congress to restrict slavery
to its present limits, thus endangering the safe
ty of the institution. We had seen more.—
Party ties at the North had been sundered and
scattered to the winds in favor of this action.
We had seen the Compromise, when passed
in the Senate, promptly repudiated in the
House; and the mean, infamous, and con
temptible party whose members a few years
since were mobbed in the houses and churches
of the North, was now countenanced, its views
adopted in the pulpits and in the philosophy
of the schools, and sanctioned by men high in
position there. Circulated largely by their
presses, their views had been felt even in the
territories of Nebraska and Mineeota. Whilst
our slaves we. e increasing, our territory was
decreasing ; and although the period could not
be defined, the time would come under this
condition of things, when we should have to
give up our properly. Seeing this is so, we
must prepare for this action of the North.—
The only true principle is. to rivet on the minds
of the North the idea that if this was perse
vered in, the effect must be ultimately to dis
solve the Union. It should be done tempe
rately, but firmly : and it could not but have a
good effect there. What the effect of the
Union had been, was well shown by the vene
rable gentleman from Virginia. It has given
importance to the trade of the North—has
contributed to their eminence. No one could
well doubt but that the same benefits might be
made to result to the South. It had been cus
tomary to depreciate the resources of the
South ! No country ever was richer in all the
resources which constitute wealth. We had
mines of lead and coal. Once separated,
strong hands would bring these resources into
action. Let these truths be duly impressed
upon all that this condition of things might
occur, and the North might cease its aggres
sions. Did any suppose that the mere abstract
question of slavery, would fall with more
force on tne ear of the North than a question
of interest? It was not their interest to let
that idea have any weight, but let the idea he
had advanced once be impressed upon them,
and could it be doubted that it would have its
effect. He knew that the horrors of Dissolu
tion, as mentioned by the gentleman from
Virginia were held up before us—were pour
to arouse our fears. He could see no reason
why secession should produce war either in
relation to the navigation of the Mississippi or
the division of the public lands. Suppose it
did. Suppose it produced not only war, but
famine and destruction. Suppose the fertile
fields around this beautiful city were deluged
in blood! Is that any reason why we should
ignominiously submit and put off the evil day ?
Would gentlemen be willing to avoid war
upon the terms put up ,n us by our Northern
brethren—terms involving degradation and
disgrace ? He would pursue that course which
should prevent all this. The only objections
he had to the Resolutions were that they did
not go far enough ; but as they were adopted
—believing that the utmost harmony was ne
cessary to our success, he was willing to see
them adopted.
The same committee had reported an Ad
dress, and Delegates from his own amongst
other States had differed with each other in
relation to some of the points presented.
One gentleman from Alabama had said the
Address was not in strict conformity with the
Resolutions. He thought, with all due defe
rence, that in this he could not be sustained.
So far as his colleague was concerned, he did
not think there was so wide a difference as
might be imagined. He would sacrifice much
for entire harmony. There was one princi
ple which should enter into this report. It
should be a just exponent of the opinions en
tertained by this body. He did not ask gen
tlemen to sacrifice any constitutional principle!
If thev would examine the amendments pre
sented by the gentleman from Mississippi, they
would find they could adopt the Address with
out any sacrifice of constitutional principles.
If the report did not compromise the constitu
tional opinions of gentlemen, it appeared to
him they could occupy the grounds taken in it
together. It was their duty to have harmony,
if poss.ble.
He had neglected to name another strong in
dication of public opinion at the North. He
doubted not but that the action of this Con
vention would be denounced as harmless.
In Alabama they pledged each other largely to
support no one who would not go against the
Wilmot Proviso. But when the contest came,
the National Guards were at once converted
into Swiss Guards, and men rallied in favor of
a man known to be opposed to the South by
his votes in Congress. He said this with fee
lings of mortification and regret.
As to the Report, he had said he did not
think it went far enough, although he believed
that some feared the language was vituperative
If it was so, he wished it to be stricken out.
To show how our efforts had been viewed
hither’o. he would read from the proceedings
of the Anti-Slavery Society of .Massachusetts
for the year 1849.
[Here Judge G. read some passages, sneer
ing at the "gasconade” of the South, and com
menting upon her supposed “weakness.”]
Judge S. continued The tone of the pro
ceedings for 1850 were not far different, in
their comments upon the Southern Address,
and the Address of Judge Berrien. [He here
also read some passages to illustrate what he
had said.] Did gentlemen suppose then, that
the Report went far enough ? He did not
think it. and he believed that in consequence it
would fail to have the effect anticipated. Al
though be so differed. he was ready to give
his vote for the Resolutions and Address, be
lieving there could be no wrong in that much
concession. He put forth no peculiar views
here. He did not believe he should ever go
derangedin favor of the Union. It was true
that bis pulse might beat faster—that his blood
might flow more quickly when Yorktown,
Monmouth or Trenton were mentioned ; but
no longer than when the constitution was pre
served was he in favor of that Union.
Remarks of Judge Sharkey.— Jadge Sharkey
took the floor, lie said he was not much
accustomed to public speaking, and should
prefer a conversational tone, as he had no store
ot flowers to offer, but should deal in matters
of fact
In the first place he asked permission to de
clare that he should vote for the Resolutions,
although I e intended to go against the Address
in whatever shape it was presented; at least
in relation to that part which treated of the
compromise. He might have said, hitherto, that
he was in favor of the compromise, but yet he
should go against it. He was one of the origi
nators of this convention, which movement
commenced with a small meeting in Mississip.
pi without dictation from any quarter. That
meeting called the October convention. I:
was charged that it was gotten up by those who
were in lavor of Disunion, and that those who ,
favored it were guilty of treason. He started ‘
from home with fear and trembling, not know- j
mg that he should meet a man here. Under
these circumstances ha would have taken any j
compromise at all. But he found that the
spark of public patriotism burnt bright and ’
strong, and he again therefore took his stand. 1
He did not fear a charge of inconsistency, for J
his reason was given to sude him in such cases. c
He was against the Report and he cared not
what name sanctioned it. He held it to be im
politic to pursue a course calculated to throw
off men, and that Report was calculated to di- i tJ
vide us. We should not arm those who were | ®
opposed to us, and when you armed the oppo- d
sition you armed the abolitionists. He would ' I
admit that the Report was able—that it was j
well writien—a good argument for Congress; <
but what was an argument there, was no argu- ’
ment here. He was in favor of the amend I
ments. He asked that the portions proposed i
to be amended be once more read.
[Mcßae here read the portions alluded to
by Judges.]
Judge B.continued- The compromise Bill
was discussed as a grievance : the oilier was a
plain straight-forward stricture on Congress.
He came here to discuss grievances, hut not to
discuss the Bill in question as such, until it was
carried out. The Address could not set up
the Bill as a grievance—it was our own pro
position to some extent, and we could reach
it by the usual channels of legislation. The
convention sat for a higher purpose —to do that
which could not bo done by ordinary legisla
tion. It was when the people could not have
redress the ordinary means, that they
must try others.
Mr. Rhett here said, that the Address did not
treat of the Compromise as a grievance—the
Compromise as yet was no grievance—it was
not passed—it had no existence.
Judges, here read another portion of the
Address. He said that when Congress propo
sed to exclude slavery from California, it was
an evil to be reached by extraordinary means.
When we could have redress by tho ordinary
means of legislation, it must be resorted to.
Evils should not be set up and combatted. The
Compromise Bill has not yet passed. Does
anyone believe it will pass? Why then dis
cuss a thing which may have no existence. If_
we went on thus the Bill might be put an'
end to in Congress, and the Address then
would amount ”to nothing. The abolitionists
might say to us, they were as much opposed
to the Compromise as we were, and would as
sist us to put an end to it. They were discus
sing matters here which might be put an end to
at any time. He was not sent here toadvise
Congress. It was for the people to advise then
members. They were on higher grounds—to
make the issue with the Northern people. If
the evil is in Congress, the power is not here
tapirrest it. The North does not present the
Compromise’Bill as an issue—it is our own.
The opposition is so deemed there, that he
considered the proposed measure as at an end.
He did not believe itwould be unconstitutional
to admit California —other gentlemen might
differ with him; but they ought not to send
forth debatable matter. He believed Congress
had power to admit California. It was con
tended in the Address, that it would be uncon
stitutional ; and yet it said that it might be as
sented to. How could we assent to it, if it
was unconstitutional ? Why, too, discuss the
Compromise Bill in the Address, when it was
not in the Resolutions? The one ought to be
based and the convention ought
not to thing ,pn ffhigh
’ “ttrrrnSti and unless tire
proceedings of objectionable matter, you may
call conventions forever, but it would be like
“calling spirits from the vasty deep,” they
would not “come.” The Compromise Bill had
never been an issue before the people of Missis
sippi. and he did not feel that he had any author
ity to act upon it If it was agrievanco, it was a
grievance supplied by people of all portions
of the country, North and South, by some of
the people of Mississippi, and some of those of
Tennessee, as well as by members of Congress.
Whether in what he had said, he had expressed
his views exactly, he did did not know ; but he
would say to all in conclusion, that this should
be a convention of compromise.
Remarks of Gov. Hammond.— Gov. Ham
mond said, that as one who had acted in trying
to get the Address through the Committee, he
perhaps ought to speak, and he should endea
vor to answer objections in the calm temper and
spirit which had characterized the address of
the gentleman who had j us r . taken his seat. The
Committee had had a hard duty to perform in
the great mass of matter laid before them. He
did not feel disposed at the present stage of the
question to say what should be done. The
■ole object at this time was to unite the South.
What was to be done—what looked to ? Why
to the action of Congress on the Compromise
Bill now before that body, as the remedy for
all the wrongs suffered by the South. It was
of no consequence who permitted it—men of
the North or South. Every thing dear to us
i was at stake, and were we to stand trembling
on the verge of ruin, awaiting the pleasure of
i this or that member? The Committee were
anxious to conciliate all, were anxious to put
it in such form as that all might be pleased; but
no proposition could be advanced to which
some men would not have to give way, and
after twice considering all the matter brought
i before it, they had presented what was now be
• fore the Convention. He was never more as
i tonished than he was to hear a gentleman of
> the wide reputation of the gentleman from
Mississippi, say that it was unconstitutional to
:■ .*. i... ci’
examine into a measure before Congress. Os
i what grievance do we complain! Was it not
the legislation of Congress which had driven
us to this? It was the privilege of any mem
ber to examine the measures of Congress, and
[ to attempt to arrest oppressive legislation.
Judge Sharkey explained. He only meant
to say that when ends could not be obtained
i by ordinary means, other means must be resort
i ed to.
Gov. H. resumed. The explanation does
not alter the matter. What were we attempt
ing now ? Simply concentrating public opin
ion to influence the ordinary legislation of
i Congress. It would be perfectly constitution-
I al to denounce the legislation of Congress if
we disagreed with it. All had the right >o do
’ this. He was astonished at the obliquity of in
tellect evinced by the gentleman, and he could
not account for it, unless it was caused by the
fears with which he had started from home,
and which must have clouded his intellect.
Was not the Chairman of that Compromise
[ Committee now writing and eliciting letters to
and from all directions, to try to influence
public opinion ? He did trnt until now, un
derstand the position of his Mississippi friends.
, This had furnished a key to it. He could not
tell until now what they were driving at! He
did not see it in Committee, but he saw it now,
and with amazement. He could not imagine
- great art exft nt.
Judge 3. again explained. He did not wish
to send outa report to condemn men.
Gov H. If they deserve condemnation, con
demn them. He was for no master, Northern
or Southern ; and it made no difference wheth
er he was Northern or Southern, if he was a
master. He was for the principle libres homo
—as was said yesterday. He did not care
who was the author of the Compromise, so it
was wrong. He now understood how the
matter was. They would discuss abstract
principles, and not measures. He thought
we were here to discuss the application of
principles to measures. If absttactions must
be discussed, merely, we must recommit the
Resolutions A good deal had been said as to
what they came here for. They were not here
to trail in the rear of public sentiment, they
were the leaders of the South —the appointed
leaders—not to hunt up public opinion at
grog-shops, courts, mills, &c , but to act, and
act as leaders They had been sent here with
a generous confidence, and the high duty was
devolved upon them to point out the way—to
lead the people in the way to equality and in
dependence.
He would say. that although he came here
with no apprehensions as to what would be
done, he did apprehend a small meeting. —
But now his apprehensions were reakered to
the winds. Nine Slates had met together to
consult upon the rights and interests of the
South, and it was utterly impossible for any
fragment to divide itself oft’upon any pla -
form so insignificant as that presented. We
had nothing to do but to march forward in one
unbroken column to equality in the Union, or
independence out of it.
Emm the, New York Commercial Advertiser
22d inst.
Death of Jacob Hays.—Our obituary re
cord to day includes the name of an old and
faithful servant of the public, Jacob Hays, for
nearly fifty years high conslaole of the city of
New York, and for a large portion of his ear
lier life one of the most active and efficient
police agents of this or any other country. Mr.
Hays was born in New Rochelle, West
chester county, N. Y. in 1772. His father was
a prominent Whig of the Revolution, and had
been one of the soldiers engaged in the ill-fated
expedition of Gen. Braddock. Jacob at an
early age attracted the notice of the officers
of the portion ofthe American army then sta
tioned in Westchester Co., and by his zeal
activity and intelligence, was frequently of
service to the Whig cause, in the course of
that eventful period ol border warfare.
In 1801 he received his first appointment in
the police department from the hands of Ed
ward Livingston, then Mayor of the city. It
is acunous coincidence that this appointment
was made at the earnest request of Matthew L
Davis, whose deatii upon the same day with
Mr. Hays, is also recorded. He was subse
quently appointed high constable of the city,
and annually re-appointed to the office by er
ery su&cessive Mayor. He has also held for
many years the s&wef sergeant at anus of
the Board of Aidermen and crier of the Court
of Sessions.
To the peculiar department of the public
service to which the labors ot Mr. Hays were
devoted, few brought greater natural qualifica
tions. and no one ever met with more unquali
fied saocess. His very namebecame a terror to
evil doers, and the expression to “set old
Hays upon him,” passed into a proverb as a
synonym lor an arrest. His memory of per
sons was wonderful, and we have heard it
asserted that he never forgot the countenance
of anyone who had been brought to his atten
tion. He always contrived, by some means
known only to himself, to be correctly inform-
ed as to the movements of professional depre
dators on society, and upon the commission of
a crime seldom erred in his designation of the
offender, or failed to bring him to justice.
In the day of his prime, Mr. Haye prided
himself upon his personal knowledge of the
class whom it was his business to watch
We remember hearing him testify one day in
a criminal case to the effect that there was
scarcely a rogue in the city with whom he was
not acquainted. Thereupon, the opposing
counsel—we believe it was the late Mr, Price,
then one of the leading lawyers tn criminal
practice—made him a low bow, and compli
mented him npon bis most extensive and
highly respectable circle of acquaintance.
Those persons who knew Mr. Hays only as
a faithful, sagacious and vigilant officer, would
scarcely believe how kind and amiable was his
disposition in private life. Os domestic habits,
affectiouate and cheerful, he was devotedly at
tached to his family, and leaves on his depar
ture many friends,"by whom he will be sincere
ly mourned.
For many years past, Mr. Hays has taken
but little part in public business beyond that
required by the discharge of the duties of the
offices he held. He has thus in a measure be
come forgotten, but there are those among us
who can, and doubtless will, furnish a record
of his eventful life, which would be of passing 1
interest.
Dhth of another old Resident. —Mat- 1
thew L. Davis, an old and well known citizen
of New York, died last evening at the resi
dence of his son. Matthew D. Green, at Man-
hattanville, in the 84th year of his age. Mr. 1
Davis was a printer, and at the time of his I
death the oldest of that calling in the city. He
was a man of cultivated mind, and of great na
tive strength of intellect. He took an active
interest in political affairs, and imparted his
views upon them to the public in the vigorous
letters whioli he communicated to the daily
journals. The most noted series of these
was that which appeared some years since in
the Courier and Enquirer, under the signature
of “The Spy in Washington.” He was also
for some years the American correspondent of
the London Times, his letters being designated
as from a “ Genevese Traveller.” To the
permanent literature of the country, the most
important contribution by Mr. Davis was the
“ Memoirs of the Life of Aaron Burr.”
cpTTI? WT’T’TTT V
11l W JbJuJXXa I
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL.
BY WII.MAM S. JONES.
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
DAILY, TRLWEEKLY <fc WEEKLY.
Officein Railroad Bank Buildings.
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WEEKLY PAPER _ _ ‘
. ~ AUGUSTA. GA.:
WEDNESDAY MORNING,.* JUNE 36.
- -■■■■-
To County Officers.
For the information of all County Officers
we publish the following act passed by the last
Legislature, directing in what papers they shall
insert their advertisements:
An Act to authorize and require the Sheriffs, Coro
ners, Clerks of the Superior and Inferior Courts
and Courts of Ordinary in the several counties in
this State, to advertise in certain newspapers.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the State of Georgia, in Ge
neral Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the
authoi iiy of the same, That the Sheriffs, Coroners,
Clerks of the Superior and Inferior Courts and Clerks
of the Courts of Ordinary of the several counties in
this State, are hereby authorized and required t® ad
vertise their sales, citations, and proceedings of their
respective Courts in some newspaper published in
their counties respectively, and if there be no such
paper published in the county, then in the nearest
newspaper having the largest or general circulation
in the county ; and no such officer shall change the
advertising connected with his office from one paper
to another, without first giving notice of his intention
to do so in the paper in which his adveitisements may
, ,11H„ lj" «i re
Uy afor&aid! That alfdeputiet of Sheriffs
officers herein mentioned, shall advertise in the same
paper in which their principals advertise.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted by the author
ity aforesaid, That all laws and parts of laws mili
tating against this act be, and the same are hereby
repealed.
Approved, February 22, 1850.
Free Trade.
Willard Philips has recently produced a
treatise contrasting the advantages of protec
tion, as compared with a system of free
trade, which seems to be attracting considera
ble attention for its ability and sound practical
views. He is said to take bold and high ground
in favor of the protection of American labor,
and urges with great force the duty of the go
vernment to protect the labor of its citizens
against that of foreign countries. He notices
very pointedly, one of the most usual glorifi
cations of the free trade advocates —thus:
“ Free trade triumphs greatly in beating down
mechanics; as if to get articles made by them cheap
were a great national blessing. Thus, a writer in
a recent Edinburg Review, makes much gratulation
that the reduction of the British tariff of duties on
gloves and linen, had reduced the price at home, and
augmented the exportation. Now, if the reduction
had any influence whatever upon the price, (which
it probably bad not,) it must have been by reducing
1 the pay of the already miserable makers in London,
and in the north of Ireland. Thus the writer, in
p effect felicitates his school and the British Empire on
, the enhancement of the misery of the miserable.
' Free trade had, as he imagined, given that fortunate
people gloves at a penny or two cheaper, and put
’ Irish damasks on the tables of the ‘ Czar of Russia,’
1 and the kings of ‘ Denmark,’ ‘Saxony,’ and ‘Swe-
I den 0 the ‘ex-king of France,’ and even ‘Queen
I Victoria.’ This is the sort of glory, real or imagina
ry, on which free trade plumes itself.
f An illustration of the same thing may be
' sound, says the Baltimore American, in every
( step that England has taken, of late years, in
l" * -- 1-A ■ ■ ... V. . nil I. *
the progress of that free trade policy which her
Statesmen and theorists are so fond of extol
lingas liberal, generous, and enlightened. She
abrogates her duties upon breadstuffs and pro
visions, and claims to have shown thereby a
parental solicitude for her laborers and oper
atives, while conferring at the same time a great
boon upon the agricultural interests of free
commerce. She calls upon other nations to
admire her magnanimity and to behold and ap
preciate the glories of unrestricted trade.
But there is no intimation given of the fact
that every penny ostensibly given to the labor
er in a British factory, by the diminution of the
price of food, is exacted from him again in the
diminution of his wages. He cannot get be
yond the subsistence point; nor is it intended
that he should. Manufactured fabrics must be
made cheap that England may supplant the
fabrics of other countries, and have possession
of foreign markets ; and for this purpose the
cost of manufacturing must be kept at the
lowest possible scale, at the expense of the
poor laborer who cannot help jbiinseif lf_be.
_ - - m i Jtfpij; rmmerly, he
gets less money to buy it with.
This general fact applies to every species of
manufacturing labor in Great Britain, whose
dependence upon foreign markets for the dis
posal of her fabrics is such that every other
consideration connected with her domestic
policy must yield to the overpowering necessi
ty of that. If the workmen in her mines, col
lieries and iron manufactories can be subsisted
ten per cent cheaper by the free admission of
grain, flour and provisions, her landed interests
must get along as well as they can, in order
that the iron interests of the United States may
be overwhelmed by the profuse introduction of
British iron into our country. Once having
obtained control cf our market she will be able
to repay herself abundantly for the sacrifices in
curred in the effort.
Henley’s Magneto-Electric Telegraph.
—The triumph of this new Telegraphic ap
paratus, as tested by a commission of the
French government, has excited quite a sensa
tion among the savans of Paris, and if the fol
lowing description may be relied on, proves
conclusively, that like every thing else, Prof.
Morse’s discovery, must give place »o other
and great improvements, simplifying the ap
paratus and cheapening the expense of the
establishment and consequently the cost of
transmitting intelligence. Such a discovery
as Mr. Henley's is described, will certainly
be a very great desideratum to those who have to
r avail themselves of the use of the Telegraph,
and we trust it will be soon introduced in this
i country.
“ A striking experiment has just been made under
’ the direction cf the French Government, to test the
efficacy of Mr. Henley’s Magneto-electric telegraph,
, which is worked without batteries of any kind, and
at a fraction of the cost of the Voltaic system. The
line of rail way assumed for the trial was that from
Paris to Valenciennes. At the Paris end the di
-1 rector-in-chief of telegraphs for (he French govern-
I ment, Mons. Foy, superintended; while at Valen-
I ciennes were present the Ministerof Public Works,
i Count ShekendorlT, the Prussian Ambassador, M.
Mossy, the Chief Engineer of the Belgian Railways,
Baron hevaux, M. Queleltt. and M. Gabra, Chief
Engineer ofthe Belgian government; the three lat-
- ter being members of a commission appointed by the
- Belgian government to report on the subject. The
distance is 180 miles, being the longest telegraph
line in France. After a most satisfactory series of
trials on the single d ; etance, first with full power,
and afterwards with one-twentieth of the power, the
wires were connected so as to treble the total length
of wire, making 540 miles to and from Paris and
back —the magnetic message being communicated
through the first wire, back by the second, through
the third, and back again by the earth. It was not
anticipated that the magnet could possibly work
through this enormous resistance; but in fact, it is
alleged it was worked as distinctly and rapidly as
when only made to traverse the 180 miles with full
power. The ordinary telegraph, with battery pow
er used by the French Government was then put in
requisition; but not the slightest effect was produced.
On the single distance, even a signal was sometimes
not obtained for several minutes, owing, it is said,
to the same fault in the batteries, although the offi
cials were exerting themselves to the utmost. The
government officeis and thers inspected the working
operations frem 10 to 3 o’clock, and expressed them
selves thoroughly satisfied with the success of the
trial.”
Charleston Commission House*
It will be seen by reference to the adver
tisement of the Messrs. Gantt and W. R
Huff, that they have commenced the Facto-
rage and Commission business in Charleston.
Mr. Huff has long been a resident of Augusta,
and will bring to his new business experience,
tact and ability. The Messrs. Gantt, we learn,
are gentlemen in whom every confidence may
be placed, and the references of the house are
of the highest respectability.
Sentences.—Hamilton and Trawick, the
counterfeiters, were yesterday sentenced, the
former to eight years, and the latter to seven
years confinement in the penitentiary.
Population of California.—lt may be in
teresting to some of those who have been so
vociferous against the admission of California,
because of their alleged want of population,
to learn that the number of passengers that ar
rived at San Francisco, California, by sea.
during the year ending April 15, 1850, was
62,223. Os these over fifty thousand w*ere
Americans. Eleven thousand were foreigners.
To this must be added the immense immigra
tion by the overland route, which alone num
bers its tens of thousands. What then be
comes of all the slang and fustian we have
heard about Indians. Negroes and Mustizoes,
who are incapacitated for free government ?
During the week ending sth instant, there
were 24 deaths by cholera at St Louis.
The Nashville Convention Debates.
As a part of the history of this body, we com
mence to-day the publication of the debates, as
we find them in the Nashville Banner, on the
adoption of the address submitted by the com
mittee from the several States represented, and
shall probably conclude them to-morrow. This
done, our readers will have been placed in pos
session of the most full and detailed reports of
the proceedings that have reached us, and will
therefore be in possession of ample materials
for forming correct conclusions. If, however,
they can account for the sudden change which
has come over the spirit ot the dreams of the
majority, in reference to the virtues of the Mis
souri compromise extended to tho Pacific, their
skill in the art of divination will perchance as
tonish the magicians of the East, and afford
themselves some light.
. Prior to the Convention we were wont to
: hear tho advocates of tho measure denounce
the Missouri Compromise as a degrading con
» cession on the part of the South, and yet we
find the Convention commending it an the only
• just measure of compromise to the Southern
o people. Verily, consistency is a jewel.
u
o
: Correspondence of the Chronicle i; Sentinel.
Washington, June 16, 1850.
The official statement of the import of raw
• cotton into England for the year 1849, and ol
the export of cotton goods during the same
year, furnishes facts worthy of profound con-
it sideration. It is not altogether a question ol
II dollars and cents to the cotton growing States
whether their great staple shall be mainly man
ufactored at the South, in England, or else
;9 where abroad. The loss of profit on the card
n ing, spinning and weaving of cotton ata grea
e distance from the fields where it is grown, ii
indeed a serious misfortune; but the injury
done by the impoverishment of tilled land, and
continuous emigration, entailing political as
well as numerical weakness on the deserted
States, is an evil of much greater magnitude.
The import of raw cotton into Great Britain
in the year 1849, is officially returned as
6,745,259 cwt. At 112 pounds per cwt. the
quantity was 745,469,008 pounds. Dividing
the whole amount manufactured into 45 parts,
and 25 are exported to. foreign countries, and
JJO are consumed onjfte.
ly in England and the Dinted States, increases
with remarkable rapidity. The former export
ed last year 1,335,644,751 yards of cotton cloth;
and 149,502,495 pounds of cotton yarn. Esti
mating the pound sterling at $5, and the value
of the cotton fabrics exported was $134,453,-
970. To this sum we must add four-fifths as
much more to get the value of the goods con
sumed at home. From these data it will be
seen that the goods made in 1849, were worth
$242,017,146. The London Quarterly Re
view, from which I copy the official statement,
says that “The most remarkable feature in the
history of our export trade is, that the increase
of quantity of goods exported is prodigiously
greater than the increase of the money value
of our exports.”
Cheap, heavy fabrics for the millions are in
the greatest demand—precisely the kind of
goods which the South can best manufacture.
I find that the one hundred and fifty million
pounds of cotton yarn exported, was worth in
England an average of 22 cents 4 mills a pound.
This is the business for the South.
Believing that the climate best for the cul
ture of cotton, is as well adapted to the eco
nomical feeding of the human family, as to
clothing them, 1 can see no reason why Geor
gia will not one day have a larger population
than the Slate of New York. After studying
the climate and agricultural capabilities of each,
I am free to say that, assuming the soil to be
alike, the Southern State has the advantage
full 50 per cent iu the mildness of winters and
length of summers, or growing seasons. This
advantage is the gift of Providence, and. in
the end, will be as decisive as it is enduring.
The South will certainly have a dense popu
lation; for God has given it a climate of vast
capabilities. Looking at the natural increase
of our species on the planet, their power and
, - --- r , r --
desire to consume Cotton, Sugar and Rice,
and the facility with which these staples may
» be produced, it is hardly extravagant to pre
dict that the day is not distant when all the
slaves in the Union will be worth more to make
1 these crops, than for any other purpose what
- ever. If so, they and their posterity may be
t well provided for, without doing injustice to
any one. There are thousands, nay millions
5 of laboring while persons whose interests are
> almost forgotten, while those of the negro re
. ceive unusual attention. 1 desire to see an in
creased demand for the honest labor of poor,
white persons, so that they can enjoy the bene
-1 fits of a higher standard of physical and social
. comfort, and possess rhe means to educate
} their children. Let the rich planters and other
capitalists place wealth creating machinery in
5 their hands, encourage skill, talent and indus
try, and these laborers will enrich their em-
I ployers, build up the State, and greatly im
s prove the character of the community in which
they live.
1 While tens of thousands of citizens in the
i cotton growing States lack profitable employ
j ment, think of the supreme folly of sending
150,000,000 pounds of cotton to England to
be spun and exported again, and at the same
1 time sending there American corn, wheat,
•_ bfi#lf Xiork. hjAUAX* cliocbu and .finr
, spinners to eat, when performing work that
ought to be done in Georgia! Will a bushel
of Georgia corn make more bread, or a bag»of
f Georgia cotton make more thread or cloth, for
i being sent 4000 miles before either is applied
to its legitimate use ? Certainly not.
Just now there is considerable “noise and
confusion’’ about the Capitol in this city ; but
I look forward to the time when the South
will have a majority in the popular branch of
Congress. Its manufacturing advantages are
only beginning to be appreciated and develop
ed. It is not very difficult for labor and
science to renovate poor soils any where ; but
in what way shall they operate to shorten the
cold winters, or lengthen the short summers of
the North? Sunshine is not less an element
of wealth than of vitality ; and the mean tem
perature of the planting States is such as will
command a dense and prosperous popula
tion. L.
The Compromise in Baltimore—A call
for a Town Meeting this evening io Monument
square is published in the Baltimore papers.
The American says : “Its object is to further
the speedy and final settlement of the “ques
tion of the day,’’ by the formal and deliberate
expression of the public sentiment in favor of
the passage of the Compromise Bill before the
United States Senate. The meeting is called
without distinction of party, and we learn will
be addressed by the Hon. Judge LeGrand and
Charles 11. Pitts, Esq., and probably by
ther gentlemen.
Wilkes Railroad.—The Washington Ga-
K zette of the 11th inst bays. We are gratified
* to state that the work goes bravely on, that if
» we are not already “out of the woods,” we
=* have arrived at a point where vve can see out.
The energy and public spirit exhibited by our
r eitizens in carrying forward the enterprize
is worthy ofall commendation. The list stands
I his morning at $164 JOO.
j The New York papers state that Messrs.
Howland & Aspinwall have just contracted
for lite construction of two more large steam
, ships for the California trade and to run in con
nection with the Oregon, Panama, Tennessee,
’ South Carolina, &c. These vessels will regis
ter 800 tons.
Population of Massachusetts.—The re
f turns of the Assessors in Massachusetts, as far
as completed, show a very marked increase
in population since 1840. The Worcester
zEgis publishes a list of thirty-eight towns, in
all of which except one the increase has been
considerable. The town of Lowell, which in
1840 numbered 20,792 inhabitants, has now
a population of 32 620, being an increase
11,829. The next highest increase has been
in Roxbury, which now has a population of
9,221 more than it had in 1840. The total ex
cess of population of the thirty-eight towns
over that of 1840, is 87,499.
Memphis and Charleston Railroad
The Huntsville Advocate of the 19th inst. says:
Col. Garnett and his brother, Theodore S.
Garnett, last week passed over the route from
this point, through Jackson county, Ala., to the
Nashville and Chattanooga Raiiroad at Crow
Creek, and returned to this place by Winches
ter, Tenn., New Market, &c. Each route will
be found entirely practicable. The Colonel
leaves this morning (Tuesday) for Memphis,
and will examime the route by Decatur, Tus
cumbia, &c., on the south side of the Tenes
see ; and, on his return, will pass on the north
side of the river, so as to examine both routes.
Thesurvey proper will then commence from
Huntsville.
The work is to go on vigorously to a com
pletion. Gov. Jones has done well in getting
stock; Mr. Millsis in the field. Now is the
time for the friends of the road to be active.
Money alone is now wanting. The road is
entirely practicable—the route all favorable.
And this enterprise is daily growing in impor
tance and its availability becopiing manifest.
There must be no such word as fail. The
work can and must be done—must go on to a
seccessful completion. Let no one hesitate or
doubt.
The growth of Milwaukee, one of the Lake
cities, has been quite remarkable. Twelve
years ago its population consisted of 700 in
habitants. Now, the population is about
20,000. In 1845. the exports of wheat were
95.510 bushels, and of flour 7,550 bbls. In
1849, the exports of wheat were 1,148,807
bushels, and of dour 201,942 barrels. During
the present year there has been a large in
crease.
Sixty thousand immigrants have arrived at
the port of New York since the sth of April.
Chattanooga,
The Editor of the Savannah Republican has
been rusticating and luxuriating for a few days
in North Alabama, East Tennessee and upper
Georgia, which has furnished him themes for
several very interesting letters for his journal
upon which we hope to draw hereafter. From
his last we extract the subjoined sketch of Chat
tanooga, which we rejoice to know is so fast
rising into commercial importance, and will
ere long hold a very commanding position in
1 that State—second only to Nashville and Mem
phis.
i Chattanooga, June 14. 1850.
> This place is fast attaining the importance to
which it is ultimately destined. The completion of
the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad will give it
r a other step in advance. That road will cross the
Tennessee at a point known as Long Island, twenty
seven miles, by hind, below here. For the mere
-* matter of crossing, there are places enough, but this
is the nearest one which satisfies the conditions as to
grade, &c. The contract for grading this distance
is already given out, and it is not known that any
B contingency can arise which will materially retard
i. the construction of the entire work. I will add in
this connection, that the East Tennessee and Geor-
e gia Railroad, (110 miles,) from Knoxville to Dalton,
y is in a most healthy state of progress. I saw Mr.
Smith, one of the Directors, this morning—you meet
n people from all quarters here—who says that the iron
for the first forty miles from Dalton, will be pur
chased and received within two months. I expect
that arrangements can be made to receive the iron
at Savannah, and transport it over the Central and
Macon and Western Roads. Other things being
kV equal, this route would be preferred. This road will
be the best one in the South —rails 64 lbs. to the
” yard, resting solely on cross-ties two feet apart from
e centre to centre, with eight inches bearing, and mud
sills beneath the ties. The first 40 miles is already
graded, and an excellent bridge is already built
>f across the Hiwassee river. Forty miles more are in
s active progress, and the iron will be soon ordered.
’ The bonds of the State of Tennessee, bearing an in
tercet of 6 per cent., are relied upon for the purchase
5- of Ihe iron. Such bonds are now at 4 per cent, pre-
j. inium in Tennessee. I speak of these things tu show
the readers of the Republican how rapidly and how
surely these works are advancing towards their corn-
is p’etion. Os the Memphis and Charleston Railroad,
... more hereafter.
HIUIV IH-ltanvi.
1 return to Chattanooga. This place has been 1
' well started, (if I may use such an expression,) and
i its business is conducted on sure and judicious prin- f
cipies, without any want of intelligent enterprise on '
one hand, and without reckless extravagance on the {
other. The character of those engaged in the pur- 1
suits of commerce and trade is a good guaranty of '
1 prudent and healthy growth. The principal com- J
> mission houses here are B. Chandler & Co., J. F. 1
, Brooke & Co., Wilson, Bryan, Gaines & Co,, and £
J. G. Didlake & Co. The following keep the most I
> ample assortments of country supplies : Newton & 1
Lucas, Macaulay & Hooke, W. S. Townsend, E. E. 1
J Worley, G. W. Haskell, (formerly residing in Sa- *
' vannah,) M. B. Parham, J. F. Brooke Co .A.D j
wßom". I I 1
find these gentlemen most favorably affected towards ’
’ Savannah, and fully apprised ot the great
• which our citizens have made to secure a communi- ’
cation with them.
’ While speaking of this place I may not fail to add
• that Mr. Montgomery keeps a neat house, where the
j traveller finds himself most comfortable. The table
set forth by Mr. M. is excellent. Mr. Alexander is
also spoken of as an obliging and attentive landlord.
5 A new brick hotel of some fifty fire places has just
been completed here with ample accommodations.—
Chattanooga boasts of two well conducted pipers, of
‘ opposite principles of course—both of them being the
! ardent friends a d supporters of every useful im
provement. I speak of the Gazette, edited by Mr,
’ Parham, and the Advertiser, edited by Mr. Ford.
? Plank Road Meeting in Athens*
; Ata meeting in Athens, on the 15th inst.,
composed of citizens of Clark county and dele
gations from the counties of Jackson, Madison,
Hall, and Habersham, the following preamble
, and resolutions, reported by a committee, were
p adopted:
“ Whereas it is deerred important to the prosperity
and welfare of Athens, and the counties therewith
I connected in its trade and industrial pursuits, that
j decisive measures should at once be taken to con
struct a good Plank Road from this place to Clarks
ville—and that whatever may be said of the perma
nen’ wealth of this or any other place, it is a demon
strable fact, that without a thriving and active trade,
" no place can long remain prosperous or even sta-
> tionary ; that to remain the latter, in common ac
ceptation, is to retrograde and to full into decay—we
1 are satisfied that all tho legitimate means at our
y command should be employed to stimulate the trade
to this place and the inlerioi, by opening avenues of
j communication —by enlarging production—increas
a ing the number and value of marketable commodi
j ties—and by lessening the freight upon articles of
such bulk as will not now bear transportation on
8 common roads. To do this, good roads are not only
1 essential, but such roads and such heights as the im-
• proved methods of transportation in this day will
• render necessary to bring into fair competition with
t more favored regions, the heavy products from the
3 country above us, a Rail or Plank Road is, we think,
i looking to tins end, essential. We are satisfied that
the former cannot be justified at present, upon a cal
eolation of what would be considered anything like
remuneration for outlay; that the latter can be bu’lt,
g and will pay remunerative profits, we are convinced;
that one ought to be built forthwith, we are as well
B satisfied.
Be it therefore, Resolved, IsZ. That a committee
0 of three from each of the counties of Habersham,
3 Hall, Jackson, Madison and Clarke, be appointed
3 to ascertain the best possible route for such a road,
B and the probable amount of stock which can be cal
culated upon in the different neighborhoods through
which said road may pass—either in cash, or as sub
scrip ion to said work in labor and materials.
’ Resolved, 2nd. That a committee of three be ap-
I pointed to communicate with the citizens of Lump*
kin. Union, Rabun and Franklin, and request them
5 to call meetings in those counties r»spectively, to
r ascertain what they will do in reference to the con
-1 templated improvement.
Resolved ‘3rd. That a committee of five be ap
pointed to ascertain the amount of stock which may
- be subscribed in and about Athens and Clarkesville,
I also to ascertain as definitely or as near as practica
ble, what amount of assistance can be expected from
the Geo. R. R. & Bk’g. Co.—the Steamboat Co. of
Geo., the Iron Steamboat Coa, the cities of Augusta
f and Savannah, and the Town Council of Athens.
' Resolved, 4th. That some competent person be
’ charged with seeing and addressing the people along
1 the route, on the subject of such road ; said person to
• be one of the committee under the first resolution.
■ That nc arc glad to witness the
1 praiseworthy efforts of our fellow-citizens of Hab-
I ershatn in this enterprise, and are willing to meet
f and give them our hearty co-operation in building
. said road.
[ Resolved, 6th. That the committees report to the
meeting at Clarkesville, on the 4th of July next, and
> through the public journals of this place, the result
of their labors.
L The report was advocated by C. Dougherty, A.
Hull, Jno. W. H. Underwood aud U. Peeples,
Esqrs., with their accustomed {energy and ability.
Mr. Hull concluded by moving—“That Clarke
. County be pledged for twenty miles of said Road,”
I which being readily seconded, was unanimously
» adopted.
Hon. C. Dougherty, moved that books now be
- opened for receiving subscriptions, and that they re
main open until Ist July proximo—which motion
prevailed.
it was then moved and carried, that a delegation
of thirty, be appointed to represent this meeiing at
the Clarskesville Mass Meeting, on the 4th July next,
and that this and all the other committees be appoint
ed by the chairman.
The chairman, then, on motion of Doct. R. D.
Moore, proceeded Co appoint the committees.
Our Minister to England—We learn
from the English papers that at a dinner given
by the Lord Mayor of London to Lord Gough,
the lately returned Governor General of India,
the Lord Mayor having proposed the hea’thof
their excellencies the American and other for
eign Ministers, Mr. Lawrence, the American
Minister, acknowledged the compliment in the
following terms. He said :
He felt he was placed in a difficult position,
in having to answer not only for nimself but
for the other foreign ministers. He would,
however, confine himself to his own country
and present his acknowledgements and thanks
1 for the great honor they conferred through hirn
r on the people ofthe United States. They bad
> laid his country and himself individually under
great obligations by the hospitality they had
extended to him and the other representatives
of his nation on all occasions, but he was pe
j culiarlv gratified in being permitted to pay his
respects to a t reat military hero, and they must
remember that military heroes in all limes had
commanded the admiration of mankind. They
could on that occasion do more than admire
i the triumphs of Lord Gough, they could offer
him the respect of their admiration that he was
no less distinguished for his prowess in war
than for his high moral virtues and his well
founded religious sentiments. The people of
England, while they honored the hero, always
respected the man. It did not become him on
that occasion to enter into a history ofthe
campaigns which had been alluded to, or the
battles which had been fought by Lord Gough
but he could not do less than offer him
his tribute of admiration and esteem as a citi
zen of this country, and at the same time a citi
zen of a country connected by blood with that
which he represented, for the successes which
he had achieved.
He was not here merely as an Ambassador
and Agent for a great country, but as a Min
. ister of Peace. He came there to tell them
that the Anglo-Saxon race on the other side of
the Atlantic sympathised with everything that
. was good and great in Great Britain. He re
joiced that he was here on such an occasion as
the present. This was one of the most bril
liant exhibitions he had ever witnessed in his
life, and it was right it should be brilliant, it
was right the homage of admiration should be
paid to a man who had brought so much hon
or to his country, it was right that such a nation
should so reward those who served her ; it
was right she should reward those who per
formed important services, either in the mili
tary, naval or civil departments of the Govern
ment, arid he knew of no nation that so sub
stantially evinced its gratitude for great ser
vices, whether of the army, the navy, or the
civil departments, as Great Britain.
He saw men around hirn whose march was
on the mountain wave, whose home was on
the deep. He saw there many who had
supported that flag—he had almost said tri
umphed for a thousand years; but if he did
uot admit their merits, the history of the coun
try, from early time, what it had done, what
it was doing, still would command his admira
tion and respect. He begged again to thank
the Lord Mayor for the opportunity he had
afforded him of being present at this bril
liant and interesting scene, and the company,
for the manner in which they had received his
name.
Great Demand for Emigrant Ships.— The
Liverpool dock quays are now crowded with
emigrants, (chiefly Irish) awaiting vessels to
carry them across the Atlantic. The demand
for ships in this trade has recently been so ac
tive that numbers of Liverpool vessels have
been put on. Hitherto the business has been
chiefly confined to American bottoms, but ow
ing to the crowd of emigrants daily arriving
at the port, the vessels of both countries at
present in our docks are inadequate to meet
the demand The consequence is, that for
some days back the rate of passage has been
considerably raised, and will remain so until the
arrival of other vessels from America.—Liver
pool paper.
Despatch.— Letters from St. Petersburg,da
ted May 23. were received in Boston on Wed- I
nesday evening, by the steamship Canada, I
eighteen days only being required for their I
transmission.
Adjourned Plank Road Meeting,
At the City Hall, Augusta, Ga., \Sth June, 1850.
Thomas W. Millir, Esq , Chairman; Geo.
W. Morgan, Secretary. Minutes of the last
meeting read, and confirmed. Communica
tions from R- D. Moore, A. Hull, Jno. H. Mor
ton, Jno. C. Lumpkin and E. L. Newton, Com
mittee, appointed by the citizens of Athens,
Ga.; and from Joshua Hili. Jas. H. Willy, and
N. G. Foster, Committee appointed by the
citizens of Madison, Ga., were received, read,
and on motion laid on the table.
The Committee appointed at a previoua
meeting presented, through their Chairman,
the following report, which was read and unan
imously adopted :
Report of the Committee appointed at a Meeting
of the Citizens of Augusta, Iblh June, 1850.
Your Committee, in discharge of the duty confi
ded o them, have carefully and respectfully con
sidered the communication of the gentlemen who
represent the meeting of the citizens of Clarksville
and its vicinity. The pi ejected improvement is
worthy of the highest commendation; and indepen
dently of all selfish motives, we cannot but heartily
wish it success. Yet, in the present circumstances
of our city, we do not believe that it is expedient for
, the City Council to participate in the undertaking.
A large amount of Augusta capital has already been
L employed in the performance of what seems to be
i our appropriate share in the task of promoting com-
I mercial intercourse. Our Railroad, by furnishing
, the main channel of communication, facilitates the
I execution of all auxiliary roads like the one pro
, posed; and the duty of patronizing the latter ap
, pears to belong, in an especial manner, to smaller
. towns and villages, which are either on the Railroad
, or in its vicinity, since these must be, in general, the
t principal gainers by the work.
, In the region traversed by the Georgia Railroad,
there are numerous localities where the inhabitants
’ desire some improved mode of
B it. If we now furnish a precedent of acquiescence,
we may expect soon to be pressed bjr claims of co
s operation from various other quarters. With the
most flourishing finances, we could not afford con
_ tribulions to all, or even to a considerable proportion;
and where the. claims are of a similar nature, we
1 should only incur odium by attempting to discrimi-
nate.
Moreover, we have been compelled by circum
stances, to engage in a costly enterprize, designed to
encourage our domestic industry. We have no rea
son to be dissatisfied with our progress. The Canal
promises the happiest results, both to ourselves and to
our fellow citizens of the interior, united with us by
trade; but it has demanded a large expenditure, and
is not yet complete. We must be prepared to furnish
any additional sums, which may be necessary tn
perfect and consolidate a work, so intimately connec
ted with all <ur future expectations. For the present
therefore, it seems inJispensable to husband our re
sources, by abstaining as far as possible from other
engagenenis, lest we should
ib'x-c of primary iinp-jriance, or to provide /rfv*
n taxati hi burdeni'oiue, as in itself to
whole policy.
< Jiark e y n’v.'.r l {'var to
applicable to the proposed construction
Roads in the City of Augusta. It would be a very
expensive undertaking, if extended over any conside
rable number of streets ; and it must, after no great
lapse of time, require a thorough renewal. In the
same pecuniary point of view, it is worthy of en
quiring whether this novel mode of transportation,
might not in fact, have a direct tendency to diminish
the public income, and produce an unfavorable modi
fication in the course of our trade. Apart from its
expensiveness, many of our citizens doubt its expe
diency. They believe that its very noises would
render it a nuisance ; but above all, they entertain
apprehensions of its operation on the health of the
community. The effiuvion of decaying vegetable
matter, is generally admitted, to be one of the princi
pal sources of disease, in a warm climate: with a
soil like ours, the process of decay must very speedi
ly commence, in masses of timber laid on the sur
face. If it is the uniform experience, of newly set
tled districts, that the decaying trees, which have
been cut down in a clearing, produce autumnal fever;
what reason have we to hope, for exemption from the
influence of similar causes ? We think that in any
event, the City authorities should take counsel of
those professionally qualified to advise, before adopt
ing any measures which may affect the paramount
interest of the public health.
The main thoroughfares of heavy transportation,
should be kept in good condition, but if possible, with
out recurring to costly expedients of doubtful policy.
Should it however be supposed, that the existing
state of public opinion, requires some trial of the
Plank Road ; we recommend that at the farthest, it
be not, for the present, extended beyond what is ne
cessary for a fair experiment. It is manifestly advi
sable, to postpone the establishment of any general
system, until we possess more ample resources, and
more satisfactory grounds for determining the best
mode, in which they can be employed.
Wm. Cumming, Chairman.
On motion the meeting then adjourned.
Thomas W. Miller, Chairman.
Geo. W. Morgan, Secretary.
Eloquent Sentiment. —Mr. WEBSTERcIog
ed a brieT speech, in the Senate on Monday
on the amendment offered by Mr. Socle to
e the Compromise bill, with the following truly
, eloquent and patriotic sentiment. It is worthy
» of the man, the age and the crisis, and deserves
1
to be inscribed in letters of gold. Hew re
e freshing after reading the narrow, contracted,
» sectional harangues which but too frequently
disgrace the Halls of Congress, and
- tile patriot, to turn to the
Mich a sentiment as this—a
wii! thriil the heart of every patriot ’
> a- broad • n'jugh U> take
Atiiera an Union. 1 ,et it be read
enlarged patrjO
“ Sir, my obj-ct i- peace. .My
' ' ! o!<•'.<■ I.*, n : !•> iinkc u Igßp
\ ■ 1 ‘ ( ’I ■ l :■ 'lp-
-i,. :;> <- ■ e i. .i, s.s t;i ! irnLC \ t \>'
I ?m aszainst agitators North and
' ■ ariJyfc-y'-
’ 1r w 11 ' • lauia;’ \t
kn< w no locality ,n America. th H is m
My heart, my sentiments, my judgment,
me that I ehall pursue such a course as shall
: the good, and the harmony, and the Union of the
’ whole country. This I shall do, God willing, to the
’ end of the chapter.”
The honorable Senator resumed his Beat
- amidst general applause frojn the gallery.
> The English and Cotton. —The London Times
in the course of an article on the cotton crop glya.
' that cotton the English must have, and India is the
1 place to get it. We had i een under the impression
t that they had for the last ten or fifteen years been
making the most desperate exertions to procure the
indispensable article in India; but we haven’t heard
i yet oft heir endeavors being attended with success.
It is evident however that the English are coming to
their senses and are now willing to believe in the 4
existence of frosts, crevasses, floods, worms, and con
sequent short crops. Their pockets have enlighten
ed them. — Picayune.
We are not aware that any physiologist has
ever defined the affinity between the brain, and
that very sensitive nerve, the pocket, it would
doubtless prove a very curious and instructive
, investigation.—Chron. & Sent.
Paris Beggars.—A family which lived in
great luxury—giving dinner parties twice a
week, the wife young and pretty, the young
children educating for elegant life, visitors of
theatres, ect., ect.—was discovered to be sup
ported by the most abject beggar of Paris. He
was in the habit of coming in late, pleading
business which kept him absent from his family
all day, but very well-informed and gay with
friends and acquaintances when at home. He
was arres ed while at the door ofa case, pretend- ’
ing to have been dreadfully wounded in a bat- .
tie in Africa. J|
It is said that the General Post Office De
partment will lose nearly three hundred thou
i sand dollars this year, under the “credit sys
tem.” allowing the deposit of unpaid letters.
A suit has been brought by Nathaniel Childs,
late Teller of the bank of the State of Missou
i ri, against that Institution, for defamation, false
imprisonment and malicious prosecution. He
has laid the damages at SSO 000.
The Pittsburgh Gazette says:—The Ohio
and Pennsylvania road (leading westwardly
from Pittsburg,) is under contract to Massil
lon, on the Ohio Canal, and its rapid construc
tion and early completion are put beyond the
hazard of a doubt. Eighteen months will not
roll away before the cars will ran from this
city to Cleveland, Canton, and Massillon.
The population of that portion of the State
of Ohio knows as the Miami country, is offi
cially estimated at 488,971, being an increase
of 43 per cent, in ten years. The Cincinnati
Chronicle remarks :
The Miami Counties comprehend in round
numbers, 6,500 square miies; and contain
about half a million of people! This is a den
sity of 77 to a square mile, much more than ~
that of the State of New York, which is about
56 to the square mile. This District will prob
ably contain, in twenty-five years, a million of
inhabitants, at which time (no extraordinary
providence interposing,) it will present the ex
ample of the most rapid and prosperous
growth of any people on earth, Indeed, such
is the fact now. For no part of the United
States of equal extent, has reached half a mil
lion in sixty years.
The Overland Emigration.—The follow
ing is an extract from a letter in the St. Louis
Republican, dated Fort Laramie, May 14.
Up to the present date, as well as can be as
certained, nine hundred and fifty men, and two
hundred and fifteen wagons, have passed this
place for the mines. Last year at this time not
a person had made his appearance.
All represent that the emigration of this year
will be double that of last Should this esti
mate prove correct, over 50,000 persons and
12,000 wagons will cross, or rather attempt to
cross the mountains this season.
There has been but one death on the road
thus far, S. W. Jurden, from lowa. A man
was brought in to-day with one of his legs bro
ken. Maj. Sanderson, the officer in com
mand, renders every assistance to the emi
grants that lies in his power, so that all, unless
their wants are too numerous, go on their way
rejoicing.
A letter dated Fort Kearney, May 22, says:
Generally speaking, the grass is still poor,
but we have had a rain and it is pouring finely
now. It is estimated that there are four thou
sand teams ahead of us, and three thousand
behind us.
The Nicaragua Route.— The New York Ex
press says that the steamer 4 Director, built by
the Nicaragua Canal Co., to run on the river
San Juan, will be ready to take her departure
in a few days The steamer 4 ‘ Orus will
ply on Lake Nicaragua, under the name of
“ Nicaragua,” as soon as their transit commu- -
nications are on the route.
These arrangements will cause a great
change in the C.ltfornia trarel when they ar.
I comple .