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Wttkta dwoiiic: • & ScutincL
by WILLIAM S. JONES.
WEEKLY
CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL
la published every Wednesday,
A.I TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM
IN ADVANCE.
TO CLUBS or INDIVIDUALS sending us Ten
Dollars, SIX copies of the Paper will be sent for one
year, thus furnishing the Paper at the rate of
SIX COPIES FOR TEN DOLLARS,
or a free copy to all who may procure us five sub
scribers, and forward ua the money.
I’HB CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL
DAILY AND TRI-WEEKLY,
Axe also published at this office, and mailed to «üb
scribers at the following rates, riz.s
Laxly Papbb, if sent by mail- - --tT per annum.
Tbi-W’bkbly Paper 4 u “
TERMS OP ADVERTISING.
In Wbbrlt. —Seventy-five cents per square (12
rues or less) for the first insertion, and Fifty cents
or ewch subsequent insertion.
JJljilairclpljia SUnrrtisements .
WASHINGTON HOUSE.
Chestnut Street, above Seventh Street.
* PHILADELPHIA,
IS CENTRAL. in the immediate vicinity of the
moat important public Institutions, the best and
moat fashionable places of business, and the attrac
tive public Squares of the city. In the important
requisites of light and ventilation, two principal ob
jeev’ aimed at n the recent enlargement and tho
rough in^—••men iof tbw House, it is nv( exceeded,
perbape, by an. establish me nt in America. To
BUangt-rs, therewire, its position is peculiarly desira
ble. The Subscriber returns thanks to hts friends
•** the public fa the liberal patronage they have I
extended t > him, ar-J .a2Buie«thain that he will on
-7* U S*”* * al ‘ auiUs& ® < us - 4 q _,
TO BUILDERS OF COTTON MILLS
FACTORIES. &c.
An experienced millwright,
and practical Mechanic and Architect, who bss
buiH MHlf of various deaeripttons, and particularly
Cotton Mills, to be driven by steam or water power,
would contract to execute work- of this description
is the very beet manner, and will furnish satisfactory
ttftimonuls. He prefers to live in a Southern cli
mate, and will be glad to receive the
above line.
Address “Hancock,” post paid, care of V. B.
Palmer, Newspaper Agent, No 8 Congress-st.,
Boston, Mass., where further information can be
had.
nt Boston, Mans., June 11,1850. je]7-law4
Charleston SUuertisements.
GANTT, HUFF & GANTT,
FACTORAGE AND COMMISSION BV-
SiNESS,
Charleston. --.So. Csu
✓ THE SUBSCRIBERS re
*»pecifully inform the public that Kfll
have commenced the
TORAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS, in ’
the city of Charleston, S. C., and that they will re- J
ceive and sell all articles of Produce entrusted to
their ear 3. They will confine themselves strictly to 1
the business of Commission Agents, and pledge them
selves never to speculate in any description of article
they receive for safe. Tney will give their personal
attention to the purchase of supplies for Planters who
may send their crops, without any charge therefor.
They will receive and forward Goods for Augusta
and Hamburg, at customary rates. Office Aecorumo
detka Wharf. EDWARD GANTT,
WALTER R. HUPP,
!eB3 itawftntf JAMES U GANTT
CHAMBERS <fc WHITE,
FACTORS AND GENERAL RECEIV
ING AND FORWARDING AGENTS.
CHARLESTON, S. C.
je9-2m
I¥aTHEB EL 11 IM G
IN. HUNT <fc CO.
No. 26. Dkvunshibb Strbet, Boston,
MANUFACTURE and keep constantly on
hand, for sale, best Oak Tanned Leather
Belting, Belt Rivets and Burra, superior Belt Ce
ment, and extra quality Lace Leather. Bells made
to order and warrantad. N. U. & Co. respectfully
refer to the following, touching the quality of their
belting:
We the undersigned, having in use the Oak Tan*
ned Leather Belting, manufactured by N. Hunt &
Co., No. 26 Devonshire Street, Boston, do cheerfully
r>*eumincnd it to Manufacturers and Machinists, and
have no hesitation in saying, that for quality of
stock, uniformity of thickness, being thoroughly
stretched, the superior manner of its manufacture,
and its durability, It is equal to any we have ever
used;
South Boston Iron Co., South Boston.
Seth Wil mirth. Union Works, South Boston.
John Souther, Globe Works, South Boston.
Seth Adams A Co., Steam Engine and Power Press
Buildcre, South Boston.
Hinckley & Drury, Boston Locomotive Works,
Boston.
Washburn, Sawing & Plaining Mill. Boston.
(5. & W. Curtis, Paper Manufacturers, Newton
Lower Falls.
" Jotii* E. Wilder, SaUm&ndef Safe ManuMoltirer,
Boston.
W. W. Aleott, Sup’t. Suffolk Flour Mills, Boston.
Henry Brevoort, Agent Glendon Rolling East
Boston.
Thomas Ditaon, Boston Sugar Refinery, East Boston.
F. Main, Soperintendant Marblehead Cordage Co.
Davenport & Bridges, Car Builders, Gambridgeport.
Edw’d Lung Sup’t. of Spinning Room for Sewell,
Day A Co., Cordage Manufacturers.
Lem. Crehore, Paper Manufacturer, Newton Lower
Falls.
Otis Tufts, Steam Engine Builder, East Boston.
N. Hunt & Co. are agents for SWINGLE’S
MORTISING MACHINE*.mvLUwgm
iUrn
NEW GOODS.
Alexander a bright, bar. just
received —
Black and Swtond Mourning GINGHAMS ;
Black and colored BAREGES ;
3 4 and 10-4 Brown LINENS;
Iri>h LINENS;
Grano SKIRTS;
Muslin COLLARS and CUFFS;
Swiss and Jaconet EDGINGS end INSERTINGS;
Corded MUSLINS for Bonnet.:
Shell and Hullo Io COMBS;
Blue BAREGE for Veils;
Linen and Snake BRAIDS ;
Cambric DIMITY:
Plaid and JacoMt MUSLINS ;
Long LAWNS;
Peathsr FANS;
Egyptian MIT rs ;
’ Ladle.' Silk UMBRELLAS |
Black and Colored Belt RIBBONS. Jy26-d*w
SILKS, BA REGES, ALBORINES
TISSUES, Ac.
PIT n eplen-
X • did assortment of Rich DRESS GOODS,
among which are—
Plain, Plaid and Striped Cbamelion SILKS,
Plata, Figured and Watered Black Do.,
Colored SATINS, and Marcelino Do.,
Ri«h Foulard SILKS and HR ILLI ANTES,
Plain, Figured and Satin-striped BAREGES,
ALBORINES, TISSUES and GRENADINES,
Plain and Brocade Black BAREGE,
Embroidered and Dotted Swire MUSLINS,
Printed Jaconet and Swiss Do.
Printed ORGANDIE, LAWNSand Muslin GING
HAMS,
Pine French dnj Scotch Spring GINGHAMS,
Plain, Figured and Striped silk and Linen LUS
TRES,
CHAMBRAYS and Chambray LAWNS, all colors
A large supply of Printed LAWNS and MUSLINS
Iran 10c, to 2Se. peryard.
Figured Bobbinet, Lisle and Valencia LACE, for
Capea and Moul iliac,
Egyptian MITTS and Kid GLOVES,
I .ace CAPES and Needle-waiked COLLARS,
Thread and Linen EDGE, se. to 25c. per card,
Bonnet RIBBONS, 10c. to 31c per yard,
Linen Cambric HANDKERCHIEFS, Cotton. Ude
a hl Silk HOSE,
P« I ASOLS, FANS, Shell,Tuck and Side COMBS,
«., Ac.
r<\ a complete supply of Staple and Domestic
IDS, for Family and Plantation uro, to which
cspectlully invite the attention of the Public.
invß
'lnen sheetings.
SNOWDEN & SHEAR.
AVE RKCEIVED; Thia Day, from New
York, .supply oteuperior 12-4 Linen SHEET-
S'S. Also, 4-4 .nd R 4 India Floor MATTING,
’’ 1 iel i bey respectfully invite the attention of the
\* ■ >lB-dtwAw _
Etfc ARRIVAL OF NEW GOODS
BY THE LAST STEAMER,
WILLIAM H. CRANE,
’*l Dry Goods Store Mow the V. States Hotel,
NOW OPENING the following GOODS:
Supenor wide black GRO DaRHINE;
Flu plain block BAREGE;
Vol cred .mbvesed Swan MUSLIN ;
Pineblack Italian CRAPE;
Lad'o.'and Gentlemen's black Kid GLOVES;
lad-ea'aod Mi»e.’ black Silk MITTS;
Swi.randJac oner Mushn EDGINGS;
I ecllomen’ablack Italian CRAVATS;
UkGRASS CLOTH, for Skirts;
ancveolored BAREGES;
Iceland Second MourningGINGHAMS;
it.br wo French DRILLINGS;
ent'U.itrenCmnbrle HANDKERCHIEFS;
ar. I dotted black PRINTS;
urniloleDlMlTY ; Tirnicure CALICO:
-U t <llO-4 Bleached SH EETING;
, je«»’whiteCottoe HOSE;
adirotextra use Cotton HOSE;
iruDubLtNKNS; Srout DRILLINGS;
■: targe a. ortment of Sessootibte GOODS, to
Dh.iavitea th. attention of the public.
jelS-rlAw
w GOODS PER LAST STEAMER.
AVTIFVL LACE CAPES, rich and
etegantalytea, from *2 to AS;
reeILeodoeMARSEILLES QUILTS, »10.
err Plain and Figured BAREGES, 25 cl*.
>< Black Ax
l.t LUkRAGAN DAMASK;
lit.MOSQUITO NETTINGS;
Bcek,Swie.and Jac-wet MUSLINS;
re»re Colored GINGHAMS, 12* eta.;
• ELUNGTON CORD, a boamtlul article
* 1 vc 1 wear, rSO eta;
» MUSI INS, tact colon, 12* ctag
ua.NEN SHEETINGS.
«<• a great variety of other article.. Jnrt re
s' »■ JeS-AwAw GRAY BROTHERS.
LtaMWE cuHUy at TARNS, well amsstod
- ,a P»™» quality, just received
W --e N.wtcu Fee Wry," and far sale low, by
Speaks & buford.
Wftrcl)oHs£s,
BUFORD, BEALL&CaT
GROCERY AND WARE-HOUSE
MERCHANTS,
Augusta • • Georgia*
THE UNDERSIGNED ten- ggg|
KjaBEJI tier their thanks to their friends and
the public generally, for the pat
ronage so liberally extended to the late firms of Spears
& Buford and Spears, Beall & Co , and respectfully
inform them that they continue business in both
branches (Ware-house and Grocery) as heretofore
done by the late firms, and at the same well known
stands. Our stocks of Groceries are fresh and well
selected, and every exertion shall be used to pro
mote the interest of our friends, both io the sale of
their Cotton and in filling their orders.
Liberal cash advances made on Cotton tnd other
produce in store when required.
ALL COTTON consigned by Railroad or other
wise will be sold fkeb or commission.
W. H. BUFORD,
W. M. BEALL,
J. W. L. STOVALL.
Augusta, July Ist, 1850. jy!7-w6m
M. P. STOVALL,
WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION
MERCHANT,
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA,
the business, Vj ✓
in all its branches, at hie eld
stand ( Fire- Proof Warehouse,)
corner of Washington and Reynold streeui. Ho
hopes, by strict attention to business, to merit a con
tinuance of the liberal patronage heretofore extended
10 Orders for FAMILY SUPPLIES, BAGGING,
Ac., promptly and carefully filled, at the lowest
market prices.
O’Liberal ADVANCES made on produce tn
store. jy23-tw&wtf
.HARDIN & RAMEY
GROCERY MERCHANTS,
Augasti, G«.,
fe-'Jj- nounc ' n a lotheir friends and il*.
■HHBI public generally, that they ccn
*inue business at their former stand, opposite Messrs.
Adams & Fargo, and three doors below J. & S.
Bones & Co., where they are now receiving from
the Northern cit’es, daily additions to their present
slock, comprising Groceries, Bagging, Rope, Twines,
Salt, Iron, Sugar, Coffee, Teas, Dry Goods, Shoes,
Hats, Caps, Blankets, Hardware, Blacksmiths’
Tools, Leather, Oils, Ac. All of which they are
determined to sell as low as any house in this city.
We have also made arrangements with a Fire
Proof Brick Warehouse. to store all COTTON
and other Produce that may be consigned to us,
which we will sell free of commission, and no pains
will be spared tc give general satisfaction. Liberal
advances made on Cotton and other Produce in score
if required.
We will also be assisted in our business by a gen
tleman who is an old and experienced Cotton sales
man, and we wdl guarantee to return as gcod sales
as any W arehoueeman iu the city. We bone from our
experience in business to give general satisfaction. —
Yourorders respectfully solicited and filled ptomptlv.
THOMAS W. HARDIN,
jy!7 w3m JOHN D. RAMEY.
DISSOLUTION.
THE FIRM of Dye, Heard & Co., will be
dissolved by mutual consent on the first day of
September next, by the withdrawal of M. M. Dye,
from the concern. Ail business remaining unsettled
at that time, will be closed by Dyb & Heard, and
the name of the old firm used only in liquidation of
its business. M. M. DYE,
S. D. HEARD,
J. M. DYE.
WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION
BUSINESS.
THE UNDERSIGNED will continue the
WAREHOUSE mm! COMMISSION BUSL
NESS, in all its branches, on their own account, at
the Old Stand cf Dyb, Heard & Co., on Mclntosh
Street, where they oolicit a continuance of the pa
tronage of the friends of the old concern, and a fair
portion of the business of the community generally.
’lheir Warehouse is Fire proof, and from its favor
able location, being entirely surrounded by fire
proof buildings; is as free from the dangers of fire,
as any house iu the City.
Their personal attention will be exclusively devo
ted to the business, and no efforts spared on their
part to promote the interest of their patrons.
Liberal advances made on Cotton and other pro
duce in Store when required.
Ail orders for Bagging, Rope and Family Supplies,
filled promptly, and at lowest maiket prices.
JAMES M. DYE,
STEPHEN D. HEARD.
Augusta, July 20,1850.
AS I SHALL withdraw from the firmofDvs,
Hkabd & Co., on the first day of September
next, 1 respectfully recommend to my friends and
former patrons, the new firm of Dye & Heard, and
trust that the liberal patronage heretofore extended,
will be continued to the n. M. M. DY E.
Augusta, July 20, 1850.
FLEMING, WHITLOCK &C<r
WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION
BUSINESS.
Auffn.ta, Georgia.
V. te THE UNDERSIGNED,fx-vve.
Jl thankful for the very liberal pa-
JwihilSSMl ireuago of the nasi season, again IbESs
lender iheir servicer to iheir friends in Georgia and
South Carolina, in th. sale of COTTON AND
OTHER PRODUCE, at tlieir ZJru* Warehouse,
centrally situated on Campbell, near Broad street,
P. PisMtsa.
I' W. Whitlock.
_J.M. Haro. *24
ADAMS, HOPKINS & CO.,
WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION
MERCHANTS, AUGUSTA, GA.
Vj / Wifi WOULD respectfully
nounee to our friends and the
lie that we still M>ntinue the““™“
WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS
at our old stand, corner of Campbell and Reynold
streets, in the city of Augusta.
We have also established a Commission House in
Savannah, under the style of F. T. WILLIS &, CO.,
and can therefore (if desired) give our planting
friends the advantage of both markets. The Savan
nah house will be under the superintendence of Dr.
Willis.
All business entrusted to our care will have atten
tion. Orders from our friends for goods will be
promptly executed.
Liberal advances made on produce in store. Our
charges will conform to those of other houses.
ADAMS, HOPKINS CO, Augusta,
F. T. WILLIS <& CO., Savannah, Ga.
•4
R. S. HARDWICK & COOKE,
FACTORS AND COMMISSION MER
CHANTS,
Savannah-Georgia.
■W V THE UNDERSIGNED
have associated them.el.ee, un- jKjji
der the ab.ve style, in the bust-
nes. above speoifiod. Mr. Hardwick is a Planter
oi Hancock county, and, of course, identified in feel
ing and interest will, bis brother Planters. Mr.
Cookb is a citizen ofSavannah, and thoroughly ac
quainted with all the branches of the COMMISSION
BUSINESS.
We arc prepared to make liberal advance* on pro
duce in store, and will till ordm for Plantation and
Family Supp'lea with scrupulous care.
H’« are mutually bound not to speculate in Cot
ton or any other article of Merchandise.
Wo reapeellully solicit patronage and pledge our
selves to deserve it by faithful attention to the busi
r Me entrusted to us.
R. 8. HARDWICK.
j } l3-wtf J- E.
WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION
BUSINESS.
urejj THE UNDERSIGNED, E. J
D. KOHEHTSON and J. R. JSMMI
CROCKER, (of the fate firm of Dawsen & Croeker,)
beg leav. to inlorm their friends, and the public
generally, that they have entered into a Ccpartner
aliin. to take place the Ist of September nest for
tbc purpose of carrying on the WAREHOUSE and
COMMISSION BUSINESS, in all iu branches,
and have taken the large, commodious and fire-proof
BRICK WAREHOUSE (lately occupied by Daw
eon & Crocker) on Reynold, East of Mclntosh-street,
and Lot n-st West of the Episcopal Church, where
one or both can, stall timea, be found, ready to at
tend to customers and friends.
They will be prepared to receive Consignments
upon the usual terms, and transact all business ap
pertaining to their line; an J respectfully solicit the
saves, of those disposed to extend them their custom,
and at th- same luna enuring all who do so, th at
they will spare no effons m -sc,nous io promote lue
interest and wishes ofthsir patrons, to the fullKt ex
tent.
Liberal Cash Advances upon Produce in Store
or in iransit'i. will be made wUcro <ia.irai. arid..
upon the inuat acc- mmoduling terms.
All orders from their friends, for Bagging, Rope,
Groceries, Dry Goods, Ae., Ac., will be attended
to with prom;*nesa, anil filled at the towwt market
prices. They will also receive a»d firward Goods,
Produce, Ac., shipped and consigned beyond lh»
. u
They beg leave to return their most vtwtere thanks
to th. friend, and euslomere of the fata eonc.rne of
E. D. Robertson and Dawroo A Crocker, for the
liberal share of patronage heretofore extended to
those houres, and solicil • continuance of it, and
pledge themselves to merit it by their unremitting
endeavors to please, and exertion, for their custo
mer's interests. E. D. ROBERTSON,
J. R. CROCKER,
Augusta, Ge-rgia. July 1.1950,
r|SHE UNDERSIGNED, intending to retire
A from the firm of Dawson A C bocks., ontheo
first of September next, beg. leave to recommend to
hi. own .nd the firm's friends, and the public, the
new firm of Robertson A Crockbb, announced
above, and solicits for it a continuance of the liberal
patronage heretofore bestowed upon the finn of
D. A C jv3 J. C. DAWSON,
FIRK-PROOP WAREHOUSE.
DYE, HEARD & CO.,
WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION
MERCHANTS
*—~~—WILL continue the above
were at the old stand of Dr a, Ro uHS||
A Co., east side of
Intosh-strcet, where they are prepared to receive coo
rignmenta of COTTON AND OTHER PRODUCE
Orders for Bagging, Rope, aud Family Supplies, fill
ed at the lowest market prices.
Q-ÜBEKAL ADVANCES made on Produce in
Store. M. M. DYE, Augusta.
STEPHEN D. HEARD, Greece Co.,
auIO JAMES M. DYE, Augusta.
VALUABLE REAL AND PERSON
AL ESTATE AT PUBLIC AUCTION.
ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE.— WiII be
rold. on the Ist Tuesday fa Norareber, within
the legal hour, of sate, at lb. Lower Market House,
agrsMbteto an enter granted by the JMiere of the
lifeeter Oort of Ktchmood county, when Muing ns
a Court as Ordinary, all the Personal aed Real
Estate rs J-Aa Mxnren, tterenred. ronaisting of
Honm and Lot (family residence) fronneg on
Greeneretre*. 83 3 faebre; tw. House, and
Uta, OMWM of Greeoe-ttreet, tn th. tower pertjf
town, near Owen's pump. Together with tfaoul 25
valoaH. Negroes. Terms at sate.
DA NW t MORRISON, Ailmtaittretrr.
Angiteta, July 18, 1850.
MISCELLANEOUS LITE
=RATURE.
3 Mr. Cassis Rome.—A letter from Rome
to one of the Mew York papers says :
“ 1 was present last week at a very interes
ting ceremony—the presentation to Maj. Cass,
■ our Charge d’Affaires, by the priest of the
■s Propaganday-of a token of their gratitude, in
y acknowledgment of the protection he afforded
1> to them when their institution was menaced
e by the Trastervini. Latin addresses were de
-11 livered on the occasion, and two richly illumi-
nated volumes, resembling the old missals of
’’ the middle ages, were then brought forward.
’ One of them contains invocations for the hap
r pine,a of Major Cass, written in sixty-eight
different languages, by individuals of sixty
eight different nations, priests of the Propagan
da. There is scarcely a tongue on the wide
globe, which is not there spoken—scarcely a
country which is not there represented. I
have looked over this volume twice, and from
curiosity I have noted a few of the languages
which are therein inscribed :
Cingalese, lllyrean, Ethiopean, Arabian.
• Sanscrit, Chinese, Chaldean, Coptic,
Phoenician, Celtic, Calmuc, Koordish,
Samaritan.
’ In the other volume there is given to Mr.
Cass, to him and his. in perpetuity, the right
□ of asylum and sanctuary, flow strange; ’ the
. history of European Governments, haverUeen
I the vicissitudes nnd mutations of the last two
years I Thrones have tumbled about the
> heads ot kings, and republics have taken the
1 places of ancient monarchies
Os the convulsions which have shaken Italy
—of the storms and tempests which have swept
this fair lacd, rending societal ts> its deep*jt£g
foundations—no stronger, mo.-g a rikt.ng illus
trations can be adduced loan lijb. to
which I have jest alluded. Tte,’-,.
£
reii’ceiFinsiitiMion of the Vaibosb-
i the nucleus of its clergy—the pnaff'wtw
popes —with its soldiers—soldiers of the cross
—scattered through every land, from the
i snows of Siberia to the sands of Sauiarcand,
t is menaced by the fierce, lawless men of the
, Tiber, and demands prolec ion from the re-
■ presentalive of the United States. That that
’ protection was rendered, and well rendered,
1 I myself heard officially announced, some
weeks ago, on a public occa ion, in the old
I time worn chapel of the Propaganda, in the
presence of the senatorsand princes of Rome.
i There are comparatively few strangers now
I in Rome. Os Americans, the number is less
i than usual. The hot weather is rapidly ap
proaching. when the malaria from the Cam
pagna renders it imprudent for strangers to
remain. The hotels are nearly deserted, and
' the artists are in despair. The last year was
an unfortunate one for the arts. Iu fact, there
is no branch of business which has not suffer
ed in consequence of the want of a stable
government. Thousands, among whom are
not a few families of ancient title and noble
blood, are said to be in actual want; and
when to these you add the list of those who,
by amercements and confiscations, are de
prived of their revenues, you may conjecture
somewhat of the misery existing in Rome.
A subscription is in circulation to afford re
lief, its tar as possible ; and I observe that the
Spanish Minister and Mr. Caro, and also the
Austrian and Russian Ministers, have each
contributed five hundred dollars to this ob
ject. Heaven help the poor of Rome, 1 say.
Want fares badly in ah communities, but no
where so hardly as in Italy.”
Great Wealth a Misfortune.—Vast for
tunes are a misfortune to the State. They
confer irresponsible power ; and hitman na
ture, except in the rarest instances, is proved
incapable of wielding irresponsible power,
without abuse. The feudalism ofcapital is not
a whit less formidable than the Feudalism of
Force. The millionaire is as dangerous to the
welfare of a community, in nurday, as was the
baronial lord of the middle ages Both sup
ply the means of shelter and of raiment on the
same conditions; both hold their dependants in
service by the same tenure, —their necessity
forbread: both use their superiority to keep
themselves superior. The power of money is
as imperial as the power of the sword ; and I
may as well depend upon another for my head
as for my bread. The day is sure to come,
when men will look upon the prerogatives of
capital, at the present time, with as severe and
as just a conedinnation as we now look back
upon the predatory chieftains of the dark ages.
Weighed in the balances of the sanctuary, or
even in the clumsy scales of human justice,
there is no equity in the allotments which as
sign to one man but a dollar a day, with work
ing. while another has an income of a dollar a
minute, without working. Under the reign
of Force, or under ibe reign of Money, there
may be hero and there a good man who uses
his power for blessing and not for oppress
ing his race; but all their natural tendencies
are exclusively bad. In England we see feu
dalism of Capital approaching its catastrophe.
In Ireland we see the catastrophe consumma
ted. Unhappy Ireland I where the objects of
.human existence and the purposes of human
government have SIT been revcrsna ;wrrere ru
lers, for centuries, have ruled for the aggran
dizinent of themselves, and not for the happi
ness of their subjects; where misgovernment
has reigned so long, so supremely, and so a
trociously.that at the present time, the 'Three
Estates’ of the realm are Crime, Famine and
Death I— Horace Mann.
True Makliress.—The Hebrew was migh
ty by power of faith—the Greek by knowledge
and art—the Roman by arms—but the might
of the modern man is placed in work. This
is shown by the peculiar pride of each. The
pride of the Hebrew was in religion—the pride
of the Greek was in wisdom—the pride of the
Roman was in power—the pride of the modern
man is in wealth. For the modern man belief
is not enough—ideas of beauty is not enough—
nor is mere glory. The age is an age of indus
try—an age of capital—an age which declares
loudly, “If any man will not work, neither
■hall he eat,” though it alio says in places not
a few, “Though a man must work, yet shall
he noteat.” Work in this age is more than
ever connected with the wants and luxuries of
human life. The money standard covers ev
ery thing. “Make not my father's house a
house of merchandise ;” but now we go fur
ther and make merchandise of the house itself.
If a preacher is eloquent, we ask—What is his
salary; if a lawyer is able, we wish to know
his income before we can determine his rank ;
if a man builds a house, be thinks whether it
can be sold. We dare not ride our hobbies,
whether in a moderate amble or a recklessgal
lop. till wo know if it will pay. Even the af
fections are bound by this rule. The warmth
of the heart is guaged by the rise and fall of
stocks. When two young ladies speak in praise
of their lovers, one says he is intelligent—the
other that he is amiable—“ But only think"
says one, "he is only twenty-three, and has al
ready made thirty thousand dollars 1"
But it is almost wrong to trifle on such a sub
ject. If the modern man works for wealth,
the results are grand even to the outward
thought. Ho covers the laud with factories.
He puts a mill on every stream. He builds
cities in the wilderness. He sifts gold out of
the sand of the desert, and sows in the
saods he sifts the seeds of empires. He covers
the seas with navies, and every sail that shivers
in the breeze has the promise of freedom in
its sound. One only is excepted—the flutter
of the sail which wings the slavesbip—the flut
ter of the sail which quivers over death—the
flap of the dismal canvass that wails over the
black man’s groans.— Ret. Henry Giles.
Tidal PuairoMESA.—During the voyage of
the bark Harvest. Capt. Lackey, of New Bed
ford, recently returns . from a whaling voyage,
the fact was verified that the tides in and about
the Polynesian Islands, do oot follow the New
tonian law of variation. At the request of
Capt. L , affidavits were obtained from two in
telhxentindividuals. wliohave for twenty years
resided among the Society Islands, to the fol
lowing statement:
That the time of high water takes place bntween
the hours of 11 and 1 o'clock, without any variation,
unleee caused by winds. The different phases of the
moon have no effect whatever in changing the time
or~'sigh"wateT. AX Ihe VoH —S ehenge '.tie trUev ere
trom six to eight inches higher; the full rise being
I about two feeL
Another interesting result of the voyage was
the obtaining of deep sea soundings in the vi
' einity of the Bermuda Islands. We quote
, from the narrative as published in the New
, Bedford Mercury:
Here, in latitude 27 deg. 10 min. N., longitude
i 62 deg. 45 min. W., on the 20lh of April, 1850, the
I nearest land being Bermudas, bearing N. W. by N..
’ and distant 345 miles, waler blue, with much gull
weed, weather calm, no current, the boa: was low
ered ; let run the lead, and found bottom in 744 fa
thoms. April 25, latitude 27 deg. 30 min. N., long.
63 deg. 09 min. W., Bermudas, bearing N. W. by
N. 300 miles, sounded and got bottom in 446 fa
' thorns. Apnl 29, latitude 20 deg. 20 min. N , long.
' 64 deg. 11 min. W„ Bermudas N. W. N., 160 miles,
' Bounded and got bottom in 620 fathoms. The time
’ occupied in running out the line varied from twenty
! io thirty-four minutes. The liae was constructed
'. thus: First hundred fathoms, five parts of shoe
1 thread; second, four parts; third, three parb-;
fourth, two parts; remainder single. The lead
weighed about five pounds ; the whole wound upon
a light reel, and held by hand. In this process of
obtaining soundings the lead is not to be hauled up.
From tie Philaeielfhia North .4 merican.
Menmfßetnres tn Africa.
| All the travellers and visiters of the frontier
and interior towns of Africa with whom we
! have had intercourse, either personally, by let
ter, or by published accounts coincide, with
out exception, in oua important particular,
i namely, that tne natives of that vast continent
exhibits remarkable degree of genius, and dis
play in their numerous manufactured articles
such a knowledge of mechanics ae to agreea
bly surprise ail who have beard of or been
. privileged to behold their handiwork.
By a statement of the Rev. Dr. Walker,*
. Missionary of the American Board, C F. M.,
, at the Gaboon, a largo town just below the
, equator —and who has lately given to the pub
: lie a brief description of his recent visit to the
s neighboring kings, and their subjects—it ap
-1 pears that the Aineane, although long debased
1 by th* blighting effects of heathenism, end the
‘ evils and atrocities of the accursed slave trade,
* are susceptible of a ehenge to the truth, by the
? powerful example of ehnetietuty and etviliza-
*** 0
“ This feet has been, and now is being, fully
verified by taoer improve i oondiuoe ia every
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDiNESDA JQRNTNG, JULY 31, 1850.
respect, especially of tho a native tribes in thi
• republic of Liberia, and by thousands of other
not yet under its jurisdiction, but to whom i
■_ good influence has gone forth. Very man;
( of the original Africans are daily relinquishiu;
their former modes of life, and are becoming
more and more accustomed to the means o
. civilizalioq, and are rapidly and anxiously fol
, lowing iu the paths indicated by the Christiat
• light set up—on a hill, as it were—by the cili
i Zens of that young nation-
I If oor readers have any desire to follow ou
; these thoughts, by examining some of the pro
. duets of these rude, untutored people, they
■ will meet with a kind reception on calling al
f the Colonization rooms, Walnut st, above
Sixth, where, tn addition to numerous speci
mens of art and skill, may be seen various
t objects of natural history from Africa, and a
large collection of portraits, engravings, &c.
Iron ore is found in Africa in immense quan
i titles, and from it are made, by the untaught
natives, various ornamental and useful articles,
such as spears, arrows, knives, armlets, legists,
bracelets, &c. A small but regular amount
i of this important material, made into a pecu
liar shape, is called a “bar,” and appears to be
the standard of value by which their currency
is regulated. They are exceedingly skillful iu
the tanning and manufacture of leather.
Their annulet cases, spear and dagger
sheaths, whips, bridles, pouches, powder flasks,
sandals, &e., are made as this material with re
markable neatness. They also tuani>fac(ure
their own cotton cloths, and dye with indigo
and other vegetable dyes, and have the art of
permanently fixing the colors they employ.
In addition to these may bo named, as eviden
ces of their industry, their war-horns, made
from the tusks of elephants and other animals;
their musical instruments—the strings ol the
I •MMT TIDiXB »•’ titti*. ISJ •ft
them to three hundred and sixty-five uses. Huts
are thatched with palm leaves, its fibres are
used for fishing tackle, a rough cloth is made
from the inner bark; the fruit is roasted, and
is excellent ; the oil serves for butter; the
palm wine is a favorite drink.'*
The native African, it is to be understood, is
naturally indolent, and although the various
articles of labor here mentioned would per
haps convey the impression ihat they are
an industrious people, yetthe contrary is the
fact.
What a market is here opened for the sale
of our manufactures I Who can rightly calcu
lae the amount of employment it would afford
the operatives and workmen of our own land
to clothe her 160,000,000 of inhabitants, and
the enormous fade which she could afford us
in the luxuries, and what we consider the
necessaries of life, from her prolific tropical
soil?
Well might tho poet, speaking of Africa, ex
claim :
“Regions immense, unsearchable, unknown,
Bask in the splendors of the solar Kone ;
A world of wonders —where creation seems
No more the works of nature, but her drcams.”
♦ ''They use none but native iron of their own
manufacture, and it is of the finest quality. Many of
their knives ring like cast steel, and no flaw or oth
er imperfection can be discovered in them. They
will not accept imported iron as a present, for they do
not consider it worth carrying home. I brought
away numtrous specimens of their iron.”
Wm. C.
Paper Made 1800 Years Ago.—The
Chinese affirm that eighteen centuries ago
they had discovered the secret means of man
ufacturing paper; before that invention they
used to inscribe written characters on thin
strips es bam-boo, or sheets of metal, using a
style of pen of iron, for the purpose of mak
ing the characters; and this they assert, had
been the praciice of their nation from the
most remote ages. In the first century of the
Christian era, during the Han dynasty, a Man
darin, who was attached to the Emperor’s
Court, and whose name was Saidun, discov
ered the art of paper making. Tradition
affirms that this Mandarin took the bark of
trees, pieces of old silk, and hempen cloth,
and boiled them down until they catne to the
consistence of glue or paste; he then spread
the mass in thin layers upon the earth, and the
sun's rays dried up the moisture, leaving a
thin compact substance, thus the paper was
made. Shortly afterwards the means were
discovered by which a smooth surface is given
to the paper.— Sirr’e China and the Chinese.
Light asp Heat from Water.— Another
Discoverer.— While Mr. Paine has been talk
ing about producing light and heat, by decom
posing water, a Frenchman, Joseph Pierre
Gallard, has taken out a patent in France, dated
Nov. 22<J, 1849, which, as described in the
London Patent Jonrnal, is an improvement
similar to Paine’s alleged great discovery,
of producing, by mechanical means, pure
oxygen and hydrogen at opposite poles
in separate gasometers. Mr. G.'a discovery
seems rather, indeed, to go ahead of Mr.
Paiiv's- Heje is a description;
apparatuses and processes for producing hy
drogen gas by the decomposition of water, and
its application to heat and light. The means
and processes by which he obtains this gas are:
1. By tho incandescence of iron. 2. By carbon.
3. By magnets.
There is also a lengthy specification given,
which contains descriptions of processes which
are not claimed, and claims of processes which
are not described.
Handling Molter Lead ard Iror.—The
Boston Traveller says experiments, similar to
those recently made tn France, by which mol
ten lead and iron are handled with entire impu
nity, the hands and arms being boldly immers
ed in the boiling liquids, have been tried with
equal success at the Scientific School, Cam
bridge. A fortulious circumstance discover
ed that the apparently wonderful results
were nothing but the aimpie effect of what ia
called the spheroidal condition of water or
moisture. The theory of the thing ia, that
when the metal has attained a high degree of
heat, it changes the moisture on the band, or
even the tongue, into globules or spheroidal
forms, which prevent the immediate contact
of the iron with the skin. The experiments
are to be repeated before the Natural History
Society soon. If so, they will be duly report
ed.
A Good Idka. —A country editor down in
Mississippi, wants to take a trip to the Springs
for his hea'th, and at he lacks the wherewith to
pay his way, he says that “there ought to be
someway of franking editors through like
other public documents." Certainly there
ought I frank him through.— Czehange.
Some of our contemporaries could bo easi
ly franked : they would not take much room,
as they always fie so snugly.— Colnmbus En
quirer.
Railroad Travel. —Some idea may be
formed of the extent of the travel on Rail
roads at the North by the following notice of
the dai v average of passengers on the Hud
son river railroad. Just think of the travel
averaging for seventeen days 3,466 persons
daily, all of whom are provided with comforta
ble cars and seats:
“We made a rough estimate yesterday of the
number of pas-eagers passing over the Hudson
River Railroad daily fixing it at about 2800. We
have since received the following statement of the
actual avenge daily, during inch month since the
road wrs opened :
January,---893
February,97l
March,l,44o
Apri1,1,875
May,2,074
June, .2,552
July, to 17th iosL,. 3,466
T0ta1—305,362
In this statement, working days only are included,
no trains being ran on Sunday. Carnmotation pass
engers are not included. Not the least striking fea
ture of the statement is the refutation it gives to the
opinion which has been very freely expressed, that
lew would travel on the road except ia winter when
the river was closed. The number has steadily in
creased as the season of navigation has advanced,
srtre avenge hr 4a4y ♦* wSnuhteJly I^——.l by
the immense number who passed to and fro on the
road on the 4tb.— Courier 4* Enquirero
The Maritkz.—Ay the arrival of the Go
vernment ateaoier MoamoiuA at this port yes
terday. we are in posse! sion of an in'eresting
item of inforuiatiou, of the correctness of which
we cannot doubt We have supposed that the
munizee or ses-coic was an almost fabulous ani
mal, or rather that it was not to be found in
Florida. It appears, however, that on the 17th
insi., near Jupiter Inlet, Fls.. Messrs. Clark
and Burnham caught two manitees. One of
■hem was fifteen feet long, which they had to
kill, and the other was nine and a quarter feet
long, weighing 1.11-0 pounds They tied him
to a skiff, and towed him te Indian River
Thence he was shipped to Charleston in the
schooner Charleston, to be re-shipped to Barruh
in New York. The creature eats grass, and is
now almost tame. His tail is two feet five
inches in length, and he has front flappers like
a turtle, with the addition of nails resembling
those of a human being. His mouth is like
that of a cow. baring no upper teeth. This
animal, as our readers know, like the Hippo
potamus of the Nile, is capable of existing both
on the land and in tho water. —SarawnoA Re
publican.
The Charleston Courier furnishes the fol
lowing description of the same animal:
A .Monster of the Deep.— We had a view, yes
terday, of a creature, taken about a mouth since, in
St. Lucia Sound, East Florida, which was called by
Mr. John Clark, who eapiured it, a Sea Cow. This
singular creature is about tea feet ta length, and some
eight or nine feet girth at the largest pert of the body,
has a broad, fan-shaped fin or tad, and two flippers,
or paws, aomewhat similar to a large turtle, but with
more potnu. Its head is peculiarly formed, having
nostnla and lips resembling a cow.
It was brought to this eity in the Sebr. Charleston
on Thursday last, and is intended to be taken to the
i north, at the next trip of the steamer Osprey. It is
. contained tn a large box, filled with sak water, and
> appears to be healthy and lively. During the pes
iasge heavy weather prevented supplying the box
with water, and it remained without it from 2 A. M.
* unul 9 o'clock at night.
At the time of the capture of this creature, iu fe
’ male mate, of greater balk, was takeo in a seine,
1 but so fireoiy restslad, that it became neeeomry to
kill ik Some of the meat was shewn us which pre
sented the appearance es ordinary beef. A calf was
r also teen at the same time, but, posstag through the
y uet,eaeaped.
“I' POLITI'IBk
“ r ’e- ,
'y To the People of the
'K irlet coinposctl of »k*- gcoiutHea ol
'X Amelia, filottoxvay. t/li -.vledle. Brims.
t>f wick, Greens« Hie, Prince
||- George, anil the T • »'xi-.^i* 4 ese'rsbssrg.
11 Fellow Citizens t .Delegate!
'• from your District. I .Mashville
Convention. It is know- not eon-
11 cur in all that was doni *£.sJ?-C.)nveii:ion ;
’■ and it is perhups due to as myself,
V that I should explain would
11 have been epnner agements
0 and feeble health.
i- The first question of which
9 arose before the Cohvi^®®..^ s ~ t 0 t h e
a proper mode by which' present
’• should vote. It was P each Stale
1 represented should be vole--
1 the Delegates ill the votes
of their respective £'-s’ -■ j mode I
• objected, and took OC/express the
t grounds of my oppo-it, how.-ver,
- adopted—Virginia voting seemed
e to me that toe vote by
" each District votes of
their r< spective Distrii ho were
r in favor of voting by that
. plan upon the ground'■£j®££sltatea' svere
sovereign, and met tli-^'ftthat a
9 small
i-.r, i-t di* L.f
I etiH • omni
• Stall, aclion.
iii her
• B
» not willing to exerclHnKiKj «
-■ A''” :rb •' *,5 .5--*' fej
f|'i%rtk« whole of ‘■‘bftluii
■ ‘ Slats ,<ad. by their action, or Diilrr filiiite to
act, declared that they did not Kpreve thi
« Convention—that it was manifel, frdm the
> resolutions passed by her Legelbture at its
last session, that Virginia did not Mbropta :
I any measures or recoininendatiiiWfi-orff Wit
i body which would require State action—that
in recommending the appointment of Dele
-1 gates by Congressional Districts she had ex
s pressly declared that she regarded the Nash-
- rille Convention as “intended t> enable the
i people of the South to take courael- together
i as to the best and most effectutl means of
resisting the aggressions of tie North—of
i enforcing a compliance on their pirt with their
Constitutional obligations, and thffeby preserv-
I ing the Union of these Stales " That it was
I thus plain that Virginia was seek ng, through
I that Convention, Constitutional ‘edrcss — that
i Constitutional redress could be afforded only
> through Congress—that if this wete true, then
I the Convention should vote by Congressional
Districts, because it was to be presumed that
• the Delegates present would vote the senti-
ments of their respective District! and there
would be some guarantee that the rowmmenda
tions of the Convention would receve the sup
( port of the representatives iu Congress from the
Districts represented tn the Convention.
That there were other reasout why tho
J. Convention should vote by Districts. There
wore several States only partially represented.
Tennessee had but seven Districts represented,
, Virginia but four, Texas but one, end Arkan
sas but one. The delegates from none of
these States could, with propriety, undertake
to speak for the whole State—that, under the
mode of voting proposed, fourteen delegates
couldcarry or defeat any measure waich might
be brought, before the Convention. There
were nine States represented. Five constitu
ted a majority. Arkansas had one delegate
representing it was said, a single county.)
Texas one, Virginia six, Florida four, and
Mississippi nine. The two delegates from
Texas and Arkansas, four from Virginia, three
from Florida, and five from Mississippi, iu all
fourteen, would cast the votes of jits States—
and these fourteen delegates might represent
only seven Congressional Districts. Forthese
and other reasons, which were stated, it seem
ed to me, that voting by States was altogether
objectionable.
If the Convention had assembled under
more solemn circumstances—if State Con
ventions had been previously called, and the
people, in their sovereign capacity, had de
termined to send delegates clothed with au
thority to recommend State action—for in
stance, secession, then there would have been
some propriety in voting by States.
The Convention adopted a series of resolu
tions, setting forth clearly and firmly the rights
of the South under the Federal Constitution.
For these resolutions! voted—in most of them
I heartily concurred, while I was able to vote
tor all, as the recommendation of the .iue 36°
3G' North Latitude, was not presented as an
ultimatum. I was anxious' that moderate
moasures should be adopted—that peace and
harmony should mark the deliberations of the
Convention—and, with this view, was dispos
ed t-. amriw- uppoetnpti w .i„
>,-,u -ml positively obj,--heaatde. J - - no:
certain th s' Cupyrese-
lhekpl*Si.<>' ► rig -ierf. Jgi iwrSScKw''
Lonve , oil'd,
in the event that no edjusuneirt-trrtfurSlflical
ties tone p..., n uun-n of the South
on some common ground. 1 felt that the
strength of the South depended upon the
union of the South. I was, therefore, for
preserving the union of the South, in order
that we might preserve the whole Union.
This aeries of resolutions was followed by
an address to the people of the slavcholding
States. Against that address I voted.
I believed at the time I cast my vote, and am
now more thoroughly convinced, that it was
unwise to issue such an address. It could do
no good—it has done harm—it could not unite
the South—it may keep her divided—it could
not lead to a settlement of the difficulties
which distract the country—it may prevent
such a settlement —it could not secure to the
South any substantial benefit—it may be the
cause of unnecessary evil—it assails the Com
promise now before the Senate, and presents
• to the people of the South an argument cal
culated to mislead and excite them.
Sucb an address should be distinguished by
the utmost fairness. Truth should be its
object, not triumph. Latitude is allowed the
advocate, hence excessive zeal and exaggerated
statements are pardoned. But the statesman
who is called upon to counsel the people on
the subject of liberty, should do so in the spirit
of candor and fairness. The address of the
Nashville Convention does not, in my opinion
discuss the Compromise in this spirit. The
Compromise proposes,
I. The admission of California.
11. Territorial Governments for Utah and
New Mexico, and u proposition to Texas.
111. A Bill providing for the n-capture of
fugitive slaves.
IV. The abolition of the slpve trade in the
District of Columbia.
If one having no knowledge of the subject
were to read the address, he would conclude
that the Compromise originated with the North,
and was intended to degrade the South. Thia
is not stated in words, but the temper of the
paper and the denunciations of the measure,
would exclude all idea that such an iniquity
1 could have received the sanction of any friend
of the South. True, after the vial of wrath
has been emptied, ehariiy is summoned, and
the motives of the southern friends of the plan
’ are not impugned. But if the objections'aken
to the measure are well-founded, this exemp
tion from bad motives is at the expease of their
understanding.
I. As to the admission of California. The
Address declares that if California ee admitted
into the Union, Congress will have passed the
Wilmot Proviso ; that the coostituJon of Cal
ifornia will be the constitution ol Congress,
and the prohibition of a every contained in it
bathe prohibition of Congress.' Now is this
truel If it be. then has Congress passed and
enforced the Wilmot Proviso whosever a non
slaveholding Slate has been admitted into the
Union; because Congresshasalwarshad pow
i er to refuse to any people admission aa a State
into tho Union. There have beet irregulari
ties jftjlhe proceedings of California—there are
oSactmmi to, tt»*e proceodfflgs. IS ut the ton
.fit-3* p r “-
wiiMh sj- tMWke-
fore a stain can be aaiwtb>e,
tniww by
has not directed California to form a constitu
; tion, or te prohibit slavery in her constitution,
i The question presented is. Shall the irregu
i larities attending the application of California
be made an inseparable objection to her ad
i mission into the Union lor shall these irregu
t larities be waived 1 It is a matter addressed
to the discretion of Congress, and cannot be
F made a constitutional question; and more
than one member of the Convention, who con
curred in opposing the Compromise declared
i ihat this part of the argument of the address
■ could not be sustained. Other States have
been admitted into the Union without all the
t usual formalities- Floridaa slave state, and
i Michigan a free state, are examples. It is not
i denied, that there ia now in California a popu
t lation sufficiently large to form a state ; and
I what would the South gain by remanding her
to a territorial government t Does any one
' believe sbe would form a new constitution and
strike out the prohibition of slavery ? The
i number who entertain such an opinion must
- be very small. Why then contend about a
matter which can bring no substantial benefit to
the South.
And suppose the line of 3630. N. L., were
extended to the Pacific, and California north
j of tha: line permitted to come into the Union
• as a state wnat would be the result I Why,
■ that in the course of a few years at farthest, an
: other non-slavehold ng state would be knocking
, at the doors of Congress for admission into the
> Urion. lam not one of those, who believe
1 slave labor unsuited to California- On the
5 contrary, 1 believe that all the country between
the Sierra Nevada and the Pacific, adapted to
‘ such iabor— certainly so long as the mines are
s workel. But wh«’hope would there be of
I making the country south of 36 30 a slave
state I On the north there would be Cahfor
« nia a free state—on the Booth Mexico, in
. which slavery is prohibited. If there be any
force in the argument of the address, which op-
- poses the proposition made by the Compro
' mise bill to Texas, then South California haring
0 free territory both north and south, would ne
" ceasarify lead to th* axetasioo of slavery >n her
J owe boundaries. But if thia be aotso, atarary
‘ Xouldsnil, in *U P«»Ubffity b* proiubiwd.
There is already a sparse populatiou inhabiting
the country whose jfeelings and. habits would
oppose African slavery. An hundred slave-
- holders might remain there with two thousand
i- slaves, and commence digging for gold—along
>f side of them they would probably find two
thousand whites also engaged in the same ex
® citing pursuits. The limo arrives when a com
' stilution has to bo formed—South California
! » desires Io enter the Union as a state— the day
8 of voting comes, and the slaveholder finds
himself in a small minority. The white la-
• bor is opposed by prejudice, by education, to
! » the institution of slavery, and there wifl always
be demagogues to eicita these prejtid.cen.
s I lie votes against slavery. It may bo said, that
these people would them-elves become the
8 owners of slaves and doubtless some oi them
3 would; but the large majority would remain
f poor. This all history teaches. It seems to
’ me therefore, that on this subject we are fight-
* ing for shadows—that the only effect of run
’ tiing the Missouri line to the Pacific, would be
[to hasten the admission of two non-slaveholdiog
( states into the Union instead of one. And
i further, it is believed that a large majority in
both houses of Congress are in favor of ad
' milting California with her present bounda
, ties. If this be true, is it not better, in ad
. mitting her, to settle at the same time other
questions of importance and difficulty 7
I[■ The time and circumstances under which
r, California became the properly of the United
» (States, conspired to render the introduction of
Isi lvery hardly probab'e. The Mexican war
T fead ju ji been concluded, and there were thou
i, i.wnds Ready for any adventure. Intelligence
i giving the most extravagant
; a'-coei*’* of the extent and richness c-f the gold
Mfmtlres One account was followed in quic s *-
by another still more astounding.
sETbe public mind was bewildered, and thou
sands rushed to the shores of the Pacific. Be*
SUar-Mhe slaveholder had had time to save his
kN dfe.ingemertt? to remove to
?[ the land of gold, the question of slavery had
been settled,—its prohibition was inevitable.
i That the opinion entertained by many distin
guished statesmsn, that slavery could not be le
gally introduced, also tended to the same result,
1 have no doubt; but apart from this, the ert
cumstauces to which I have alluded, had
caused a large concourse of whites from every
slate and clime to flock to the placers,—and
of these, if we may credit the declarations of
gentlemen who were members of the Califor
nia Convention, at least sevtn-eighths were
opposed to the introduction of slavery.
11. By the Compromise, territorial govern
- ments are provided for Utah and New Mexico,
without any restric<ion as to slavery; and since
the adoption of Mr. Soule’s amendment
any States formed from these territories,
are to be admitted into the Union with or
without slavery, as the people in forming
their constitution may determine. Thus the
Wilmot proviso is abandoned, and the
principle of non-in'ervention vidicated—
But we are now told, this is nothing gain
ed. Virginia and other states had declared
their purpose not to submit to this obnoxious
restriction—it was a source oi continual strife
—it was regarded as unjust and insulting to the
south—the Compromise Bill is its destruction,
and yet the south gains nothing by it 1 If any
thing were wanting to show how unfairly the
Senate’s Bill has been treated by its enemies,
it is found here. So b.tter is the opposition to
the measure, that no virtue can be found in the
establishment of a principle fur which the
whole south have been contending, and fora
violation of which, a short time since, many
were ready to rise up in arms.
The address of the Convention discusses the
proposition to Texas in the same spirit. It is
not treated as a proposition, but as if the Com
promise Bill claimed the right to tear from Tex
as 130,000 square miles of her territory. “It
takes from ’Texas, 1 ’ says the address, “terri
tory” large enough for two large states and adds
them to New Mexico.” Now Texas is at per
fect liberty to accept or reject the proposition
—she is a sovereign stale—knows her rights
and interests, and it would seem, might be
trusted to protect them. If her institutions
were put in jeopardy—if she were dishonored
by the proposition, she would be the first to
detee H, and would surely refuse the terms
proposed to her.
My own opinion is, that the United Slates
cannot dispute with Texas the question as to
her true boundaries, —her acts estop her. The
boundaries of Texas led to the Mexican war,
and the Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo is an
acknowledgment on the part of the Uni ed
Blates of those boundaries. This is my opin
ion. I c'nuot, however, close my eyes to the
fact, that many of the most dis'iugiib.hed men
of the country entertain a different opinion:
indeed.it is earnestly contended by some that
the Compromise Bill gives to Texas at least
70,000 square miles to which she is not enti
tled, and proposes to pay her some ten or
twelve millions of money for territory to which
she has no sort of claim. Thus opmionisdi
vided as to the true limits of Texas. Besides
the people inhabiting a part of the disputed
territory refuse to acknowledge the jurisdic
, id there is the most deadly hos
-1 lituy jutisiiug between them. There is already
'-sifiMMi- io_ih> authority
UiecdforJ, is peculiarly ior
ricompri ■ - How c’lse can it be settled?
nd bloodshed take place, while
the country is disputing over the true limits of
No. Lot peace be restored to that
and every other section of the land; let Con
gress raise itself above tho party feuds and
strifes of the day. and devote itself to the great
work ofsaving the Union; let it adopt some
plan—honorable plan—for composing our un
happy difficulties. Every consideration of
humanity, of patriotism, should prompt it to
such glorious action; and he who oppo
ses the plan of the Commi tee of Thirteen, let
him rise in his place and offer one more feasi
ble—more honorable—and the country will
heed him, aye, had him as a public benefactor.
Is there to be no settlement of the questions
which agitate the country and threaten the ex
istence of the Union? Are we to fold our
arms and declare to the civilized world that
there is no remedy for the evils which disturb
our peace 7 Or is the remedy for them all to
be found in 36 30? Extend that line, to-mor
row, to thi Pacific, and is the Texas difficulty
adjusted? Is the subject of fugitive slaves
settled? Far from it.
111. The Bill providing for the re-capture
of fugitive slaves shares the same fate at the
hands of the Nashville address. So far from
affording security, we are alarmed by being
admonished that it is an invasion of the reserv
ed rights of the States. It is treated as if one
rous burdens were imposed on the owners
of the slave, as if the measure was intended to
injure and harass, and not to aid him in the re
clamation of his property. Is this the spirit of
the compromise? Is the measures justly liable
to these objections 7
All that tbe Bill requires of the owner is the
executionof a bond without security binding
himself to give the slave a trial by jury, in the
event he claims his freedom. 7'Ais is all, and
with one who will make such a provision the
cause of serious complaint, argument would
be unne-essary. Is it any burden to the
owner to be required to execute this simple
bond obliging himself to give his slave a trial 7
If he claim his freedom, ought he not to have
a trial ? If he is not free, the bond will do no
injury.
It is a simple provision, and seems just.
The slave who escapes from hia master in Vir
ginia will have no privilege, under the law,
which he has not now. Every slave in this
Blate who claims to be free, can secure a legal
investigation of his right to freedom; but the
master may be dragged before the Coutsof
the United States. If Congress is called upon
to legislate on the subject of fugitive slaves,
can it not impose reasonable terms upon the
owner? Is it unreasonable to require of him
that he shall furnish his slave an opportunity of
asserting bis claim to freedom 71 can disco
ver no great outrage iu thia—l do not feel that
the reserved rights of the States are in danger.
The address can sse no virtue in the Com
promise Bill, if rights dear to the South are ac
knowledged and protected. A simple allusion
is made to the fact, and tbe reader informed
“ this we have a right to under tbe Constitution
and it is no favor or concession to the South.”
Compromise is a term which has no charms
for tbe writer of the address ; a captious spirit
marks the whole production, and opposition to
s. lathe measure in any and every form is a fore
? gone conclusion.
1 IV. The abolition of the slave trade in the
District of Columbia. And here, again, the
TOestn of alarm is sounded. By this feature of
the Bill, we are told, the right to abolish slave
ry io the District of Columbia is claimed and ex
ercised. The bill provides substantially, that
slaves shall not be introduced into the District
for sale, or to be transported from there for
sale, and that slaves introduced contrary to tbe
provisions of the act, shall be liberated and
free; and this, it is argued, is abolition is the
District of Columbia. It certainly does not se»
any slave free now in the District: everyman
who owns a slave there, may continue to own
him: every man who wishes to remove to the
District to reside, may carry his slaves w ith
him; but the Bill does provide That the Dis
trict shall noil be a slave marker, and those who
with this knowledge wantonly violate the pro
visionsof ths law, incur its penalty. The Bill
does not liberate any slave oat of the District.
Suppose the law passed. A slave owner in
Maryland knows that it is in operation, and de
dares that he will, nevertheless, carry bis slaves
into tbe District and there offer them for sale;
he does so, and hie slaves are " liberated and
free.” I ask, by whom are these slaves liber
ated! There ean can be but one answer:—by
the master who introduced them into the Dis
trict contrary to late. The Legislature ofVir
i ginia cannot abolish slavery, yet it may prohibit
the introduction of slaves from other States,
upon pain ot their being liberated. Mississip
pi prohibited the introduction of slaves, for
sale, and declared all contracts made in viola
i tion of tbe law, void. Slaves were introduced
i contrary to this law, and sold: and thousands
i lost by tbe venders. What difference did it
i make*with them whether tbe slave received his
s freedom, orlhe unworthy purchaser retained
f the price agreed to be paid ? In either case,
i the slave was lost to the owner. No man ean
. ever suffer loss from this provision of the Com
i premise Bill, unless he knowingly brings it
r upon himself— unless he be a wanton violator
-of tbe law —and for such a man I confess I
have no sympathy.
j I have thus, fellow-citizens, briefly common
- ted upon the chief objections taken by tbe
r Nashville Address to the Compromise, and 1
y flatter myself, have at least snoeeedod in straw-I
; ing that it dees not disease that plan fairly. It
; | will strikeyou as not a little singular, that
I while this address, and the opponents of the
■ i Compromise generally, have been fruitful in
suggesting objections to it.no plan has been
offered so likely to give peace to a distracted
country. The address does not offer such a
scheme, for while the solemn question is asked,
How the Constitution and the Union can be
preserved 7 no answeris given. We are told
we need not look to Congressto afford us tho
means of doing so—that the Compromise
does not doit. It is true, in a few lines
near the conclusion of the address, it is said
that the South should accept the.line oftlie Mis
souri Compromise, butitis not intimated, even
that will affoid us security ; and we are now
authorized to conclude that the address did not
mean to affirm that it would prove satisfactory
for we are informed, through the public prints,
that within the last few days, Mr. Rhett, of S.
Carolina, the reputed author of that paper, has
declared openly in favor of disunion. This
intelligence does not surprise me, because af
ter reading the Address iu Nashville, I express
ed the opinion that the mind that conceived it
saw no remedy save in disunion. Mr. Rhett is a
gentleman of character and talents, and has
given utterance to sentiments to which I do
not subscribe, and which I feel assured you do
not entertain.
I have not attempted to discuss at length the
Compromise. It was not necessary that 1
should do so. Senators, eminent for their tal
entsand patriotism, haveadvocated it, and their
unanswerable arguments are before the coun
try. No measure, intended to heal dissen
lions existing between different sections of an
extended country, could be free from ell ob
jections. There must be mutual conciliation
1 cannot refrain, however, from the remark,
that tbe moderate men of all sections and all
parties should hesitate before they refuse to
sustain a plan of adjustment which has eu
Lntpl}
may feel some confidence that she is not dis
honored by a measure which receives not the
support of a single abolitionist.
But there were other reasons why I could
not vote for tbe address of the Nashville Con
vention. There were delegates present from
nine States, and they represented only 61 elec
toral votes. If the Convention was to be pro
ductive of good, it should speak tbe sentiments
of tho South. A majority of the Southern
people, I believed, were favorable to the Com
promise. Maryland, N. Carolina, Missouri,
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia—casting
together more than 70 electoral votes—l then
believed, and now believe, were willing to ac
cept that measure ; while a large portion of the
people, of most if not all the other slave States,
were also in favor of its passage. In this
state of public sentiment, it seemed to me un
wise in the Convention to array itself against a
majority of the Southern people.
With what propriety could the Convention
assembled for the purpose of expressing south
ern feelings, condemn a measure which a ma
jority of the slaveholding States were disposed
to accept ? Could it be exepected that these
States would surrender—abandon the measure
because of such denunciation ? If not, did it
follow that such denunciation would lead to
dissentions among the slaveholding States 7
But again : Congress was in session. The
mmediate representatives of the people and
of ihe States, acting under the responsibility
due to their constituents, were laboriously en
gaged in devising some plan for giving peace
to the country. The report of the Committee
of Thirteen was before the Senate, and every
day new amendments being offered, so that no
one could say what shape it wouid finally as
sume. Was it prudent that the Nashville Con.
venlion should take upon itself to tell
Congress what it might and what it
might not do ? How many Constituents
did the delegates from Virginia, Tennes
see, Arkansas, Texas and Georgia have 7 Look
at the vote given in Georgia—look at the
small meetings which took place in this State,
and you may be able to answer the question.
I do not mean to disparage the Nashville Con
vention. On the contrary, I am ready to bear re
cord that it wascomnosed of men of the most
exalted worth and highest order oftalents. Butl
mean to affirm that it met with little favor in
several of the States which were represented ;
and that for this reason, if no other, we should
have forebone to supervise the action of Con
gress.
There were but ten votes cast against the
adJwss, but this will give you no idea of the
number who were opposed to it. Anatnend
ment was adopted, which appears near the
conclusion of the address, stating that the Con
vention was not unanimous, and with this
amendment, the Tennessee delegation voted
for the address. There was however, a large
majority for the address withou the amendment.
It is not remarkable there should have been, be
cause it is well known that such of the slave
holding States as were favorable to the Com
promise, generally refused to send delegates to
the Convention, and that delegates who had
been appointed in other Suites, declined atten
ding because they favored that measure. It is
to be rearetted th»i all »bn State*
rep; e' -
t. ■
as to
Differing entirely as to the character of that
measure, it was not strange that we should
arrive at different conclusions. He has al
ready issued an able address, in which he ex
plains the reasons which influenced his course.
I take great pleasure in doing him the justice
to say, that he is attached to the Union, and
anxious that every honorable effort shall be
used to preserve it.
The Nashville Convention has been assailed
as a blow aimed at the Union. I feel bound
to vindicate it from such an imputation.
With a large majority of that body I could
not agree. There were some intemperate ul
tra men in it, yet I became thoroughly con
vinced that the great body of the delegates
were firm in their attachment to the Union.
They felt, as every southern man must feel,
that the South has suffered deep injury at the
hands of the North, and that the canse of
complaint must be removed, or else the Union
cannot stand. Some two or three intemperate
speeches were delivered, and it was manifest
they were not received with favor by the Con
vention.
I might here, Fellow-Citizens, close this
address which has already been extended to a
greater length than I had intended, but I cannot
do so without calling your attention to the
present sitnation of our country. The Nash
ville Convention has asembled and adjourned.
Its recommendation has met with little favor in
the Congress of the United States. It has
been rejected by a very large vote. Congress
has been iu session for more than seven
months, and still there is no prospect of land
ahead. The country is distracted, and the
friends of the Constitution and the Union feel
that we are surrounded by dangers the most
imminent. A large manority of the people
of the United Stales are, I believe, in favor
of settling all difficulties upon just and honor
able principles, and yet their representatives
refuse or fail to heal the wounds of their
bleeding country. Why is thia 7 Are party
schemes and selfish aims to triumph over die
love of country 7 Or is there no means of
preserving the Union 7
As an humble individual, I would use every
effort to restore peace and fraternal feeling.
I have already stated that, iu my poor judg
ment, the Compromise bill should be adopted.
I trust it may become the law of the land. It
may save the Union. I feel that it is the duty
of every manto act in a spirit of forbearance
and moderation. Still the South cannot aban
don her Constitutional rights. The northern
politician is mistaken in supposing that the de
mands of the •* free-soiler " will ever be yield
ed to. I wish that tbe moderate men of tbe
North knew the state of feeling in the South;
they would then be able to determine whether
they value the success of fanaticism more than
the Union under which they live.
The North has the power to settle the slave
ry question forever. They can do so without
a single sacrifice of interest or honor. The
South can not do it. “ Hands off,” is all
that tbe South asks. Let the subject of slavery
stand where the Constitution placed it, and
she asks no more. Is this demand unreasona
able ? This was the compact formed between
the North and South after the revolution.
Suppose, during the deliberations of the Con
vention which formed the Federal Constitu
tion, the wise men who represented the North
had risen and declared : ’* Together we have
fought tbe battles of our country; together
we have achieved our freedom ; we are famil
iar with the situation and institutions of you
of the South ; we know what is right and
just, and therefore agree to afford yon that
protection and security which are guaranteed
by this Constitution ; but, recollect, we do not
bind our children to observe its provisions,-
they shall be at liberty to look beyond the Con
stitution, and acknowledge a•* power above
it; ” we will protect your institutions and
guard your feelings from insult, but our chil
dren shall be at liberty to offer insult to the
one, and commit aggressions ou the other.”
If this had taken place, does any human be
ing believe the Constitution, under which we
have lived a.happy and united people for more
man seventy years, would ever have been
formed 7 Would not the South have dis
dained to enter into such a compact? Would
she ever have agreed to enter into a Union, by
which the North would be made stronger and
more powerful to oppress her? And yet,
does not a considerable portion of tbe North
speak and act as if this was the substance of
the contract made by their fathers with the
South 7 Do not Representatives from the
Northern States, “ia season and out of sea
son,” denounce us and our institutions7 Do
they not use every effort to pass laws calcula
ted to hasten emancipation—to render our
homes and property less secure ? Do not
some of them acknowledge that they are gov
erned by principles “ above the Constitution 7 ”
If tbe South would not have entered into the
Union with the declaration by their Northern
brethren, that their children would not observe
the provisions of the Constitution in respect to
slavery, will the South remain in the Union
when she shall be convinced that there is a
settled determination on the part of the North to
wage unnecessary war against Southern in
stitutions, in defiance of the spirit and letter
of the Constitution 7 This is a question of
solemn import—one whieh every friend of the
Union in me North should seriously take home
tn himself.
The country need expoet nothing from the
VOL.LXTV--NEW SERIES VOL.XIV—NO. 31;
t | extremes. North or South. The Union can
be saved only by the prudent and discreet
i men of all sections. If Giddings, Hale and
i Seward were sustained in their mad and lanat-
I ical course by the whole North, the Union
would not exist a month longer. Happily
for the safety of our institutions, there are
noble spirits in the free States who have been
able to elevate themselves ahove the fanatical
clamor of the day, and speak in defence of
the Constitution. The North, no less than the
South, should honor such men. They sacrifice
no principle—they surrender no right—they
concede to the South nothing that she is not
clearly entitled to under the Constitution. If
the moderate men of the North would rise up
and sustain these patriotic statesmen, they
would thereby rebuke the fell spirit of aboli
tionism—a spirit which, under the guise of a
false philanthropy, is shaking the very foun
dations of this Union. The North can crush
this spirit, and eave the country,—the South
cannot.
In the present crisis, every friend of the Con
stitution and the Union should come to the res
cue Danger, imminent danger, threatens
Moderation and conciliation should mark the
deliberations of Congress,—crimination and
recrimination should cease, —brotherly lev,
should be restored. Every moment the pres
ent state of things continues, renders an ad
justment hereafter more difficult,—indeed, the
foundation upon which alone the Union can
scarcely rest is fast being destroyed. Frater
nal feeling is the only cement which can bind
these States together—destroy this, and there
is no Union. Members of Congress from
free State* may, without reflection, and in a
spirit of defiance, speak of sending regiments
from their Slates for the purpose of pressreing
the Union ; but such men have no conception,
no knowledge of the States which compose
thia Union. SadwiHbe the day on which the
Federal Government warches an army, against
a-Southern'State avylul the hourgii wnich a
drop of Southern blood s’hair be shed. From
that moment, an impassable gulf, vuill be
placed between the North and the South,—
passions will be excited, which no time can
compose,—wounds inflicted, which no power
can heal. Enmity will follow. —enmity, that
will continue as long as the Mississippi rolls
its turbid waters into the ocean, or the son
sheds his genial rays on Southern soil.
Andshottld that fearful day ever come, who
can estimate the calamities which must ensue 7
For one, I cannot stop to inquire whether the
North or the South will be the greater sufferer,
it is enough for me to know, that the North
and South, the East and West, must all be
involved in the awful catastrophe—that the
cause of freedom throughout the world must
feel the terrible shock. It would afford me no
pleasure, while I saw the South groaning un
der the evils of disunion, to be told that the
North suffered still more severely.
And who believes there can be a dissolution
of this Union without war? You might as
well expect to control the winds of Heaven, as
the angry passions which would follow. War
would be inevitable; and where shall be the
“battle field?” Shall it ba the seat of Govern
ment, that we may behold the flames which con
sume the Capitol of the once United Stalest
or shall it be at Mount Vernou, where Ameri
cans may cut each other’s throats over the
grave of the “Father of his Country?’’ Or,
should that consecrated spot unnerve the sol
dier's arm, will the contending armies renair
to Yorktown, and there unsheathe their swords
that they may make that place, now distinguish
ed as the spot on which was fought the last
battle in the content for American indepen
dence still more remarkable as the theatre of
the first conflict which followed the destruction
of the American Union ?
Since the foregoing part of this address was
written, it has pleased Almighty God to take
from us General Zachary Taylor, President
of the United States. Thus, in the midst of
difficulties already alluded to, the institutions
of the country are exposed, for the second time,
in our history, to the dangers of an administra
tion which, though constitutional, was not an
ticipated by the people. By the death of Gen.
Taylor, Mr. Fillmore becomeSjPresident. Ho
finds his country in a distracted and impatient
condition ; and, in addition to this, will assume
his high duties with a full knowledge that ha is
distrusted by many of his fellow-citizens in the
South. Never was any man placed in a more
solemn and responsible situation. But the
path of duty is plain, and if he will follow it “all
will be well.” He has a country to serve.
Let him, therefore, in this crisis, raise himself
above all parties and party ends, and lend the
influence of his administration only to such
measures as will secure justice to all, and
thereby save and perpetuate the Union ofthese
States.
Fellow-citizens, as difficulties and dangers
multiply, I feel that my confidence in the vir
tue and wisdom of my countrymen increases.
The People will not permit madness and folly
1.1 1 1R71.L al -J .
to rule the day. With these views and a firm
reliance that the same kind Providence which
has heretofore preserved u« in all our trials
will continue to vouchsafe to us all the blessings
of Constitutional Liberty, lain, very respect,
dient servant.
—u Thos. S. Ghoi.son.
l u| y 101 - 18fy V- )
B.WWfeCII OF MR. WEBSTER,
ON THE COMPROMISE.
Ik tbi United States Senate, July 17.
Mr. President, it was my purpose, on Tues
day of last week, to have followed the honora
ble member from South Carolina, (Mr. But
ler,) who was addressing the Senate ou the
morning of that day, with what I then had and
now have to say on the subject of this bill. But
before the honorable member bad concluded hie
own remarks, it was announced here that
the late Chief Magistrate ofthe United States
was so dangerously ill that the Senate was
moved to adjourn. The Senate adjourned,
and the solemn event of the decease of the
late Chief Magistrate- was annnounced the
Bait morning.
Sir, there are various reflections which can
■at but present themselves to the minds of
men growing out of that occurrence. The
Chief Magistrate of a great republic died sud
denly. Recently elected to the office by the
spontaneous voice of the people, possessing
in a high degree their confidence and regard,
ere yet he had had a fair opportunity todevelope
the principles of his civil administration, he
fell by the stroke of death. And yet, sir,
mixed with the sad thoughts that this event
suggested, and the melancholy feelings which
spread over the whole country, the real lovers
and admirers of our constitution and Govern
ment, in the midst of their grief and affliction
for this loss, found something gratifying to
their reflections. The executive head of a
great nation had fallen suddenly No distur
bance arose ; no shock was felt in a great and
free republic. Credit, public and private, was
in no way distrbed. Danger to the communi
ty or to individuals was nowhere felt. The
National Legislature was not prorogued ; nor
was there any further delay in the exercise of
the ordinary functions of every branch of the
Government than such as was necessary for
the indulgence—the proper indulgence—of
the grief which afflicted Government and
People.
Sir, for his country, General Taylor did not
live long enough. But there were circum
stances attending his death that were so
fortunate, that, for hie own fame and
character, and f.r the gratification of all
to whom he was most dear, he may be said
to have died fortunately.
“ That life is good which answers life’s great end.”
Bred a soldier, accomplished in his pro
fession. he had achieved all that was to be ex
pected from him in that character. Placed at
the head of the Government, as I have said,
by the free voice ofthe people, he died in the
midst of domestic affection and domestic peace.
He died in the lull possession ofthe gratitude
of his country. He died in the consciousness
of duty performed. He died in the midst of
the counsels of his country. His country,
through us, its organs, have bestowed ou him
those marks of affection, grand and imposing,
such as the republic pours on the most distin
guished of her sons. He has run the race des
tined for him by Providence. He sleeps with
the blessings of his countrymen.
■< Such honors Ilium to her hero paid,
And peaceful dept the mighty Hector’s shade I ”
Mr. President, I proceed to say now, on the
subject of this bill, what it was my purpose to
have said on last Tuesday. And I begin by
remarking that the longer we stay in the midst
of this agitation—the longer a final disposition
is put off or postponed—the greater is the in
tensity of that anxiety which possesses my
breast. I wish, sir, to harmonize opinions as
far as I can. I wish to facilitate some measure
of conciliation- I wish to consummate some
proposition or other that will bring opinions
together and give the country repose.
It is not roy purpose to-day to compare or
contrast measures which have been proposed.
A measure was suggested by President Polk,
in his message of 1848. It was substan
tially repeated in the message cf the late
President in 1849. And then there is
before us this proposition of the com
mittee of thirteen. I do not regard these
as opposite, opposing, or (to use the langnge
of the day) as antagonistical propositions at all.
To a certain extent, they all agree. Beyond
what was proposed, either by Mr. Polk or the
late President of the United States, this report
of the committee and the bill now before us
proposes to go a step further. These sugges
tions and especially that of the late President of
the United States, were to admit California,
and for the present to stop there.
The bill before the Senate proposes to ad
mit California, and also to make proper pro
vision—a provision proper or not, as the Sen
ate rnay judge—for the Territories of New
Mexico and Utah. And I confess, sir, that
my judgment from the first has been that it
was indispensable that Congress should make
some provision for these Territories. But
I have been careless whether the things necessa
ry to be done were done in one bill or in sepa
rate bills, except that, as a matter of expedien
cy, it has been myopinion from the beginning
that it would have been belter to have proceed
ed measure by measure. That was a matter
of judgment upon the expediency ofthe case.
I was of this committee of thirteen. Circum
stances called me to my own home. It seem
ed to be the general opinion of the committee
at that time, I thought, that it would be better
to admit CMifbrniaand then take up me other
measures. Upon further eonsideration the
committee very fairly, I doubt not, in the exer
n oise oi their best judgment and discretion,
it thought it would be better to unite the three
d objects which are in this bill.
Well, whether single or united together, eve
n ry one of these objects meets my approbation,
y and is in my judgment a desirable object. In
8 the first place, I think it is a desirable object to
8 admit California. Ido not conceal from my
'• self, or wish to conceal from others, that Cali
f fornia is before us with some degree of irregu
-8 larity in her proceedings. Rhe has not been
’ through the previous process of a Territorial
I existence. She has formed this constitution
1 without our consent. But I look upon it that
r California, from the extraordinary circumstan
’ ces which have attended her birth and progress
? until the present moment, entitles herself from
' the necessity of tbe case, to an exception from
1 ordinary rule. Who expected to see such a
' great community spring up there in such an
1 incredibly short space of lime 7 Who expect
-1 ed to see more than a hundred thousand, peo
ple engaged in so mueb employment, with so
‘ much commerce and activity and enterprise,
* and drawing to themselves the attention of the
whole world, within the period ofa few months?
- Her constitution has been framed upon re
-1 publican models, comfortnably to the constitu
tion of the United States. And under these
circumstances, still admitting that her applica
tion is premature and irregular, yet there baa
been nothing done which an admission on our
part will not cure. She will be lawfully in the
Union, if we admit her into the Union. There
-1 lore, I have no hesitation on this ground.
Then, with re«pect to the Territories. I have
1 been and am of opinion that we should not
1 separate at the end of this session of Congress
1 without making suitable provision for their
' government. It is not safe to let things stand
as they are. Sir, it has been thought that there
1 might be such a thing as admitting California,
’ and stopping there. Well, it is not impossible,
to the nature of things, that such a course of
* policy should be adopted, if it could meet with
1 proper concurrence. But then I have always
! supposed, sir, that if we were now acting on
1 California as a separate measure, and should,
1 in the prosecution of that measure, admit Cal
ifornia into the Union, the question arises,
what then 7 I have never supposed that the
1 question respecting the Territories would be
put at rest, even for the present. 1 have sup
posed that the very next thing to be done
would be to take up the subject of’he Territo
ries, and the necessity of governments in the
Territories, and prosecute until it should be in
some manner terminated by Congress; and
that it would be the subject still which would
1 occupy Congress, to the exclusion of all the
’ ordinary subjects of legislation, until it isdis
-1 posed of. lam not authorized to say so, for I
’ do not know the opinions of the honorable
members of the Committee on Territories.
1 Here sits near me the honorable member from
Illinois, (Mr. Douglas ) at the head of
1 that committee; I take it for granted he can
1 say whether lam right or not, that if we should
‘ this day admit California alone, he would to
morrow feel it his duty to bring in bills for the
government of the Territories, or to make
some disposition of them.
Mr. Douglass. Does the Senator wish me to
say ?
Mr. Webster. Certainly. I should like to
1 know.
Mr. Donglass. Mr. President, if California
should be admitted by herself, I should certain
ly feel it my duty, as chairman of tne Commit
-1 tee on Territories, to move to take up the
Territorial bills at once, and to put them
through, also tbe Texas boundary question,
i and to settle them in the detail if they are not
settled in the aggregate; and I can say that such
1 is the opinion and determination of a majority
of that committee.
1 Mr. Webster. Then, air, it is as I supposed ;
we shall not get rid of the subject, even for tbe
oresent, by admitting California. Now, sir, it
is not wise to conceal from oursoives our con
dition. If we admit California, my honorable
friend from Illinois will then bring in a bill for
Territorial Governments for New Mexico and
Utah. We must open our eyes to the state of
opinion in tbe two Houses respectively, and
endeavor to foresee what would be the effect of
such a bill. If it be a bill containing the
principle of exclusion, we know it could not
pass tliis House; if it be a bill withoetthe prin
ciple of exclusion, we know what difficulties it
would encounter elsewhere; so that we very
little relieve ourselves from the embarrassing
circumstances of the condition in which we are
. by taking up California and acting upon it
alone. I am, therefore, sir, decidedly—de
cidedly in favor of passing the bill in the form
in which it is. But, sir, if it be the pleasure of
the Senate to vote upon the motion that it is
proposed to make to the Senate shortly, for
laying this whole measure on the table, and
thereby to dispose of this bill, I can only for
one say, that if this measure is defeated by that
proceeding, or any other, I hold myself not only
inclined, but bound to consider any other mea-
sure that may be proposed, because the case is
pressing, the circumstances of the country
are urgent. When, in this country, have we
had any foreign question, if I may so say,
auy exterior question that has occupied the
consultations of Congress for seven mouths like
this, and yet come io no result* When have
-vc had a subject before ns that has penalized
all the operations of Government, that has dis
placed all the regular proceedings ofthe two
Houses of Congress, and has left ns at the end
of seven months ofthe session without the or
dinary annual appropriation bills! When
have we ever had before, in the history of this
Government, such an occurrence as that ?
What is now proposed is to make a Territo
rial Government for New Mexico and Utah
without restriction.
I feel authorized to assume, from the circum
stances before us, that it is in the power of
the gentlemen of the South to decide whether
these Territorial governments, without res
triction, as provided in this bill, shall be es
tablished or not. 1 have voted against restric
tions, for reasons which I have already given
to the Senate, and may repeat; but it now
lies with Southern gentlemen to say whether
,-thi< bill, thus providing for Territorial govern
ments without restriction, shall pass or not;
and they will decide that question, doubtless,
by reference to what will happen if they do
not pass it. Now, sir, lam prepared to say
that if this measure does not pass, I am ready
to go for any proper measure that can pass
and will pass. I shall never consent to leave
this session of Congress until some provision
be made for New Mexico. Utah is less impor
tant. Let her repose herself on her salt plains,
on the borders of her salt lakes, another year,
if it be necessary. [A laugh.] But as to
New Mexico, situated as she is, with the con
troversy on baud which she has with her
more powerful neighbor Texas, I shall never
consent to the adjournment of Congress till
proper provision be made for evading collision
and settling the question of the highest impor
tance between that Territory and that State.
No, sir. I have the strongest objection to a
premature creation of States. I have stated
that objection at large, in the Senate, two
years ago. The bringing in of small States,
and with a very small number of people, with
an equal representation in the Senate with the
representation of the largest States in the
Union, deranges and disturbs the proper bal
ance between the Senate and the House of
Representatives in Congress. It makes the
Senate a kind of oligarchy. There may bo
six or eight or ten small States, in the South
west, having as many Senators in Congress as
they have Representatives. This objection is
founded upon the incongruity which such a
case produces in the constitutional relation of
the Senate and Hoose. It disfigures the sym
metry of the Government, and in this respect
itdoes not make the slightest possible difference,
in my estimation, whether they are to be free
States or slave States. I am not disposed to
make a Territory that is immature, and not fit
to come into the Union on account of the want
of population, a State. That it will be a free
State does not weigh with me a hair. But my
objection has been and is, as I bave stated, or
attempted to state, that the admission of such
States with a small amount of population de
ranges the system —it makes the Senate what
it was never intended by the constitution to ba.
But, nevertheless, sir, as I favor the admission
of California, although she presents herself
before us after some irregularities in her course
of proceeding, there are greater evils, in my
judgment, than the admission of New Mexico
as a State now at once, or than the provision
that she shall be admitted in a certain lime
hereafter. Ido not think that so great an evil
as to leave New Mexico without a govern
ment, without protection, on the very eve of
probable hostilities with Texas, so far as I can
discern, and, to my mind, with the highest de
gree of probability that there will arise collis
ion, contest, and, for aught I know, bloodshed,
in case it should so happen that the boundary
of New Mexico should not be sealed by Con
gress. Sir, I know no question so important,
connected with all these matters, as the settle
ment of the Texan boundary. It immediately
and intimately, io my judgment, touches the
question of the duration of peace and quiet
in the country, and I cannot conceive how
gentlemen, looking upon this subject in all its
aspects, can content themselves wiih the idea
of retiring from their seals here, and leaving
this subject where it is. I should be derelict
in my duty if I did not persist to the last in
bringing it to a decision by the authority of
Congress. If a motion be made, as it has
been announced it is intended to be made, to
lay this bill upon the table, and that motion
prevail/,, why, this measure is Then
there must be a resort to some other measure;
and I am disposed to say, and will say,lbat in
case of the failure of tins bill, I shall be in fa
vor of a bill which will provide for three things,
namely, the admission ol California with ns
present constitution and boundaries, the settle
ment of the Texas boundary, and the admiss
sion of New Mexico as a State. Such a
measure will tend to a full and final termina
tion of the controversies which now agitate us,
and relieve the country from distraction.
Sir, this measure is opposed by the North,
or some of the North, and by the South, or
some of the South, and it has the remarkable
misfortune to be opposed by persons most pre
cisely opposed to each other iu every matter
concerning the principles of the bill.
Tnere are those—l do not speak of course
of members, of Congress, and 1 desire to be
understood as miking no allusions whatever,
in what 1 may say, to members of this House
or the other—but there are those in the coun
try who say, on the parlof the South, “by this
bill the South gives up every thing to the
North, and we will fight it to the lastand
there a'e those ou the part of the North who
say, “thia bill gives up every thing •• lh« Sonth,