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and we willfightit to the last;” and really, sir,
strange as it tnay seem, this disposition to
make battle upon this bill by persons who
never agreed on any thing before under the
light of heaven, has created a sort of fellow
ship and good feeling among them. [Laugh
ter.] One says, "give me your hand, yon are
a good fellow ; [renewed laughter.] you mean
to go against this bill to the death, because it
gives up the rights of the South ; I mean to
go against the bill to the death, because it
gives up the rights of the North.” So they
shake hands and cry out "down with the bill,”
and then unitedly raise the cry—
A day or hour of virtuous liberty
Is worth a whole eternity in bondage.
Now, sir, I ascribe nothing but the best and
purest motives to any of the gentlemen on
both sides of this chamber, and in 'he other
House, who take that view ofthis subject which
differs from my own. I cannot bat regret,
certainly, that gentlemen who sit around me
here, and especially my honorable colleague,
Mr. Davis,) and our friends from Massachu
setts in the other branch of Congress, are led
by a conscientious sense of duty to oppose
a measure which I feel bound by my consci
ence to support. They are quite as htghmind
ed, as patriotic, as pure, every way as well in
tentioned as I am, and sir, to go by majorities,
I must confess that my friends from Massachu
setts would defeat me; but still, sir, my own
opinions are not changed, in the slightest de
gree. I feel that the very interests of the
Stale in whose representation I bear a part
here, as well as the very great interests of the
whole country, require that this measure, or
some equivalent measure, some healing, com
posing, consolatory measure, should be adopt
ed by Congress before its adjournment. That
is my object, and I shall steadily pursue it.
Well, sir, how does it stand, if I may ana
lyze the matter a little, both in regard to the
North and to the South ? Massachusetts is a
Northern State, and she may be taken as an
example or sample of Northern interests in the
subjects connected with this bill? What does
she gain by it t Wbat does she lose by it?
Why, if this bill passes, Massachusetts and the
North gain what is quite an object to them
the admission of California as a free State,
with her present constitution; a very intensely
desirable object, as I believe, to the whole
North. She gains that. She gains also, sir,
the quieting of the New Mexican question and
the Texan boundary, which, in my judgment,
as I have said, is the most important of all
these matters, because most immediately men
acing evil consequences, if sneh consequences
be not arrested by this or some similar mea
sure. She gains the quiet of New Mexico,
she gains the settlement ofthe Texan boundary,
objects highly desirable. More than all that,
air—if any thing can be more than that—she
gains, and the whole North gains, and the
whole country gains, the final adjustment ofby
far the greatest part of all the slavery questions.
When I speak of this bill in this connexion, I
mean also to connect with it the other subjects
recommended by the and I say that
if the whele report of tfcat committee could be
carried out to-day one ofthe greatest of all the
possible benefits to be derived, to the whole
country is this, that it settles, to the extent of
far more than the majority of them, all the
questions connected with slavery which have
so long agitated the country. And then, sir,
Massachusetts gains, and the North gains, and
the whole country gains, a restoration ofthe
Government to the exercise of its ordinary
functions. The Nor.h and the South, and the
whole country, will see Congress replaced in
its position of an active, beneficial, and paren
tal legislature for the whole country. Is it not
ofthe utmost importance that thia restoration of
Congress to the exercise of ts ordinary functions
should be accomplished ? Here we are seven
o’ eight months from the beginning ofthe ses
sion, and hardly able to keep the Government
alive. All is paralysis. We are brought
nearly to a stand. We are all suspended up
on this one topic, on this one idea, as if there
were no objects in government, no uses in
government, no duties in those who adminis
ter the government, but to settle one ques
tion.
And now, sir, wbat do Massachusetts and
the North—the anti-slavery States—lose by this
adjustment? Wbat is it they lose ? I put that
question to every gentleman here, and to eve
ry gentleman in the country. They lose the
application of what is called “the Wilmot pro
viso” to these Territories, and that is all. There
is nothing else, I suppose, that the whole
North are not ready to do. They wish for
California; they wish to quiet New Mexico;
they desire to terminate the dispute about the
Texan boundary in any reasonable manner,
cost what it reasonably may. They make no
sacrifice in all that. What they do sacrifice
is exactly this, the application of the Wil
mot Proviso to the Territory of New Mex
ico and the Territory of Utah. Now what is
the value of that sacrifice ? What is the value
of it in a reasonable man’s eslimate? The val
ue of it depends upon its necessity. If in any
reasonable man’s judgment, the necessity of the
application of this proviso to New Mexico is
apparent, why than there is value in it to those
who ho d that the further extension of slavery
is to be resisted as a matter of principle. But
if it be not necessary, if circumstances do not ,
call for it, why, then there is no value in the ,
Wilinot proviso, and no sacrifice made in re
fusing to apply it, or declining to apply it. That |
is the questiou.
M •_ . .. . ..... 1
Now, sir, allow me to say that the Wilmot
proviso is no matter of principle. It is a
means to an end. It cannot be raised to the
dignity of a principle. The principle of the
North I take take to be that there shall be no
farther extension of slave territory. Let that
be admitted, what then ? It does not fol
low that in everyoaso yon must come down
with “a Wilmot.” If there are other circum
stances, true and veritable, such as influence
pnd control the judgments of reasonable men, I
rendering it unnecessary, for the establishment
of that principle, to apply a measure which
is obnoxious and disagreeable to others, and
received by them as derogatory to their equali
ty as members of the Union, then I say it is
neither kind, nor patriotic, nor just to apply
it. My honorable colleague (Mr. Davie) ad
mitted the other day, with great propriety and
frankness, that ifit could be made certain, or if
it were certain, that natural causes necessarily
excluded slavery from New Mexico, then the
restriction ought not to be inserted in the bill J
Did 1 understand him rightly I [Mr. Davis
assented,] Now,by "certainty,” I suppose my
honorable colleague meant not mathematical
certainty, but that high probability, that moral
certainty which governs men in all the concerns
of life. Our relations to society, our duties to
society, our objects in society, are all measur
ed by that high probability which is something
short of mathematical certainty, but which we
are bound to aclupou inevery concern of daily
life, and of public or private life. Now the queo
tion, therefore—and I address myself to gentle
men of the North—-i• thia: la the probability
of the exclusion of slavery from New Mexico,
by natural causes. ao high and atrong and con
clusive as that we should act upon it aa we act
upon the same degree of probability applied to
oilier qu eat io ns, in civil, moral, and social life!
I shall not recur to what I have said upon thia
subject, for I suppose that my frieud from
Pennsylvania. (Mr. Cooper,) and my friend
from Connecticut, (Mr. Smith,) who discussed
thia matter latterly, have left it as much demon*
strated, as any problem of a moral and politi
cal nature can be demonstrated, that it is true
that New Mexico is not a country in which it
ever can be introduced. If it be not so, if any
thing further is necessary to be added to that,
hem we have laid before us an authenticate
expression of the inhabitants of that country,
who it is agreed on all hands have the ultimate
right of decision upon the aubject, that they
are opposed to it.
Well, then, what io it that ia yielded, but a
mere abstraction, a naked possibility, upon
which no man would venture a farthing now
for a great inheritance to be bestowed upon
him when slavery shall be established in New
Mexico. Now, that there is an authentic de
claration upon the subject, by the people of
New Mexico themselves, what to there that
should lead us to hesitate in settling this mat
ter T \V hy should we proceed on the ground
of an abstract nrincmiM .> * Sa » * I
VI an aoeiract principle—ot adhering to ilia
VV ilmot Proviso I 1 nuat be permitted to say
that as applied to thia case it la all an abstrac
tion. Ido uot mean to say that the injunction
against slavery in the ordinance of 1767 was
an abstraction, but I say that the application of
it to thia ease is a mere abstraction. It does not
affect the state of things in the slightest degree.
Every thing io to be now and remain here
after, with or without that restriction, just as it
would the other way. It is, therefore, in my
judgment, a mere abstraction.
lam sorry, sir, that my friend from Connec
ticut, who has studied thia case a great deal
more than I have—studied it while a member
of the other House with great diligence, and
has demonstrated, beyond the possibility of
any reasonable doubt that there can be no sla
very in the Territories about which we are
speaking, that the South are mistaken in sup
posing it possible to derive any benefit from it,
and that the North are mistaken in supposing
that it will need any prohibition tier*—l was
sorry to see that my very able friend, having
demonstrated the case, did not carry out his
own demonstration. After all it was in oppo
sition to this bill, and it followed one of the
dearest and strongest demonstrations in its
favor that ever I heard from the mouth of man.
Well, for what reason f The gentleman said
he was instructed by his Legislature to oppose
it, and, on the whole he did not feel it his duty
to depart from those instructions.
It has become, sir, an object of considera
ble importance to the history of ibis Govern
ment io inquire how far instructions given, cz
parte, and under one state of circumstances,
are to govern those who are to act under an
other state of circumstances, and noire parts,
but upon a hearing of the whole matter. The
proposition that a member of this Government,
in giving a vote to bind all the country, is to
take as his instructions the will of a small part
of the country, whether in his own State or
elsewhere, is one that is above or below all ar
gument. Where men are sworn to act con
•eienuously for the good of the whole, accor
ding to Uverr judgments, and opinions, if an
«?““>«nt is propounded that they are never
?fj« . b „°t"n d “ * the opinions of
a few, and be eoaelu.iv.lv bound by Uem.whv
the question is presented, and all iat belongs
to 11 u presented, iu the very statement
I know that, in a popular Government like
ours, instructions wiII be ? iv en . , od in „
Cions will be sought for. pledge, will „
quired and pledges will be for' ? n
the nature of the case. Public men in this
country love the people, and they love popu
lar applause, end they are wdl’ing t «
promises ; and wo are well told that “when the
blood boils the soul gives prodigally vows to
the tongue.*’ This has been our practice, es
pecially in setae Stales, where such instrue
tkius are a little bit of domestic electioneering.
sum becom, constitutions, often above the
the Lenstuuuon of the United States, for the
govornmeat of people wh< com< her , , o
public business and set f„ Ute country.
VV eU. they are sites given under areuoMtan
eea very remeie from slat wa<o .
come tonot.«nd. I a.rerrv to my. .ft..
withcoiteleraj Tiew*. I writ My wb <a or
where, ted ui very modi
waabouM ia ftuian •: the coawy
cmw m waiefe Mruwa art rtaiii/
or withheld, as the few votes of a little frag
ment or section ofparty may beor may not be
obtained thereby.
Sir, it is curious enough to observe how this
idea, that a member chosen into a popular
body to act for the whole is bound by the in
structions of those who elect him, is received
as a moral sentiment in some countries and how
differently it is received in others. We, accor
ding tn our notions and habits, think it not on
ly allowable, but that it is the duty of a mem
ber of Congress to fulfil bis instructions, given
by his own people and a single district, though
bis vote binds the interests, the honor, the glo
ry and renown of twenty millions of people.
As’an instance of the various views taken of
this subject as a subject of morale, I would re
fer, or might refer, to what happened in the
Chambers of France some years ago, perhaps
while the honorable member from Michigan
(Mr. Cass) was residing in Paris, but I believe
shortly after his return. A gentleman who
was a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies
in France, promissed hie constituents that on
a certain measure expected to come before
i the Chambers he would vote as they required.
They required him to vote so, and he said he
would do it. Well, he was chosen, and he
came to the Chamber to take his seat. But ah,
it was said not so fast I Objection was made :
it was said that he did not come there as a fair
man ; he did not come there as an impartial
man, to judge of the great interests of a great
country in the question before him—he eanie
there pledged and trammelled down; he did
not stand there on an equality, therefore, with
the other members, who came independent and
untrammelled, and bound to exercise their in
dividual judgement. And they expelled him
him on that very ground, or rather rejected
him. And whoever wishes to see one of the
most beautiful disquisitions on political morals
and the duty of those who represent the peo
ple that I know of, since the time of Burk’s
speech at Bristol, will be gratified by reading
Guizot’s speech on that occasion. At any
rate, coming there under pledges to give his
vote for them, though against the majority,
they held him not to be worthy to be a repre
sen'ativeof France, and to act on questions
in which the whole kingdom was concerned.
For my part, I know how easily we glide
into this habit of following instructions ; I
know that members of Congress intend to act
conscientiously always: I believe they wish
themselves, very frequently, free from these
trammels —in abort, sir, I have sometimes
thought, when considering on this subject of
the Wilmot proviso, that Congress i(self needs
the “ Wilmot I have thought that if the
Genius of American liberty, or some angel
from a higher sphere, could fly over the coun
try with a scroll bearing the words, and with
power to give effect to those words, and those
words should be : “Be it ordained that nei
ther in the Senate nor in the House of Repre
sentatives in Congress assembled, there shall
be slavery nor involuntary servitude except
for crime it would be a glorious and con
soling honor and mercy to the constitution of
the country. Spirit of Nathan Dane, how
could'at thou take so much pains to set men’s
limbs and motives free in the Territories, and
never deign to add even a proviso for the free
dom of conscience and opinion in the hails of
Congress! [Applause.]
Now I think, air, that every public consider
ation connected with the interests of the
State, one of whose representatives and the
most humble of them all I am, shows the abso
lute necessity of settling these questions at
once upon fair and reasonable terms—the
necessity of judging things according to their
real importance, and not being carried away
by " gorgons, hydras, chimeras dire,” to the
disregard of what is substantial and valuable,
important and essential in the administration of
the Government Why, Massachusetts, sir,
one of the smallest States in the Union, cir
cumscribed within the limits of 8,000 square
miles of very barren, rocky, and sterile terri
tory, possesses within its limits at this moment
a million of people. With the same degree
of population New York would have nearly
0,000,000, and Virginia would have more than
7,000,000. Well, what are their occupations
and pursuits ? A very small portion of them
live by the tillage of the laud. They are en
gaged in those pursuits exactly which fall un
der the control and care, the preservation and
the protection of the laws of this Government.
Commerce, the fisheries, navigation, manufac
tures—every one of these is under the influ
ence of the laws of this Government. At this
very day, aud on none of these subjects, does
Congress ever pass a law that does not material
ly affect the habits and posperity of Massachu
setts, and of Rhode Island also. Then, sir, is
it not of great importance to all.thase States that
the Government should be carried on regular
ly—that it should have the power of action,
motion, and legislation ? Is it not the greatest
calamity that it ahold be all paralysed, hung up,
pendant on one idea, as if there was no object
in Government, no use in Government, uo
desirable protection from Government, no de
sirable legislation by Government except what
relates to one idea. Sir, I cannot conceive
that these great interests will be readily sur
rendered by the business men, the community,
the laboring community, of the Northern
Stales, upon abstractions, or upon naked pos
sibilities that evil may ensue if a particular
measure may not be adopted. Men must live
—to live they must work—to work they must
be protected in their employment—and how
are they to live and Work and nrlnnate their I
mo me/ live ana worn ana educate their
children, if in this way the business of society
is stopped 1 Every thing falls into a state of
stagnation, and no man knows when he may
expect the hour of redemption to draw nigh.
Depend upon it—depend upon it—the people
of the North wish to see an end put to this state
of things. They desire to see a measure of
conciliation and peace adopted; they desire
to see harmony restored ; they desireatgain to
be in the enjoyment of fl good Gpvtynpeot,
under th®' operation tifd sanction flwad.
■ laws, aud that their daily labor, their daily em
ployment, their daily means of living and of
educating their families may continue undis
turbed. And there has not been, in my ac
quaintance with the people of the country, a
moment in which so much alarm has been felt,
and so much sickening felt, at the state of pub
lic affairs, in time of peace, as is now felt; at
least through those portions of the country
with whose sentiments 1 am acquainted. I
leave others to judge for themselves, who may
be more conversant with public opinion and
possess more means of ascertaining it; but 1
believe it ia the opinion of five-sixths of the
whole community at the North that questions
sueb as have occupied us here, should not be
allowed any longer to emmbarrass the Govern
ment, and defeat the just hopes of those who
maintain the Government and expect to live
under its protection.
Sir, 1 have alluded to the argument of my
friend from Connecticut becauae it is the ablest
one ou thia subjet that 1 have read, and I have
alluded to the vote he intends to give as a vote
illustrative of what I consider the evils of in
structing men before the case arises as to
what shall be their course of conduct here
The memberfrom Connecticut is as independ
ent as any other man, and of course will notun
derstand that I meant any thing personal in
what I have said. I take his case merely aa
an illustration of the impropriety in instruc
tions.
Well, then,sir, 1 have stated what it appears
to me the North gain and what they lose. And
how is it with the South 1 Why, I think the
South, the slaveholding States, if all these
measures pass, will gain an acceptable and sat
isfactory mode for the reclamation of slaves.
As to the territorial acquisitions. I am bound
in candor to say, that, taking Maryland, for
example, as otle of the South, Maryland will
gaiu exactly what Massachusetts losses—that
is, nothing at all ; for 1 have not the slightest
idea that, by any form of legislation we may
adopt, or any thing we may do on the face of
the earth, any provision could be made by
which the Territory of New Mexico or of
Utah could be made acceptable or useful to
the holders of slaves.
Now let me say. Mr President, with great
respect aud kindness, that I wish Southern
gentlemen to consider this matter c almly and
deliberately. There are none in this cham
ber certainly who desire a dissolution of the
Union, nor in the other house of Congress ;
but all the world out of doers is uot so wise
and patriotic as all the world within these walls,
and I am qute airaid that tnere are those who
raise the loudest clamor against the Wilmot
proviso aud restriction upon slavery who
would be extremely glad to have that restric
tion imposed. I believe there are those,
stretching ail along from here to die Gulf of
Mexico, who cry out, let them put on further
restrictions, let them push the South further,
and then we shall know what we have to do.
Ihe Southern States gam an exemption from
what they consider a derogatory inequality.
They Hud themselves placed where they wish
ed, eo far as these Territories are concerned,
on the ground of equality; aud then they
gain, in the general restoration of peace, har
meny, and the progress of the Government,
and the discharge of its functions in the usual
and ordinary way.
Now, air, one of the evils of the country,
in my opinion, is the harsh judgment passed
by one portion upon another, founded not
upon the conduct of the North and the South
generally, but upon the conduct of particular
individuals. The exasperated representations,
the unjust charges made by one against anoth
er, by a small portion of the community, each
taken up on die other side, and each side de
sirous of making the most of it, are respected
as being the sentiments reciprocally of the
North and the South. The extravagant lan
guage or extravagaut sentiments uttered by
some in the South are carried along to the
North as being Southern sentiment, and the
whole South is denounced. In the same way,
opinions springing from the abolition societies
and presses, which no man of character and
sense, I think, can approve, being spread out
at the South, charges founded thereupon are
made against all the North as being abolition
tste, or as being tinctured with abolitionism.
Ou the one side these charges are just as un
founded as on the other. It is a prejudice of
which both sides must rid themselves, if they
•ver expect to remain together as .Americans,
or as brethren under one Government, enjoy
ing the same blessings and renown now, and
to enjoy the sama destiny and glory hereafter.
Tne Nashville Address has been alluded to,
and it has been, I think, charged upon the
South as a sort of exposition or homily of
Southern sentiment. Ido not believe a word
of it. Far be it from me to impute to the South
generally the sentiments of the Nashville
Convention. The Nashville Address is a
studied disunion argument. It goes upon the
ground that there must be a separation of the
iv ' r ’ th* North acts so unjust-
go off; and.
T, wer . e not so ' aad • bener f *«*-
iXre h.7J U ' U ' ,h 1 S ’ SUch ,s 'be diversity of
country £"y eal n ‘7° go P oo‘wgetber
Mr. Barnw«l|. Will tb e S.nator allow
■•• « ««•"■?« him lor , moment ?
Mr. Wsbstor. With pleosnre.
U U’ Sena
tor would refer me to any port of th, Nadrefife
Address containing tbe aeausMota which ho
«r such I unoemand to be the eharre made
•fw* the Address. 1 aUe
Mr. Webster. What I said about that Ad
dress is this. I did not speak of its reference
to any event whatever, but I say that the ar
gument is that the States cannot keep together,
because, first of the general disposition of the
North to invade the rights of the South—stat
ing this in general language—and, then, sec
ondly, if that were not so, and if the North
should come to a belter temper in that respect,
yet no permanent, peace could be expected,
and no Union long subsist, on account of
diversity of interest, or, as they express it,
for want of identity of interest between the
North and the South.
Mr. Barnwell. If the Senator will allow
me. With regard to the first part of the alle
gation, I have no doubt at all. It is the posi
tion of the address that, unless a great change
can be effected in the temper of the Northern
people, in the treatment which they give to us
on account of our institutions, no permanent
onion between us can endure. With regard
to the latter part of the Senator’s construction
of the address, I contend that it contains no
such sentiment as he ascribes to it. It states
distinctly that, in the position which the differ
ent parts of the Union occupy with respect to
each other, without the band of identity of
interest between them, ", is absolutely essen
tial that the South, with its sectional inter
ests, should be independent of tbe control of
the North.
Mr. Webster. What does that mean bnt
seperation, for God’s sake?
Mr. Barnwell. Not at all, sir. By section
al interest, it means distinctly what I allege
here, that upon this great institution of slavery
the North has no right whatever to interfere
with the government of the Southern people.
That is what the address means. If that inter
ference is withheld, we do not contend that
there is any necessity whatever for a dissolution
of the Union. If that interference is persist
ed in, it is the language of the address, and
it is the belief, I believe, of a large portion of
the Southern people, that the Union cannot be
made to endure.
Mr. Webster. It is hardly worth while to
attempt a precise statement of the argument,
perhaps, as I have not the paper before me ;
ba’, if I understand the argument, it is that
which I have expressed, that even if tbe
North were better behaved, there is a want of
identity, which would prevent a long endu
rance of the Union. So far as the other re
mark is concerned, that we must abstain from
any interference with their own peculiar laws,
and respecting their own peculiar institutions,
I hope, and know, that event sensible man at
the North looks’’upon it so. I know that all'
the North are of the opinion that the institu
tion of slavery, as it exists in the Slates, was
originally intended to be, has ever been,
and now justly is, entirely out of the scope
and reach of the legislation of this Govern
ment.
But I was saying, sir, that I cannot, and shall
not impute disunion sentiments to tbe South
generally, Why. whom do I sit among?
Whom have I associated with here for nearly
thirty years in this Government f With as
good Union men from the South as from any
other portion of the country. And in this
chamber, in late years, have there not been
men from the South who have resisted every
thing that threatened danger to the Union ?
Have there not been men here from the
South, who, at some chance of losing favor
at home, have resisted the Mexican war and
tbe acquisition of territory by arms ? Nay, and
who played the last stake, who resisted the
ratification of the treaty after the conquest
was made, by which these territories were
brought under the control of this Govern
ment? Sir, with these recollections, this
knowledge of the character of men, and this
opinion which I have of the entire loyalty of
the great body of the South to the Union, I
shall indulge in no general complaint, nor, so
far as it comes within my view, shall I tolerate
the complaint, of disunion from the South.
They participate in the same interests, they
descend from the same revolutionary blood,
they acknowledge the glory of the country to
be as much theirs as ours ; and I really believe
they as much and as earnestly desire to pro
mote, aud defend, and secure forever a per
manent attachment to the North, as the most
intelligent men of the North do to perpetuate
an attachment to the South. I believe that the
North and the South, among the great mass
of the intelligent people, and aside from the
agitation in one part, are for the constitution
and the Union ; and God grant they may re
main so ; and if they do, nothing can over
turn either the one or the other. [Applause ]
I am sorry to hear it said, because I thought
it was unjust, that the madness and folly of
the recent expedition to Cuba was Southern.
Why, the South had uo more to do with i
than the city of Boston. It was a thing just as
likely to arise in the city of New York as New
Orleans, bat that New Orleans is nearer the
place proposed to be attacked. It is unjust, in
my judgment, to say thatsuch a violation of
law was perpetrated by the South, or found
any more apology or justification in the gen
eral mind at the South than it found in New
York or Massachusetts. No, sir : the honora
ble member from Connecticut told the truth
the oilier day, and I am obliged to him for tell
ing the truth. Ido not mean it is unusual
with him, [laughter,] but I mean it is unusual
in the course ofthis debate to hear the real
truth spoken. He told us the truth in respect
to these acquisitions, to the war which led the
uvav (nr thism anrl tn ika troatu ivhink
r way lor them, and to the treaty wmeh consum
r aimed them. It was not the North and South
f who were rival parties to that transaction. It
' was party. It was the party that supported
. Mr. Polk in the election for the Presidency, and
i supported his measures while in the Presiden
> cy. The South undoubtedly, all the party of
f the administration, took the lead ; but the
i North, belonging to the party of the Adminis
i tration, followed ; and followed,sir, not as lit
tle lulus did lha steps of hip Mther non
L bus <zg«u. but iba-North keptup fully and en- [
• tirely with the IsacTof the Southern gentlemen
f of the same parly. And, therefore, I was
glad the honorable member from Connecticut,
instead or giving a normal and stereotyped
speech against the South, told the truth about
the history of these acquisitions.
There are other topics which I will pass
over. 1 said something on a former occasion
about the imprisonment of black citizens of
the North, who go South in the course of com
merce, and are there arrested. That is a
source of serious complaint. Wo see that
England has complained of it. I mink it is un
constitutional. I think it is an evil that ought
to be redressed, and I never yet could see any
necessity for it. I am fully persuaded that
there might be other means to relieve the ci
ties to which these vessels go, without commit
ting what is considered an outrage upon the
rights of those who, when at home, are consid
ered as American citizens. Sir, at the same
time I am bound to say that I know nothing in
the world to prevent any free citizen of Mas
sachusetts, imprisoned under the law of Caro
lina, from trying the question of the constitu
tionality of tnat law. He may apply at once
to a judge of any United States Court for a
writ of habeas caryus. Ido not think there is,
therefore, any great occasion for making it
a matter for public discussion, for I think it
more calculated to inflame than allay excite
ment in the country. I feel bound to say, how
ever, that the gentleman who went from Mas
sachusetts for the purpose of having this ques
tion tested, was a man of most excellent char
acter, and every way worty of the high regard
of all the peoole of the South.
Sir. I was in Boston some month or two ago
and happened to have occasion to say and did
say, that the public mind in Massachusetts
and the North was laboring under certain pre
judices, and that I should take some occasion
which 1 did not then possess, of stating what I
supposed these prejudices to be, and how they
had arisen. I shall say a few words on that
subject. In the first place. I think, of course,
that in the people of Massachusetts, or in the
people of the North, there is no prejudice aris
ing out of any ill will, or any want of patriot
ism, or any want of good feeling to the coun
try. It all arises from misinformation, from
the results of those laborious etforts, made in
cessantly for twenty years, to pervert in some
way the public judgment and the public peace.
Now the frnit of this is an exazxerated sense
- .vw,v me iivaib ut uni w an citejjcraiuu sense
; of the evil of the reclamation of slaves either
J from Massachusetts or other States. What
, produce, that 1 The cases do not exist. There
> has not been a case within the knowledge of
t thia generation in which any man was taken
> from Massachuseets and sent back to slavery,
-by process of law—not one. And yet hun
, dreds of people in Massachusetts, who read
I nothing but the abolition papers, take it for
r granted that these cases arise weekly, and that
, men and sometimes families with children, are
dragged back and consigned to slavery in the
i South.
Mr. Hale. Will the Senator allow me to ask
- one question 7
. Mr. Webster. Certainly, sir.
' Mr. Hale. I wish to inquire if the honora
■ ble Senator is not mistaken in point of fact
I J* uh regard to no individual having been ta-
I ken from .Massachusetts.
Mr. Webster. If so, I shall be glad to be
corrected.
I Mr. Hale. I think an individual, by the name
t of Pearson, was taken and brought back from
i Boston within three or four years.
r Mr. Webster. I will state how that was.
. that was a case of kidnapping, by some per
. sons who claimed or pretended to claim the
1 “** ro ’* Dd ran i»w with him by force.
. W hat I mean to say is, that no man under the
I constitution and laws of the country, tn this
i generation, has been sent back to slavery from
. Massachusetts. I stated before, and state it now
that cases of violent seizure, by kidnapping.
, have occurred and may occur again.
i Now, sir, this prejudice has been produced
oy tbe incessant attrition of abolition doctrine,
1 by abolition presses, and abolition lecturers,
upon the common mind. No drum-head in
the longest day’s march was ever more inces
santly beaten than the feelings of the public
in certain parts of the North. They have
beeu beaten incessantly, every month,
and every day, and every hour, bv the
din, and roll, and rub-a-dub of the abolition
presses and abolition lecturers ; and that it is
which has created these prejudices. Sir, the
principle of the restitution of runaway slaves is
not objectionable, unless the constitution is
objectionable. If the constitution is right, in
that respect, then the principle is right, and
the law authorizing its exercise is right.
Il that be so, and if there be no abuse of the
right under any law ofCongress, or any other
law, then what is there to complain of’ Now,
I say. not only so far as I can learn, has there
beeu no case of the reclamation of a slave by
his master, which ended in taking him back
again to slavery, in this generation ; but I add.
so far as I have been able to go back in my re
searches, so far as I have been able to hear er
learn, there has never been one case of a false
claim. Who knows, in all New England, a
case of a false claim set up against a fugitive
slave I There may hare been one, but I do not
know of any. Noris there any danger, when
all the community are alive upon the subject,
as they are especially at this time.
But I pass over that, and say that what
seams extraordinary is. that this practice es
restitution, which baa existed two hundred
years in the country, and without complaint.
eometimM aa a subject of agreement between
the North, aud Uis South, and sometimes as a
mailer of eossity between tbe North and the
death, should, at once, or in ths length efl
time I have mentioned, become a subject of
so much excitement. I nappen to have mmy
hand a letter from Governor Berkely, of Vir
ginia, to Governor Endicott, of Massachusetts,
written in 1644, more than two hundred years
ago; in which he says that a certain gentle
man (naming him) has lost some slaves. He
supposes they have run away to the jurisdic
tion of Governor Endicott. Their names are
so and so. And what the gentleman from
Kentucky (Mr. Clay) will be glad to hear, as
a precedent for the proper course of proceed
ing in such cases—this gentleman made it ap
pear in court that they were his slaves, and
had runaway. He goes onto say, "We ex
pect you to use all kind offices for the restora
tion of these servants to their masters, as we'
on our part will restore servants which may
come to our jurisdiction.” At that date, Ido
not suppose there were many slaves in Massa
chusetts: but there was an extensive system
of apprenticeship. Hundreds and thousands
of persons were bound as apprentices, and
often ran away, and were as likely Io run to
Virginia as elsewhere ; and I believe it is true
as this letter states, that they were returned up
on the demand of their masters. So true is
that, that it was found necessary, in the early
laws of Massachusetts, to make a provision for
the seizure and return of apprentices, and in
all the revisions ofthe statutes of Massachusetts
that have been made, that provision has re
mained. Here it is, and it provides that runa
way apprentices may be secured upon the ap
plication of the master, and put into jail till
they can be sent lor by their masters; nor is
there any trial by jury in their case. I say,
therefore, that this exaggeration of the evil,
and mischief, and danger arising from this
right of reclamation, is the fruit of a prejudice
that ought no longer to abuse tbe public
mind.
I will also say, with great respect to gentle
men who sit here and think it is a prejudice to
insist so strongly upon tbe application of the
Wilmot proviso to this territory, because of
its apparent inapplicability, and of its want of
real necessity, and since it is in some degree
offensive and disgusting to the people
of the Southern States. The Northern
prejudice against the South is just exactly that
which exists at the South against the North
It consists in imputing to a whole quarter of
the country the extravagances of individuals.
Sir, I will dwell no longer upon these sub
jects. lam rather led into them by an obser
vation of my own, not made here, and I return
to a few more remarks upon the
tion. I will say, however,
this subject, that ffie State in w
ration 1 bear a part, is a union State- She is
attached te the principles of the constitution.
She connects all her history from colonial times
together, and reflects upon the past as being
all a great column, a monument of renown, in
common to her and the rest of the States. The
glory of the revolution, the military renown
achieved by it, the great achievments of those
who established this constitution, and all the
blessings that have been derived from it for
sixty or seventy years; all these make up a
history in which she has taken a part, and the
whole of which she enjoys as the most pre
cious thing on earth, to be brought home to
her recollections. She is a State for tbe
Union. It is the law of her destiny, it is the
law of her situation, it is a law imposed upon
her by all her recollections of the past, and by
every interest of hers from the present, and
every hope of hers for the future.
Mr. President, it has always appeared to me
to be a gateful reflection, that, however short
and transitory maybe the lives of human be
ings, States may be permanent. The great
corporations that spread lheir influence over
mankind to protect their labors and secure their
happiness, may have something of perpetuity,
and, as we might say, something of immortali
ty. And, for my part, I often enough console
myself, and gratify myself by looking forward
to see wbat in the future will be tho condition
of that generous State which lias done me the
honor to keep me in the councils of
the country for so many years. I see
nothing about her in prospect, but what en
circles her now. lam sure that when I. and
all those that hear me, shall have gone to our
last home, and when the mould may have gath
ered on our memories possibly, as it will on our
tombs, that State, so early to take her part in
the great contest of the revolution, will stand
as she does, as the column that near her capi
tal perpetuates tbe memory of the first great
war ofthe country. I believe, sir, that if com
motion shall shake the country, these will be
come rock forever, as solid as the granite of
her hills, for the Union to repose upon. I be
lieve that if disasters arise, bringing clouds
which snail obscure the ensign now over her,
and over us, there will be one star that will
but burn the brighter amid the darkness of
that night; and I believe that, if in the remo
test ages—and 1 trust they will be infinitely re
mote—an occasion shall occur when the stern
est duties of patriotism are to be performed,
that Massachusetts will imitate her own exam
ple ; and that, <.s at tho breaking out of the
revolution, she was the first and foremost
to offer the outpouring of all her blood,
and all her treasure in the struggle
for liberty, so she will be hereafter ready,
when the emergency shall arise, to repeat and
renew that offering with a thousand limes as
many warm hearts, and a thousand times as
many strong hands.
But now, Mr. President, to return to the
?1 L’.'l f* 11 f‘M I fl nt l ImnAslunl nnaation kAf.,
practical and important question before us,
What are we to do, and how are we to bring
this important measure to an end and issue?
The main question is important. That I ad
mit But here we have been seven months and
a half, disputing about questions which, in my
judgment, after all, are of little importance to
one or the other part of the country. Are we
to dwell forever on a single topic, a single,
idea? Are we to forge I all the uspsfpr
jwwuiiLau. inytituted to dispute aboet-ihidai
.which appears to* some unimportant ? I skink"*
the country calls on us to settle thivquestion ;
that it calls loudly and imperatively; and I
think further, that tbe whole world hm-ktug
to see whether this great republic can get
through with such a crisis. We are “the ob
servers.” It is not to be disputed that the eyes
of Christendom are upon us We have stood
through many trials; can we stand through
this, which partakes so much of the nature of a
sectional controversy I Why, sir, there is not
a reading man in all Europe who does not
ask himself that question every day when he
r< ads what is dona here every morning. Can
not this country, with one set ofinterests at the
North and another at the South, cannot it see,
cannot its people see what ia so evident to eve
ry philosophic mind, that the Union is never
theless one I Will they not see ths', and main
tain the constitution established by their fa
thers? That is the question. I agree that it
requires something more than common virtue.
I agree that these feelings of division are to bo
put away, that they are to be overturned, as
well as all those excited and belligerent feelings
which lead us to say if you do this I will do
that, which tend to get up an intestine war, first
of opinion then of belligerent legislation, and
then ol arms. The question is, whether we
have virtue and patriotism and American
ism enough in our hearts to avert and avoid
these evils. For the solution of that question
the whole world is now looking at us with ex
treme anxiety.
For myself, I propose to abide by the prin
ciples which I have avowed. I shall stand by
the Union and all who stand by it. I shall
do justice to the whole country, according to
the best of my ability, in all 1 say. aud shall
act for the wole country in all I do. I pro
pose to stand ou the Constitution, and I need
no other platform. 1 shall know but our court
try. The ends I aim at, by the blessing of
God, shall be my country's, my God's, and
truth’s. I was born an American, 1 live an
American, and I shal die an American. But
I mean, to the extent of my abilities, to per
form the duties incumbent upon me in that
eharacter, whether public or private, to the
end of my career, and I mean to do tbis with
an absolute disregard of personal consequen
ces. What are personal consequences ?
What is the amount of all the good or evil
that could betide an individual, in comparison
with the good or evil which, in a crisis like
this, may happen to a great nation ? Sir, let the
3 hud, uirijr itnppvTi its a gfcui iiakivii * uii) ict it tv
r consequences be what they may to me, lam
i careless. No man can hardly sutler too much,
i and no man can fall too soon, if he suffers or if
f he falls in defence of the liberties and the cou
-1 atitution of bis country.
j Alabama —At a large Union meeting in
1 Russell county,on tbe 15th inst.. Col. Sami. C.
r Benton was called to the Chair, and John A.
1 Lewis and Wm. E. Barnett appointed Secre
-1 taries. Resolutions were unanimously adopted
1 opposing the Missouri line us ua ultimatum.
but acceding to it aa a peace offering, and ap
proving the Senate Compromise. with an
amendment, offered by Mr. Crowell, declaring
that, “ if the North shall refuse to adjust this
grave question, on this or some other just and
equitable basis, or shall interfere with slavery
in the territories, we will stand by our rights,”
The resolutions were advocated by Messrs
Belser. of Montgomery, and James Johnson, of
Columbus. Ga.. and opposed by Messrs. Sayre
and Cochran, of Eufaula.
TennaMee.—Marshall county, irrespective of
party, has heartily approved tbe Compromise,
in iu main features ; requested the Senators
and Representatives of the Slate in Congress,
to use all honorable exertions for its adoption,
with just modifications, and lauded Messrs.
Cass, Clay, and all other members of Con
gress, who have promoted the measure as en
titled to “the gratitude and affection of the
American people.”
Kentucky— Ata meeting of citizens, held at
Mount Vernon. Kentucky, on the 24th ult.,
resolutions were unanimously adopted, ap
proving tbe Senatorial Compromise, and con
demning tbe late Nashville Convention as “un
fortunate and calculated only to increase the
excitement between the North and South, and
to scatter broadcast over the land the seeds
discord and disunion.”
A large and respectable meeting of the citi
zens of Logan eounty, on the 24th ult. unani
mously passed resoluuens cordially approving
the Senatorial Compromise; declr,ring that
the present Congress, as a whole does not
fairly redact the opinions and ferjings of tbe
people of the United Slates the great
question of the day ; and proposing that, if ev
ery effort, in Congress, to sett’.e the controver-
should.fail, the proposed Compromise bo
referred to a direct vote of the people.
f'irgiua — At a large publie meeting in
Gloucester county, on the Ist of July, Irre
spective of party,.Resolutions were passed con
demning the Senate Compromise, as utterly
destitute of the requites of a Compromise, and
in favor of the Missouri line on the Nashville
platform.
Mu. Clay. —The Washington <7ntea, of tbe
20th inst., thus speaks of Mr. Czar, in con
nection with the probable faijure of tbe Com
promise Bill in the Senate i
’■ Mr, Clay declared, yeecarday, in a speech
which bresibed ad the fire wd eo’ergy oi a yoaog
wetor, that, if Ike prvaoet Oopresiee Bill should
Ait, he would not desysw yfUu rcpukiic, and that
he would spare M eSbrt » jive stability to the Uaiaa
and peace to the counlay. Tbe enthusiasm of Mr.
Clay, al this auraued period at' life, exhibits a
■node! which ia worthy tbe imitation of all young
j (Ma. Itis due sutaiwiaamof chareelcr whisk fes-
r nwlSlhe secret of success of the roost distinguished
men-
“ SJould the Compromise fail, we shall not des
pair of the republic. Noble and considerate patri
’ ots mint still deliberate upon the adoption of some
means which may sere the country.”
WE WEEKLY
CHMICLE & SENTINEL
Oil. ARS PER AR HUM,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
DAr|FtR I-W EE KL Y & WEEKLY.
fJffi.ce in Railroad Bank Buildings.
OAItY Paper, perannum (smithy mail.) »7 oo
AUGUSTA, GA.:
Y HORNING, JULY 31.
The State AgrleuH.nral Fair.
Ir„affei'ds us great pleasure to call the atten
l‘on l jI&RS, public, especially the planters and
in Georgia and the ad-
JaWjßßktes, and to invite them to be present
at ★sffispnual Fair of the Southern Central
Association, to be held in Atlanta
op to the 16th of August.
TlMftrimittee of arrangements have made
moat jßeneive and complete preparations for
the atiwpimodation of the Fair and the public,
WmeSK of the extent of which may be form
ed yaß informed that they have enclosed ten
’ >Cf ?° O< * P' an ' c f° nce > erected two
■ ’ings forty by sixty feet each, one
for tMpsJPs, and an extensive arbour ca
pableggs sheltering two, tbpijsand persons.—
pure th® accommodation of visitors,
of the committee has been
single point of having their
arranr-wetits most complete.
I meet there thousands of
Kijicoiiie up to this Agricultural
to ontributb something to keep up the present
impetus. Let the farmers and planters meet,
andiy social contact for four or five days all
will learn something, and consequently re
turn home, not only better and more enlight
ened men, but each will have learned some
impertant lesson in husbandry or mechanics,
by which he will be profited. No proposition
is m>re true than this, and we therefore in
voki every friend of Agriculture and Mechan
ic Arts, to make an effort to be present on this
interesting occasion. Every patriot and phi
lantkropist, who comprehends the true interests
of hrs country, should take a deep and lively
interest in it, and as many as can, should go
prepared to camp out.
Parsons who send stock for exhibition should
sens them to the care of Richard Pxters,
Jr., Atlanta, and address him a line by
mai, and they may feel assured that every
possible care will be taken of them.
Eave not some ofthe planters in this vicini
ty eme fine stock, which they would like to
exhibit on the occasion ?
Mr. Webster’s Speech.
Liks good wine, thia great effort of the dis
tinguished son of Massachusetts needs no
bush. It will be read and admired for its
bread and lofty patriotism, wherever a patri
otic heart pulsates, however particular passa
get may not accord with the reader’s precon
ceived opinions.
The Compromise.
Tin latest reliable information from Wash
ington induces the indulgence of a well
grounded hope that the amendment of Mr.
Bsadbury may be adopted, and thereby the
passage of the Compromise Bill secured by
tbe Bennie. Thia done, we have little fears
that it will pass the House, and become the
law of the land.
We also find the following cheering intelli
gence in the letters of the Washington corres
pondents of the Baltimore Sun, who are gen
erally very well posted as to passing events at
the Capitol:
"It was agreed by the friends of the compromise
bill, in caucus, that the Texas boundary question
shall be referred to commissioners. This is far more
proper lha.i to introduce the question into the bill.
A wise move this, and one which considerably en
hances the chances of the passage of the bill.”
** A Consultation (if friAnria nf t nnnmmsvk Kill I
a consultation ot friends oi the compromise bill
, was held this morning, and it was ascertained that
J with some slight amendments, the bill could be
passed
I This i» good news indeed, and we trust may
? prove true.
i The Compromise,—The Washington cor
i, respondent of the Baltimore Sun says :
- ‘ of* 11 difficulties, real and imaginary
e bill will pang the Senate, u>*w all'
Cass. Foote and Webster, will be <**' e the
of having accomplished this groat work of
and reconciliation. “ Blessed be the peace
makerST”-
Public Sentiment in Georgia..
The Savannah Republican publishes the fol
lowing extract of a letter from a gentleman in
Macon county, who the editor says has min
gled much with the people of Georgia, and
whose opinions are entitled to no little weight:
1 am satisfied from a close observation of the
opinions of people of both political parties in this sec
tion of the State, that they are decidedly in favor of
the Compromise, and that they are all in favor of the
Union is certain.”
The Cential Georgian of the 23d inst., pub
lished at Sanndersville, Washington county,
•ays: “We have only time to say th id the
meetingyesterday, which was called to express
the sentiment of this county, on the subject of
the existing slavery difficulties, and the modes
of redress, was largely attended, and after con
siderable debate, refused, by a large majority,
to sanction the proceedings of the Nashville
Convention. We shall publish the proceed
ings entire next week.
The minority afterwards met and pase-sd re
solutions favoring the Missouri Compromise
line.
The intelligent reader will not fail to note
he csnduct of the advocates of the Nashville
platform, who, after being defeated in a meet
ing of the citizens of the county, subseqi tently
assembled and passed resolutionsapprovi: igthe
proceedings™" the convention. Their pro ceed
ings wdl doubtless be heralded forth Is the
sentiment of Washington county.
It is worthy of remark, and should n ot be
overlooked by those abroad who desire t» ar
rive at a proper conclusion in reference t o the
sentiment of Georgia, that all the meetings in
this State which have passed resolution 8 ap
proving the acta of the Nashville Convention,
with obe or two exceptions, have asse< nbled
under calls which excluded all those wl io did
not favor the Nashville platform from p artici-
j in their proceedings; hence the great
, unaniuity of their action. We have no idea
f that Here ia a coucty in the State, wheie
resoluione approving the acts of the Nash
ville Convention could be adopted in a fair
1 and full meeting of the people. Certain it is
that ns such resolutions have, as yet, been
passed by such a meeting,
i Meeting in Savannah.
A meeting es the friends of the Nashville
( Convention was held in Savannah on Tues
r day at which resolutions app roving the
i proceedings of that body were u*
j adoptel of course. The Reyublicav t says:
i“ It taaMing for TV T g body, but
simply cr tbW wfro approve o£ that re
. Hence the attendance of our cKixer |S was no c very
large. We suppose two hundred woul d cover the nura
-1 ber of peraoos present who went Mjere to ratify the
proceedings of the convention. Tb ey belonged almost
r entirely to the Democratic party- -but one Whig, so
far as cur information ha ving participated in
the proceedings. Among the De mocrats present, we
did not observe many of the old and time-honored
leaders of the party. O£ course , we do \rot include
in this remark the Hon, Chairman and 1V Arnold,
who hate been Ion? and faro rably connected with
that party.
“We make thi‘ x statement, that no erroneous infer
ences may be d.-awn abroad a.i to tbe extent or com
position of the. meeting. Nevertheless, it was re
spectable, bo*.n xs to numbers and intelligence
We Perceive by tbe Rcpuklican that a meet
ing of thj friend. o f the Senate Compromise
h " oeen ealled for Monday evening next, at
suggestion of leading men of both political
parties.
f This is a strange way to ascertain public sen
timent, and in our opinion is all wrong. The
proper course to pursue is to call a meeting of
, tbe people to deeide upon tbo relative merits of
t tbe Senate Compromise and the Nashville plat
j form ; than let the advocates of tbe respective
t measures meet and discuss ibem face to face,
and let the people pass in judgment. By thia
means we may approximate to what the senti
’ ment of Georgia is, if the people will turn out
I Thz CoartuiMuz t» Tzkkxssez. —Parson
Bkowslow of the Knoxville Ifkig. who is on
a tour through East Tennessee, in a letter to
i his paper remarks :
« Whig, sad Dt mocrau «r« all f" the compromise
reported by the committee of thirteen ; and Mr.
Clay has more .tret-gth among ’be people now, than
he ever had at any one time, in all the ups and
downs of his eventfuJ life.”
ArzazTa ann Daar.oicz«a Pzas* Road.—
The friends of this enterprise are in high spir
its, and apeak in confident terms of its success.
Large meetings have bean hold along the lino
•f the read, and liberal subscriptions obtained.
It is a moot important work for all that section
of country through which it will pass.
There were two dooths br cholera in the
«ty of New York ImC week.
Mr, Gholton'i Addresa*
The address of Mr. Ghocsok will attract the
reader’s attention. He was a delegate from
one of the congressional districts of Virginia
to the Nashville Convention —a democrat, en
joying in a high degree the confidence of his
party in the Old Dominion, and should there
fore be entitled to a respectful hearing, as
well from his party associates as all others. A
Virginian by birth, education and feeling, and
a slave-holder, he will scarcely be charged, or
even suspected of a want of devotion 1) South
ern rights and interests, especially as he mani
fested his jealous regard for them, in the most
approved form of the Ultraists, by consenting
to become a member of the Convention,
against whose acts he feels it his duty to warn
those whom he His arguments
and reasonings may be as well addressed to
the citizens of all the slave-holding States as
his immediate constituents, and should not
pass unheeded.
The Colnmbns Meeting.
The Columbus Enquirer concludes a long
notice of the late meeting in Columbus, which
adopted resolutions favoring the Senate’s Com
promise, with the following remarks:
“The meeting then was numerous, the speaking
good, the resolutions firm and conciliatory, and the
barbecue of Col, Hogan done up brown. What more
could be wanting to make its friends rejoice or its
enemies desperate ? Nothing. The tale is told. Old
Muscogee is lor a fair adjustment of our national
troubles, and opposed to the reckless spirit that seeks
to drive her intelligent sons into a position from which
they cannot retreat without dishonor, and on which
the cannot plant themselves without trampling on the
Constitution and crushing the Union. These are
their sentiments. Men may talk as much as they
please about fighting and bursting things if their own
idea is not carried out, the sovereigns know that this
is not a government of force, and that the first fatal
blow which is given will be the beginning of the
end. We are willing to trust them, and stand ready
to abide their decision.’’
Like the intelligent, alaveholding citizens of
Morgan, we doubt not a large majority of the
citizens of Muscogee and all other counties,
who are deeply interested in the preservation
of Southern rights and interests, will favor a
fair and honorable adjustynent of this grave
y understand
apprfectAe
the efiervescing patriotiamif that class of men
who are not only always ready for a fight, but
if their own stories are to be credited they hun l
up and take all the chances. The people have
not forgotten that the same class of braggarts
and blusterers pledged themselves in 1844 to
whip all Mexico If war resulted from the an
nexation of Texas. Texas was annexed, war
ensued, and lo and behold, these fire-eaters
who had promised, single-handed, to whip,aye
swallow, if necessary, all Mexico, were not
seen on any of the battle fields. Such exclu
sive patriots cannot deceive an intelligent peo
ple more than once.
Treasonable
Not long since R. B. Rhett, on his re*
turn from the Nashville Convention, addressed
the citizens of Charleston in a speech pro
nounced at the time by “Curtins,” a writer in
the Courier, a most infiamatory address, tn
which he unfurled the banner of disunion.
Mr. R. complained of this notice of his speech
as unjust and one of his friends in an effort to
apologise for him declared that the speech was
only intended for home consumption—for the
citizens of Charleston. Public opinion how
ever, has compelled him to write out and pub
lish a report of the speech, which appeared
some days since in the Charleston papers. To
show how far “Curtins” mi-represented his
views, we cull therefrom the following passa
ges, the treasonable character of which the
intelligent reader will not fail to perceive :
“ I invite you to a calm and serious consideration
of your condition in the Union, in order that r/ou
may properly do your part in the grand orama of
dissolution, which, it appears to me, must take place
at no distant day.
And in another portion of his speech he say a:
“ Despairing of any reformation which will bring
the government back to the limitations of the consti
tution —despairing of any amendments of the consti
tution which wilt give us new guaranties, 1 seo but
one course left for the peace and salvation of tile
South—a dissolution of the Union.”
**»*»»
“ Looking to the past—looking to the nature of
things, 1 deem all reliance on the good faith of the
free Slates, (o protect the institution of slaveey in the
South, vain and futile. The South must protect it
self. Ils force is powerless in Congress and in the
Union, because it is a minority. o give to our peo
ple lhat protection and peace which the constitution
and Union were established to secure, the South,
must sever the connexion with the North.
“ I have thus, fellow-citizens, fulfilled my word.
I have spoken with open breast to you this night of
our present condition and future political prospects.
For the sentiments I have uttered, and the counsel I
hare given, it may be there are some who will be
ready to exclaim —traitor I A traitor to wbat and to
whom? To South Carolina ? It is to save her in
her rights, institutions, and sovereignty, that I would
counsel disunion. Traitor to the constitution ? The
constitution has no existence under the construction
of consolidation and the base purposes of abolition to
which it is made to subserves Traitor |o the Union 4
-m.— s. ll,;__ ——
its bond and condition. Destroy the one, and all
faith to the other is absolved. Faith towards both, as
the government is administered, are incompatible
things. To maintain the Union is to acquiesce in the
destruction of the constitution ; and to maintain the
constitution, we must dissolve the Union, to afford
the only chance of its restoration.”
“ Returning from Nashville, through the interior of
our State, I learned that the people in one of our upper
I districts, fearing that the Nashville Convention,
would be a failure, were already agitating the policy
of South Carolina taking her rights into ht»r own
hands, and acting alone in their vindication. There
. was the true spirit of old South Carolina, and 1 think
I hear it proclaimed in your cheers that she al least
will never submit to dishonorable subjection and ruin.
She will join her sister States of the South, or sup
port any of them, in all expedients for redress they
may propose, and is content ever Io follow ratb-er than
to lead. But if they should kneel down to a govern
ment without limitations on its powers, under the
i control of the consolidationista and anti-slavery pro
. pagandista of the North, she will not submit.”
Commenting upon these extracts the Sa
vannah Republican remarks : ‘‘Here we have
an interpretation of the ultimatum proposed
by the Nashville Convention. We have its
true meaning set forth by one who figured
prominently on the occasion. And what is
that interpretation, what that meaning 7 What
are we to understand from the remarks of Mr.
Rhktt 7 Whatever may be said of other
delegates and their objects, it cannot be doubt*
ed that Mr. Rhett, the author of the Address,
and the Ajax of the Convention, is a disunion
ist. He advocates a dissolution of the Union
in so many words. But what makes his senti
ments the more reprehensible is, he did not be
lieve or hope when he recommended the Nash
ville Compromise, that it could be passed
through Congress. This is evident from the
second and third extracts in the foregoing quo
tation. Hence it appears that he went to
Nashville with disunion in his heart, and, that
his "bloody wish” might be the more certainly
accomplished, he united in recommending an
ultimatum to the country, which ha believed
and desired would break up the confederacy.
Read the extracts referred to, and say whether
this conclusion is not inevitable.
The Nashville True Whig published the en
tire speech, and after pronouncing it “a stud
ied deliberate disunion argument,” adds :
“The madness and folly of the whole scheme is
most forcibly illustrated by the fact—plain and tan
gible to every unprejudiced mind—that disunion
would be no remedy for any of the evils complained
of by the south in connection with slavery. As for
the panacea of direct taxation and unlimited free
trade, Tennessee will beg to be excused tn to-to.
She has no disposition to fall back into the original
position of a colony of Great Britain. The only par
tial good we can see likely to grow out of the terrible
revolution that a disruption of the confederacy would
bring about, is to make Charleston a great commer
cial emporium—the New York of the south. Be
sides, Mich a “crisis” migb\ make Mr. Rhett a
»ery mn --» desideratum which the Consti
tution and the Union has lamentably “failed” to
accomplish.”
While we think the Whig mistaken in sup
posing that any event could make “a very
great man" of Mr. Rhktt, who has never
attained a position above that of a narrow,
contracted, sectional demagogue and brawler,
we doubt not that many of the leaders of the
faction, are seeking the destruction of the
Union to satiate their unholy ambition for
place and power, which they can never attain
while the Union exists, and we should not be
surprised if Mr. K. was in thia unenviable cate
gory.
The Nashville Banner also copies the speech,
from whose comments we extract the follow
ing :
“ One thieg is bow clear. The men who are led
by Mr. Rhett are the enemiee of the Union—are bent
on its destruction! He dared not avow it here—be
well knew that thia was not the place for it, and so
he smothered his treasonable sentiments in his own
uoeoiß until he might veal them in a more congenial
sphere. We again congratulate the Whigs of Teu
ne*«ee on having kept aloof from such men—from
all political association with them; and we are
thankful that opposition to the Convention kept the
Capital of Tennessee from being disgraced by decla
rations and action which would have been a stain
open it forever. They acted whilst here under
wholesome restraint, which made them keep up the
semblance of patriotic endeavor to preserve the Union
they now denounce; but their conduct since has
sealed the condemnation of the Convention—it can
never meet again.”
The National Intelligencer says: We an
derstand that Major General Winfield Scott
has been appointed Secretary of War, and
Commodore Lewie Warrington Seeretaro of
the Navy, until the arrival of the new Secre
taries of those respective Departments.
Destrcctive Flood.—A rapid and heavy
fail of rain on Monday morning, produced a
sudden and unexpected rise in Shoccoe ereek,
which rune through th* City of Richmond. '
The streets in the vicinity were loaded, cellars
filled, and property to the value of >20.000
destroyed. A negro boy was carried off and 1
drowned. The creek rose twelve feet in thir- *
ty tmnuloe. i
The Cabinet Ministers The National
9 Intelligencer of Saturday, says: “Ofthesev
-1 en Cabinet Ministers heretofore announced as
* having been appointed by the President of tha
' United States, with the advice and consent of
> the Senate, the following have accepted their
- appointments, and, being here present, have
s been duly commissioned, viz:
1 Mr. Webster, the Secretary of State.
1 Mr. Corwin, the Secretary of the Treasury.
r Mr. Hall, the Postmaster General.
Os the remaining four, it is understood that
the following accept their appointments, but
t have notyet reached the city, viz:
r Mr. Graham, Secretary of the Navy.
’ Mr. Crittenden, Attorney General.
’ The following gentlemen are now actively
1 engaged in discharging the duties of Heads of
’ Departments:
1 Department of State, Mr. Webster.
’ Department of the Treasury, Mr. Corwin.
t General Post Office, Mr. Hall.
Department of War, Maj. Gen. Scott.
Department of Navy, Com. Warrington.
’ Meeting in Sumter.
1 The citizens of Sumpter without distinction
of party, met in Americus, on Monday the
22d inst., to take into consideration “the ques
’ tion of the day.” Weight Minis, Esq., and
Judge James Glass, presided and R. C. Jenk
t iNsandH.M. D. Kino, acted as Secretaries.
E. R. Brown, Henry K. McCat, Thomas
, C. Sullivan, Robert M. Douglas and John
1 J. Jackson, Esq’rs. were appointed a Commit
' tee to draft a report and resolutions expressive
of the sense of the meeting, who reported the
following:
‘ Whereas, It is the right and duty of the people
I in primary assemblies, to give Ibtir opinions and ad
vice lo their respective public servants, and there is
now pending before Congress a momentous question,
arising out of our recently acquired Ternlory, in
connection with the institution ot Slavery, by which
r the integrity of the Union is threatened. And where
as, we view the dissolution of the Union and destruc
iion ol the Constitution ns the greatest political ca
lamity which man has ever beheld, and which every
patriot would contemplate witb unutterable dismay,
as the probable loss of the last refugo of liberty.
And whereas, we beiievo that this Union can be
saved arid secured by the same plan and upon the
sama principles by which it was called into exis-
is, by mutualtcomprodiise and\concesaJ
which ttlonelthas ican 'prwwerred ifralT thaJl
1 and majesty which it now exhibit!, and
t which commands the wonder and admiration of the
t world, and sheds far and wide, blessings such as
none but tongues divinely inspired could adequately
» portray. And whereas, there is now pending be
, fire Congress a laudable plan in consonance with
the above principles to settle the existing difficulties,
* and dispel the clouds of darkness which lower around
. the temple of our liberty; and there is much reason
to fear that through the violence of ultra Southern
r friends on the one hand, and vile unprincipled cMorth-
J ern aboliiionists on the other, that plan will be de
» seated, the inevitable consequence of which, will be
submission to more objectionable legislation upon
[ that subject, or a dissolution of the Union; where-
-by the object of our greatest pride and fondest
. hope on earth might fall to rise no more. Where
fore, we, a portion of the people of the county of
Sumter, with the same patriotic devotion which in
spired the Father of his Country in his Farewell
Address to declare, “that the people should regard
this Union as the palladium of liberty, indignantly
frowning upon the dawning of the first attempt to
1 alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or
. enfeeble the sacred ties which link together its va
rious parts.” Sentiments more precious than moun
tains of gold, do declare and
> Resolve, Ist. That the Hon. M. J. Wellborn be,
and he is hereby respectfully requested to vote for
the Compromise proposed in the Senate of the Uni-
1 ted States by the Committee of Thirteen, as we be-
> lieve that its adoption by Congress will restore peace
and harmony to the country, and be approved by a
1 large and overwhelming majority of the people of
i this District and of the State. 3d. That while we
do not object to the Missouri Compromise, we feel
constrained to regard its recommendation by the
* Nashville Convention, to be adopted in the present
| aspect of the question before Congretj**, as absurd and
without meaning—the Compromise now pending,
’ which that Convention oppose, yielding more to the
i South than the Missouri Compromise, which they
_ recommend.
The Report and Resolutions were then debated at
3 some length by Messrs. E. R. Brown, Win. H.
Crawford and i bomas C. Sullivan, in their favor,
( and by B. Byrd and N. Mcßain, in opposition, and
were finally adopted by the meeting with great una
j nimity, only two or three voices being heard against
. them.
This sounds well for Sumter, for the intel
ligence and conservatism of her citizens, and
* we feel assured from evidences received by
' us daily that an overwhelming majority of the
t people of Georgia will echo and re-echo the
e sentiment of her resolutions.
Augusta Law
r It affords us great pleasure to call tha at
, tention of all those who design to enter the le-
- gal profession, to the advertisement of Wm
* T. Gould. Esq-, announcing the reopening of
> his Law School, on Munday the Slat October
1 next.
The eminent success or his system of in
struction, being the same as that adopted by
1 his distinguished sire, at Litchfield, together
i with his own reputation as a sound lawyer,
' and his long practice at the bar in Georgia,
, unite to commend his School as equal if not
I superior, to any in the Southern States, and
’ certainly far superior for the Southern student
> to any School in the Northern States.
L —.irw-ismi; —•
Gibbon’s History or Rome, by Milman.
, vol. 3. Harper & Brothers. Having in a
> previona notice Commended this edition of this
I standard work, we need not repeat our appro
val on this occasion. Mr. Milman has ren-
f dered a most acceptable service to the public,
by his valuable notes, and has imparted a new
, interest to the work. For sale by T. Rich.
’ arcs & Son.
A Second Book nr Greek, by John Mc-
Clintock, D. D. Harper & Brothers.—This
work contains syntax, with reading lessons in
prose; prosody and the dialects, with reading
lessons in verse, and is designed as a comple
ment to the “First Book in Greek," by the
same author. T. Richards & Son.
Harpers’ New Monthly Magazine.—No.
2 for July i< a most capital number, fully sus
taining the character of its predecessor. Every
lover of Periodical Literature shou.d possess
himself of the work. For sale by T. Rich
ards & Son.
Pictorial Field Book or the Revolu
tion—Nos. 3 and 4, by B. J. Lossing, are very
interesting numbers of this beautifully illustra
ted work. It may be had of T. Richards <fc
Son.
The Life and Correspondence or Ro
bert Southey, No. 4, is also on our table.
T. Richards & Son.
The Green Hand: A Short Yarn—No.
I—Harper & Brothers—lsa work of fiction
which the lover of romance must take upon
the faith of the publishers, and spin the yarn
accordingly; for we have not been able even
to give it a hasty glance.
The same may be said ofI.KTTicE Arnold,
a Novel, by the author of “ The Wilming
tons,” &c. &c. They are both for sale by T.
Richards & Son.
Atlanta Steam Flouring Mill.—This es
tablishment, says the Atlanta Intelligencer of the
26th inst., will be in readiness to commence
operations in a few days. We noticed the en
gine and part of the mill machinery in motion
on Saturday last. The engine is one of the
finest specimens of mechanical skill and in
genuity we have ever seen. A striking pecu
liarity about it, and one rendering it well adapt
ed to milling purposes, is the introduction ofa
ponderous cast iron balance wheel, sixteen feet
in diameter, and weighing about fourteen tons,
for the purpose of imparting a greater unifor
mity to the motion of the machinery than can
be obtained from the engines in common use.
We think the Atlanta Steam Mill will be able
to turn out as fine a quality of Hour as can be
obtained from any other mill in the country
either North or South.
A report was carrent at Kingston, Jam., on
the 15th instant, that the Germans were
about establishing a line of steamers between
Hamburg and Chagres, via St. Thomas and
Kingston. It is said that they propose pur
chasing the American steamers Herman and
Washington.
Health or Nashville.—The Whig of the
29th inat says : “The Cholera, we are happy
to announce, has entirety left Nashville. The
city is quite as healthy :|s usual at this season
of the year—as healthy as any town or city in
the West, according tn population. We con
gratulate our fellow-citizens and the public,
upon the disappearance of the pestilence, and
the consequent revival of business.”
Editorial Chanoz.—B. Garbner Prix
ole has retired from the proprietorship and
editorial chair of the Charles ton Evening News,
and is succeeded by Judge Bksj. F. Porter,
whom we cordially welcome to the fraternity
Ex-Governor William Aik en is announced
as a candidate to represent the Charleston
Congressional District. Hon. I. E. Holmes,
the present Representative, is also a candidate
for re-election.
The 111-Fated Shit Charles Bartlett.
—The owners of the Charles Bartlett have
recovered damages from the Royal Mail
Steamship Company for the lose of their ves
sel, which was run flown at sea last year by
the steamer Europa.
Claims os Portooax. —A telegraphic com
munication from Wa sbington says that de
spatches have been rec fired from Hon. James
B. Clat, stating that our claims upon Portu
gal will be paid, ine Jading lbs Armstrong
claim.
Godet’s Ladt's Bo< ib. —The August num
ber is quite in charset- »r. neat, beautiful and
entertaining, Geo. A Oates & Co. are the
Agents.
SOUTHERN AGRICULTURAL ASSO
CIATION.
Ma. Editor. -I must ask the use of your columns,
to make one or two explanations as to the circular
■ announcing the Fair at Atlanta.
Col. Billups has been compelled to withdraw his
acceptance of the appointment of Annual Orator, on
account of imperious engagements, not foreseen at
the time of acceptance, and conflicting with it.
It was not intended, as some have construed the
language of the circular, to limit the time within
: which articles shall be received for exhibition.
Though desirable to have them on the ground as early
as Saturday, the 10th August, they will be recived
as late as Monday night, of the 13th. Those per
sons sending in articles first, will receive the first at
tention of the committee. Every article in each de
partment will be numbered, and its number will be
regulated by the time of its reception—or in other
words, oy the number of articles which have been
entered before it— and of course the first on the list
will be first examined, and consequently more accu
rately examined and elaborately reported on.
The owners of the stock will be allowed great in
dulgence in conforming to this requisition, on account
of the greater trouble and expense in their manage
ment. Stock ought if possible, to be ready for the
committees by Tuesday morning, and to be so. ought
to arrive Monday morning. Let every one come
with whatever they have, as early as they can, re
membering that thereby they will receive better
quarters and better attention from the committees.
After making the terms of the circular in relation
to premiums as general and comprehensive as my
language would allow—several letters have been
received, inquiring if premiums would be awarded
to articles threin named. In reply to such inquiries,
I repeat that every article, every variety ot thing
ever shown at a Fair, of whatever kind, whether
agricultural, horticultural, mechanical or charitable
exhibition, will receive attention and a premium too
if it has merit.
Some correspondents complain that the requisition
cf written illustrative statements to accompany every
article, will amount to a prohibition of their entering
the Fair with their articles. Where, from want of
education or other sufficient reason, to be adjudged
by the committees of the respective departments, the
written account is not given, the premium will be
awarded, or rather the merits of the article unac
companied by such statement, will be considered and
determined upon, without reference to the statement.
But individuals competing for premiums are still re
minded that so important do the committee consider
these statements as a means of collecting in for malic ■
for publication, that a very sufficient reason will in
all cases be required for a depanure from tbe rule.
David W. Lewis, Secretary.
Spar la, July 22, 1850
Necessary Consequence.—We learn from
* ffje .Journal Sf Messenger, that the price of rents
and real estate in Macon has attained such a
height, that a number of citizeus have purchas
ed forty acres of land, on the Columbus road,
near the corporate limits, which they are about
to survey and sell out in lots. That paper
remarks:
“The location is an eligible one, and we have no
doubt that the purchasers will benefit both them
selves and the public by the enterprise. Property
within the city limits proper, has advanced to a rate
which must be perfectly ruinous to purchasers. If
the lots in question, therefore, are offered at moderate
prices, we hive no doubt that they will be eagerly
sought after by hundreds, who would not venture to
purchase property at the prices now demanded with
in the city.”
The demand of exorbitant rates will cor
rect itself every where in the same way, as
certainly as like causes produce like effects.
Bella, Horrid a Bella !
We find the following toast and response,
says the Journal Messenger, in an official re
port of the celebration on the 4th inst., at Ro
bertville, South Carolina, which we publish t<>
let our Georgia readers know that it is time for
t hem to begin “to mould their bullets and cast
their cannon”—that is, if they recognize the
authority of the “Scion” to speak for them:
“ Col. Winburn J. Lawton—a scion of South Caro
lina, transplanted on tho Georgia side of the Savan
nah—may all of South Carolina’s sons flourish as
luxuriantly as himself.
“ Col. Lawion’s reply bore the impress of a mind
directed to the consideration of public matters, and
evinced feelings well worthy of a Southerner at this
eventful time —pledging the State of his adoption to
fight up to 36 30.”
Who authorized “the scion” to give this
pledge, we are not informed. Perhaps it was
not given until near the close of the festivities,
and after the glass had circulated freely. This
I may account lor his ’* assumacy.” Will it be
believed that this “ scion of South Carolina ”
( voted against the Missouri Compromise line,
; in the last Legislature of Georgia? Yet such
ij the fact. Further comment is unnecessary.
Mr. Clay’s Speech.—The.National Intelli
. gencer of Tuesday, says:
“ The great debate in the Senate on the prominent
question of the day (concerning the new Territories,
dec.) was continued yesterday by Mr. Clay, with
’ untired energy, in a Speech characterized by an abil-
ity and vigor not excelled by those of bis younger
days, when lie was confessedly without a peer in the
lead ol the Republican (now Whig) party in Con
gress. It is a general observation, indeed, among
those of ua who have been forty years familiar with
bis oratory, that this veteran statesman has, in his
spec flies at the present s ssion of Congress, surpass
ed even bis ancient famous a jiowerful, impassioned,
and impressive debater.”
Tennessee.—At a largo and respectable
meeting, at Columbia, in Maury County, lately
held, without regard to party, a Committee,
consisting of leading Whigs and Democrats’
reuorted.reeolulions. infavorof the Senato
rial Compromise, which were unanimously
adopted.
R. 8. Trippe, Esq., of Forsyth, Ga., an
honorary member of the “Phi Delta Society"
of Mercer University, will deliver the Annual
Oration before the Literary Societies of that
institution at the commencement next week.
F. S. Bartow, Esq., has accepted the ap
pointment to deliver an Eulogy on General
Taylor, before the citizens of Savanndfa.
The New York Herald says that the recent
trip of the American mail steamer Atlantic was
made in a shorter time by eleven and a half
hours in the one case, and ten and half in
the other, than it was ever before made.
The Hon. Horace Mann was not drown
ed as reported by Telegraph.
“Whitaker’s Magazine: TAc Right! of
the South."— This is a new work, the first num
ber of which was issued the first of the present
month, devoted to politics, literature, science,
manufactures and the mechanic arts.
The editor, D. K. Whitaker is now in this
city for the purpose of obtaining subscribers.
The population of Massachusetts, according
to the recently compiled State Census, is set
down at 973,715. Agreeably to the new ap
portionment, the various cities and towns in
the State can send 209 representatives to th e
Legislature.
General Lo pea, of the Cuban expedition,
is now at Washington.
At Chicago, Illinois, the Board of Health re
port the whole number of deaths by Cholera
for the twenty days preceding the 17th at thirty
five.
Mr. Foote at Home.—The Natchez Cou
rier says : “About 260 names of citizens of
Mississippi, residing in and near the City of
Jaekson, were signed to the letter of Gen.
Foote sanctioning his patriotic course in the
Senate. Among the names were those of
many of his old democratic friends and asso
ciates. We think that 260 to 95, (the latter
being the number of signers to the call of the
meeting at the same place, approving the re
cent Nashville platform) is about he propor
tion, that those of the people of the Stale who
ar; favorable to the adjustment, bear to those
who declare for impracticable platforms with
disunion tendencies.”
Samuel J. Anderson, Esq., Chief Clerk of
the War Department, has bee appointed by
the President acting Secretary of War ad in
terim.
T.nte from Havanna.
The steamer Isabel arrived at Charleston
Thursday morning from Havana whence she
sailed on the 22nd inst. We subjoin the only
‘ items of interest which we find in the Charles
-1 ton papers :
The steamer Ohio arrived from New Or
leans on the 17th, and sailed for N. York, eve ,
ningofthe 19th inst. The Falcon arrived
from Chagres on the morning of the 18th, and
sailed for New Orleans morning of the 21st.
The Georgia arrived from New York on the
i 19ih, at 1 o.clock, P. M., and sailed for Cha
gres, at 4 o’clock P. M.. on the 20th.
The weather was pleasant at Havana, and
the city quite healthy.
There is very little Cholera in the city. The
weatheris very hot and rainy.
The Falcon from Chagres, brought fifty-six
passengers for New Orleans and New York,
and about >70,000 in gold dust, <fcc. of which
>30,000 was in the hands of passengers.
Markete.
Havana, July 22.—We beg reference to our
Report of 6th inst. Since then the demand for Su
gar has continued very steady, while the supplies
have been restricted, although great facilities exist
for bringing the article to market, and the state of
prices affords good inducement for doing so. These
tacts, together with the information received from
different parts of the country, render it certain that
only a small quantity ofSugar now remains. The
stock in the market is very much reduced, and it is
evident that the yield of the crop will be considera
bly less than was anticipated at the beginning of the
season. Prices have advanced still more and it is
likely that they will be upheld, as planters have
strong reasons for remaining firm. Besides the fact
of a much smaller quantity existiug for shipment,
the prospective wants of the United States, where it
1 is ascertained that the stock is fully 30,000 tons short
of last year, are an important feature, although that
country lias received from this port and Malanzas
alone, 60,000 boxes more than at same period in
1849. Then it is also interesting to observe the di
vision of the exports to other places. Jo the Baltic
about 50,000 boxes more have gone forward than
last year being composed of white Sugar. To France
there is an excess in the shipments from the -North
side of about the equivalent 0f40,000 boxes; and an
excess of nearly the same quantity has gone forward
to Italian porta, as compared with list year. In thus
analysing tbe exports, it will beioeadthal the other
markets of the Nos th Sea and those of Great Britain
taken collectively, have received much teas of oar
Sagar than luc year, and they are likely to find ac
tive competition, from those of tbe United Suus in
regard to tbe small quantity yet left for shipment,
which divided among the variousconsuming markets
abroad will be comparatively trifling andef ua im
portune. At this moment lire shipments es Sagar to
the United Slates are suspended a« there are no rel
se Is in port that can bo employed for thalobjeet.
These foots, of which planters are generally well
informed, are likely to encourage them in maintain
ing a firm attitude. There i. yet another considera
tion of a melancholy nature, th. tendency of which
is the same. Much anxiety is ielt and a great de
gree of uncertainty exists in regard to the progress
of the Cholera in the interior of the Island, and ox to
its probable effects upon llie noxt antl ">t»eque«£"
crops. Tide disoa.e lias not yet become general, but -
continues to spread in various direction., and its ra
vages in many case, have been appalling. On seve
ral estates the destruction of life among the negroes
amounts to 25 and 30 per cent, and in some cases
even 40 and 50 per cent, of the whole number, and
the most efficient are generally the victims. s “ ou ] d
tbe disease diffuse itself throughout the Island, the
loss of life among the slave operatives would in thia
ratio probably not be short of 100 to 125,000. Even
at the present average rate of mortality on the es- i
tates the estimates as to the ultimate destruction of
life among the negroes, in the event of the Epidemic
becoming general throughout the interior, are not
less than 70 or 60,000. The period of the year is
unfortunately, not favorable for checking tbe malady.
The laborers carried off are an irreparable loss, be
cause there is no source available at present from
which they can be replaced.
Tbe loss falls heavily on tbe production of Sugar,
because that branch Las already absorbed the avail
able laborers previously employed in the culture of
Coffee, tbe yield of which article has been insignifi
cant for several years. It appears therefore inevita
ble that the Sugar crop of next season will be seri
ously cuitailed in quantity, from the want of labor*
era, and this lamentable fact must make itself felt
before long.
We place our present quotations as follows:
Whites 9| alO rials; fine and choice Whites 10J a
11 rials; Yellows, 5{ a 7 rials; superior Yellows,
7$ a7f rials; Browns, 5f a rials ; Oucuruchos, 5
a 5f ‘rials.
There are no Muscovados for sale here, and the
markets on the coast and on the south side are com
paratively exhausted.
The last sales of Molasses was at 2 rials, but there
Is very little doing, owing to the scarcity of vessels.
The business in Coffee is extremely insignificant.
Tribute to Gen. Taylor*
A respectable portion of the citizens of Villa
Rica, Ga., assembled at the Methodist Church,
on die 20th inst., to pay tbe last tribute of re
spect to the late President Taylor, deceased.
The meeting was organized by calling Rev. N.
G. Slaughter to the Chair, and J. M. How- j
ell to act as Secretary. Dr. D. B. Palmer
was called on to explain the object of the Meet
ing which he did by making some strong pre
fatory remarks, and then introduced the Allow
ing Preamble and Resolutions, which were
'ffnantmously passed :
Whereas, Gon. Zachary Taylor, President of the
United Sates of America, has been removed from this *
to another state of existence; and whereas, it is a
dispensation of Providence, necessary in our opinion
• to give us warning of the uncertainty of life in the
midst of health ; and whereas, it is the second dis
pensation of Providence, in the removal of the first
officer of the Government, in the exercise of the
, functions of that office, and the first during the session
of Congress, and being, as we have no doubt, best
for us as it is, in the inscrutability of divine good-
} ness, Be it therefore
! 1. Resolved, That we mourn the loss of our Pre-
sident, and grieve that the Nation generally has to
mourn for the loss of its first officer. That we re
gret it particularly at this crisis, when oar national
' affairs are in great perplexity, and when the people
were looking to that source for a happy settlement of
tbe vexed question of the day, believing as 4re < o
that Gen. Taylor was possessed of the firmness of
I Cato, and the honesty of Cincinnatus. We particu
larly regret his great loss at this time, and view it as
a great bereavement to our Nation to be deprived of
his services just now.
2. Resolved, That we view it right to pay a pass
, ing tribute of respect to bis great military services,
viz: His unconquerable spirit in time of action, his
acute management of a battle, and his great skill as
a taetitian.
» 3. Resolved, That we viewed him as an admirable
member of society, as an ardent friend of the various
philanthropic societies of the day, and a well-wisher
to the Christian religion.
j 4. Resolved, That we viewed him as a sound politi
cian, an ardent patriot, and well-wisher of his coun
! try.
5. Resolved, Had behave lived, we have no doubt
. but the affairs of the Nation would have been safe in
3 his hands, the country abundant reason to be thank
ful, and we happy as a people. But as it is, we hope
1 and trust that all things will work out for the best.
1 6. Resolved, That we select some |>ersun to de-
s liver a Eulogy on Gen. Taylor at some future day,
o the time and person to be designated by tbe meeting.
7. Resolved, That our proceedings be published in
3 the Chronicle & Sentinel, and lhat the Constitution
alist, the Southern Recorder and Federal Union, be
s requested to copy, an I all other papers friendly to
i f the same.
3 After which the Rev. N. G. Slaughter was
appointed to deliver the Eulogy on Gen. Tay
lor, on the 10th of August next, at 11 o’clock,
A.M.
i, After the foregoing proceedings were ac
k coiDDlished. the meeting adjourned sins die,
N. G. SLAUGHTER, Chairman.
J. M. Howell, Secretary.
Tribute to Gen. Taylor.
According to previous notice, there was a
1 meeting held at the Court House, in Warren,
l! ton on Monday, the 22nd of July, for the pur
pose of expressing their condolence at the
death of General Taylor, President of the
United States.
Ou motion of G. Putnam, Esq., the Hou.
M. H. Wellborn was called to the Chair, and
C. H. Lightfoot, Esq. requested to act as Se
cretary. At the request of the Chair, the ob
ject of the meeting was briefly stated, by E.
H. Pottle, Esq. C. H. Lightfoot moved the
adoption of the following resolution:
Resolved, That a Committee of fire be eppunWeJ
by the Chairman, lo draft suitable resolutions appro
priate lo the occasion. _ .. ' -:'
Which resolution was adopted, whereupon
the following Committee was appointed: C.
A. Lightfoot, W. D. Cody, E. H. Pottle,
T. P. F. Threewitsand William Gibson, Esqrs.
After the appointment of said Committee, the
meeting was adjourned until to-morrow morn
ing at 10 o'clock.
Tuesday, July 28.
The meeting was called to order at the ap
pointed hour by the Chairman, and E. Codv,
by vote of the meeting was requested to act
as Secretary. The minutes of yesterday were ,
read and approved. The report of Committee J
appointed on yesterday, was ordered, which Ji
report, after being prefaced by a few
by £. H. Pottle, Esq., and seconded by James'-
F. Wright, Esq., in a speech both appropriate ,
and pleasing, was adopted unanimously, to
wit:
An inscrutable Providence has called General
Zachary Taylor, the Prevident of the United Slates,
from the responsibilities of his exalted station, to the
Grave. A great man has fallen I the hero of many
battles, who never surrendered, has at last been
taken captive, and now lies low in the dark prison
bouse of the tomb : and as it is right and proper to
mingle our sorrows with those of the Nation, whose
heart bleeds at this sudden and afflictive bereave
ment, and as his brilliant services in the different
stations which be has filled to the gratification of bis
countrymen, entitle him to their lasting regard, and
are enough to embalm bis memory in the haar.sof
his admiring country. Therefore, to exhibit eotr?
mark of respect for his memory, gratitude for hie
services and grief at his departure, be it
Revolved, That we view the death of Genera,
Taylor as a National calamity, and in the bitter’nbss
of our grief, we bow, with one accord with the
Nation, who now-mourns the departure of our depart
ed Chief Magistrate, to tbe dispensation of that God,
wbo “doetli his will in the armies of Heaven, and
among the inhabitants of earth.”
Resolved, That we deem it expedient and proper
to make some public manifestation of our respect lor
the departed President, and that some person be se
lected by the citizens here convoked, to deliver an
Eulogy upon tbe life and character of the lamented
dead, at such time and place aa shall be deemed fit
and proper.
The Hon. W. D. Cody offered the following
resolution, which wax unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That Edward H. Pottle, Esq., be chos
en by acclamation, to deliver the Eulogy upon the
life and character of our deceased President, on tbe
second Monday in August next.
In conformity with the second resolution the
appointment was accepted, upon the passage
of the resolution; it was then or motion resolv
ed that a committee of ten be appointed by the
f Chair to make suitable arrangements for the
occasion, which consists of Jesse M. Roberts,
’ T. P F. Threewits, G. O. Neal, W. W. An
derson, Jesse M. Jones, Wtn. Gibson, J. M.
’ Wellborn, W. D. Cody, G. Putnam, R. W.
Hubert and Augustus Read: the Chairman on
motion was added to the Committee,
’ Ou motion it was resolved that the proceed
’ ings of this meeting be signed by tbe Cbair
-1 man and Secretary, and forwarded to the Au
gusta papers for publication.
f The meeting then adjourned without day.
M. 11. Wealborn, Ch’r.
Planter’s Club of Hancock. j|
Stabta, 26th July, 1860. jK
At a called meeting of tbe Planter’s Club of
’ cock, the President, Thomas M. Tbrnbb, in the
' Chair, and David W. Lewis, Secretary, pro tern
- Tbe following members were appointed Delegates to
the State Fair, to wit;
Thomas M. Turner, R. S. Hardwick, S. A. Par
dee, Wm. D. Wynn, i. P. Sykes, D. W. Lewis, R.
> M. Johnston, B. T. Harris, R. P. Sassnett, Thoe. C.
Grimes, A. J. Lane, T. J. Smith, B. R. Gardner,
I E. P. Cothern, L. 8. Stewart W. A. Cook, A. M.
Berry, and G. T. Ogelsby.
Il was farther revolved, that B. T. Harris, R. S.
Hardwick and D. W. Lewis, be requested to pre
pare an Agricultural Memoir of the County in behalf
of the Delegation.
THOS. M. TURNER, President.
D. W. Lewis, Sec y, pro tem.
Railroad Accident.—The Marietta Heli
con, of tbe 26th inst., says: “ The cars of tbe
down train, on the State Road, were thrown
off the track on Wednesday last, about half a
mile beyond Altoona, and very much injured.
The engine has probably sustained eonsidera
ble damage, being thrown, aa we understand,
down the bank with the cars. None of the
passengers were much injured—a few slight
bruises and one or two skinned noses, making
up the total of their ‘ sufferings.’ ”
The last company of California emigrants
for the present season passed Council Bluffs
on tbe 18th June, bringing up the rear of
nearly 4,000 wagons, 10,000 or 12,000 persons,
aud about 20,000 bead of horses and cattle, and
making the emigration six times as great aa
that of last year.
Health of Nashville.—The Whig of the
251 h inst. says:
Business is fast resuming its wonted activity, and
tbe countenances of cur citizens beam with cheerful
new and animation, indicative of the general return of
health and conscious safely. Nashville is now as .
healthy as any city of its size, in any section of the /
country, usually is at this season of the year. The ’
number of burials from cholera, on Tuesday, was re
duced to one. We sincerely trust we may be ena
bled very soon to announce tbit it has entirely eousd.
We bars heard of no new cases iu the city proper for
several days.
The mammoth steamer Lexington has just
been finished at Louisrille, Ky. She is 225
feet long, 30 feet beam and 6 feet hold, and
when loaded will only draw 26 inches water.