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~ JL I h/fi kA wl x O B, ♦ g 11 ■'s) n'MI f# JrL a pJ x % afX r< Mi LA H H c i --1 ki r| 1 I *j M h\ r aW/ww MxF «< tel ■■ 1 M Bf mi rlk\ fei tr 3r i » bl w-l Hl 1 HH a > M H for iWz aZHBb Hr fel S R fl H M r iaZiaß/Bk/P fy bvlk/JM. iL/ IIL/11l iBL/M. S< r rt /bl BY WILLIAM S. JONES. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL la Published evory Wednesday, AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM IX ADVANCE. TO CLU “ S or INDIVIDUALS sending us Ten Dollsrs, SIX copies of the Paper will be sent for one yeer, thus furnishing the Paper at the rate of SIX COPIES FOR TEN DOLLARS. or a free copy to all who way procure us five sub scribers, and forward us the money. i'HB CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL DAILY AND THi-WKEKt.r, Ate also published at this office, and mailed to sub aoribers at the following rates, viz.: Darzr Paean, if sent by mail- •• **7 per annum. Tki-Weswi,t Paran 4 “ •* TERMS OF ADVERTISING. In Wanner.—Seventy-five cents per square {l2 tires or less) for the first insertion, and Fifty cents or each subsequent insertion. SAMUEL WRIDHT, WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION MERCHANT. oh Btelntosh Sheet, Augusta, G*., within • few ttoort of the Telegraph Ojfiee, .*“A and psL..» g.ucrany, lor the very •* liberal patronage heretofore bestowed, and earnestly solicits a continuance of the same, and trusts, by uu remitlir g attention to business, to receive a liberal share of public favor. All orders for goods or family supplies promptly executed at lowest market rates. Mark yonr Cotton to S. W. jy3o-w “BUFORD, BEALL <fc CO., GROCERY AND WARE-HOUSE MERCHANTS, August* Georgia, gr™ THE UJiDERSIGNED ten. 4g=Fl dor their thaoks to their friends and Jfc|jEg£s the public generally, lor the pat rouage so liberally extended to the late firms of Spears A Buford and Spears, Beall & Co , and respectfully inform them that they continue business in both branches (Ware-house and Grocery) as heretofore done by the late firms, and at the same well known stands. Our stocks of Groceries are fresh and well selected, and every exertion shall be used to pro mote the interest of our friends, both in the sale of their Cotton and in filling their orders. Liberal cash advances made on Cotton and other produce in store when required. ALL COTTON consigned by Railroad or other wise will be sold msß or commission. W. H. BUFORD, W. M. BEALL, J. W. L. STOVALL. Augusta, July Ist, 1850. jy 17-w6m M. P. STOVALL, WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, CONTINUES the business, in all its branches, at bis c!d R' <s> J ■HHI stand (Fire- Proof Warehouse,) corner of Washington and Reynold streets. He hopes, by strict attention to business, to merit a con tinuance of the liberal patronage heretofore extended to him. Orders for FAMILY SUPPLIES, BAGGING, &c.. promptly and carefully filled, at the lowest market prices. ICT Liberal ADVANCES made on produce in store. jy23-twAwtf DISSOLUTION. THE FIRM of Dyb, Heard A Co., will be dissolved by mutual consent on the first day of September next, by the withdrawal of M. M. Dye, from the concern. AH business remaining unsettled nt that time, will be closed by Dyb & Hoard, and the name of the old firm used only in liquidation of its business. M. M. DYE, S. D. HEARD, J. M. DYE. WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. THE UNDERSIGNED will continue the WAREHOUSE and COMMISSION BUSI- NESS, in all its branches, on their own account, at the Old Stand of Dyi, Heard & Co., on Mclntosh Street, where they solicit a continuance of the pa tronage of the friends of the old concern, and a fair portion of the business of lhe community generally. *lheir Warehouse is Fire proof, and from its favor able location, being entirely surrounded by fire proof buildings; is as free from thu dangers of fire, as any house in the City. Their personal attention will be exclusively devo ted to the business, and no efforts spared on (heir part to promote the interest of their patrons. Liberal advances made on Cottou and other pro duce in Store when required. filled promptly, andatiowest market prices. JAMES M. DYE, STEPHEN D. HEARD. Augusta, July 20,1850. AS I SHALL withdraw from the firm of Dye, Hbabd A Co., on the first day of September next, 1 respectfully recommend to my friends and farmer patrons, the new firm of Dyb A Heard, and trust that lhe liberal patronage heretofore extended, will be continued to them. M. M. DY E. Augusta, July 20, 1850. WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. UNDERSIGNED. E. L HHB D. ROBERTSON and J. R. L CROCKER, (of the late firm of Dawson A Crocker,) j beg leave tu inlWm their friends, ami the public f generally, iHr l they have entered into a Copartner ahio to take place the Ist of September next for the purpose of carrying on the WAREHOUSE and COMMISSION BUSINESS, in all its branches, and have taken lhe large, commodious and fire-proof BRICK WARBHOUSE (lately occupied by Haw ion A Crocker) on Reynold, East of Mclntoeh-street, and Lol next WeJtoftbe Episcopal Church, where one or both can -rail times, be found, ready to at tend to customers and friends. They will be prepared to receive Consignments npon the usual terms, and transact all business ap pertaining to their line; and respectfully solicit the favor? oflhoee disposed to extend them llieir custom, and at the same lime assuring all who do so, that (hey will spare no eiforta or exertions to promote the interest and wishee of their patrons, tu the fullest ex tent. t» Liberal Cash Advances npon Produce in Store J or in transitu, will be made wheuerer desired, and \ upon the must accommodating terms. All ertiera from their Irienda, lor Bagiting, Rope, Qmaiei, Dry Gouda, tSc., Ao., will ba attended u -wriUa promptness, and filled at the lowest market pr'ieea. They will also receive and firward Goode, Produce, 4e., shipped and couigned beyond thia They beg Icare to return their most sincere thanks to the friends and customers ol the let. concerns ot E. D. Robertson and Dawson <St Crocker, for the liberal share of patronage heretofore extended to those hou-ea, and solicit a continuance of it, and pledge tbemeelvea to merit it by their unremitting * od e, T“ J. R. CROCKER, Augusta, Georgia, July 1, 1850. PITRE VBOKRSI6SED, intending to retire I from the firm of Dawiox A Caocaae, ontheo first of September next, begs lease to recommend to hie own and lhe firm’s friends, and the public, the new firm of Ro.aiTSON & Cbookm, announced shore, and solicits for it a continuance of the liberal iMtronace heretofore bestowed upon the firm ol D.4C Jy3 J. C. DAWSON. FLEM ING, WHITLOCK &CO WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. Aaxatla, Georgia. " M w— WM WW W w ww •' • ' Ww - THE VMDERMONKD.irvVft J thankful lor the very liberal pa- JSMMt tronage of tho peat season, again L— - •■» tender their aerrkea to their friend* in Georgia and South Carolina, in th* sale of COTTON AND OTHER PRODUCE, at their Brick llurttouse, centrally situated on Campbell, near Brand street. I~srAdraneeJ made on Colton and other produce. FLEMING, WHITLOCK A CO. P. Plum inn. !• W. Wurruoca. J.M. Hann. __*L R. S. HARDWICK & COOKE, FACTORS AND COMMISSION MER CHANTS, ItraaMh Grarji*. ■W-—if THE UNDERSIGNED hare associated (heniselvcs, un der the above Myl*, in the boat neaa above specified. Mr. Habdwick is a Planter ot Hancock county, and, of course, identified in feel ing and interest with his brother Planters. Mr. Coons is a eitisen of Savannah, and thoroughly ac quainted withall tbs branches of the COMMISSION .BUSINESS. W • are prepared to make liberal advance* on pro duce in store, and will fill orders lor Plantation and family Suppl tea with scrupulous ca re. II« are maritally bound not to speculate in CM tm or any otter article of Mtrcharuiixt. We respectfully solicit patronage and pledge our selves to deserve it by faithful attention to the buw ress eutrueted to us. R. S. HARDWICK. jyß-wtf _ J. £. G. COOK ADAMS, HOPKINS A CO., WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS. AUGUSTA GA. ■w V WE WOULD respecifaUy nouace to our friend* and the pub-Kfeasxs. lie. that are still continue ; hr™ - “ WAREHOUSE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS at aurUd stand, eocmv of Campbell and Reynold atreefs, in the etty es Augusta. We have aho eattbtished a Commission House m Savannah, under the etv le of F. T. WILLISA CO., and can therefore (Il desired) give oar planting trtenda thesdvaotage of both markets. The Savan nah hottse Will be under the supenMendenee al Dr. WIHX All fomaeas entrusted to our care will have atten ttsn. t'rderafrvm our friends for goods will be » executed. Ln <1 adv m-ea mad, on produce in More. Our •baryes will conform to those as .Sher bouses. ADAMS. HOPKINS A CO, Augusta, F. T. WILLIS * CO., Savannah, Ga. H LOST OR MISLAID. ABOUT lb. 20fo M July, the flawing NOTES : °*e » William Culhraath for MO, due let es W Um; eneon Wllham Toole, for »100, du* S< James Culbraath, for . M,w ‘‘ W«T, • «**>' sf ettbev SW ar -James Culbreatk, Sr., as seeuruy an it. AU ■ rM'tNsnau agamM trading fa* anad Nstae, and the “**•” “ “id um*« ar* hereby notified net to pay them io nay on*. J aul-w2. JAMES L HEGGIE 20.000 BOSBBLB prims sun dried WHEAT WANTED I?®* »> » »• l«d « R«a. Bf aad Ol.ad fa* White, ia caah. at WINTERS MILLS. ’ i»i». CsUmbtm.Ga., Junaajdid. ytJfrwlV THREEWITS AND DAWSOJf, GROCERY MERCHANTS * Second doer below Adams Jr Fargo's, Broad-st Augusta, Georgia, [ WILL OPEN, on tho first tiMdS <d September next, at the above ««»M» stand, an entire New Slock of 1 GROCERIES, to which they invite the attention < > the public. THOS. P. P. THREEWITS, of Warrenton. J. C. DAWSON, formerly Dawson & Crocker jy3i HARDIN <fc RAMEY GROCERY MERCHANTS Augusta, Gao, TAKE PLEASURE in an nouncing to their friends and the faafaf wUilfti public generally, that they con ♦iuue business at their former stand, opposite Messrs Adams & Fargo, and three uoors below J. & S. Bones & Co., where they are now receiving from the Northern citfea, daily additions to their presen! stock, comprisii.g Groceries, Bagging, Rope, Twines Salt, Iron, Sugar, Coffee, Teas, Dry Goods, Shoes Hats, Cape, Blankets, Hardware, Blacksmiths’ Tools, Leather, Oils, &c. AU of which they are determined to sell as low as any housa in this city. We have also made arrangements with a Fire Proof Brick Warehouse, to store all COTTON and other Produce that may be consigned to us, which we will sell free of commission, and no pains will be spared tc give general satisfaction. Liberal advances made on Cotton and other Produse in store if required. We will also be assisted in our business by a gen tleman who is an old and experienced Cotton sales man, and we will guarantee to return as good sales as any Warehouseman in the city. We hone from our axperier»t<» ia ' ■ •---••- Yourorders respectfully solicited and filled promptly. THOMAS W. HARDIN,* jyl7-w3m JOHN D. RAMEY. FRENCH &. BUTLER. WHOLESALE AND RETAIL GRO CERY MERCHANTS. AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WILL OPEN, on lhe first of September next, in tbeir New Store, on the South side of | Broad-st., a large and complete stock of GOODS, to which they invite the attention cf their friends. H. L. FRENCH, of Oglethorpe, jy!6 D. E. BUTLER, of Wilkes. HOWARD & GARDINER, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL GRO CERY MERCHANTS, Broad st , Augusta, Go., 3d door below Phtnizy Xf Clayton's Warehouse, and nearly opposite Z. McCord 8c Co.'s Store, a WHERE they will keep eon- stautly on band a large and well fegtul selected stock of GROCERIES, fISBBi consisting, in Dart, of Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Ba con, Salt, Iron, Bagging, Rope, Twino, Segars, Liquors, Ac., Ac., Ac, all of which they will sell as low, and an as good terms as any house in this City. Ail Cotton consigned to them, either by Wagon, Railroad, or Boat, will be stored in a Fire-proof Warehouse; and they flatter themeelves that their long experience in Cotton transactions, will enable I them to give general satisfaction to their friends. A r o I commission charged for selling Cotton. W. H HOWARD, Jy3o-3mJAS. T. FINE NEW TEAS, AT NEW YORK PRICES. THE UNDERSIGNED, having made arrangements with the New York (■■QBiPekin Tea Company for the sale of their Teas tn this city, weuld invite the attention of coun try dealers and families to their stock of FRESH GREEN AND BLACK TEAS, embracing every variety, which are put up iu half and one pound packages, and said at the same prices that the Com pany charge for them. In every case where these Teas do not give satisfaction, the money will be re funded. From the N. Y. Merchants’ Day Book. Tub Pekin Tea Company. —We have given a sample es the Tea furnished by this Company a tho- ; , ■ -- - [ rough trial, and can pronounce it first chop. We | have heard much of the dealings of this Company, [* and never a word but good. We do honestly be hove that by trading with them, you may be sure of getting exactly what you order, and at a fair price. The adulterations practised in the Tea trade are in credible, and lhe establishment of a company, to deal justly and fairly with the community in the sale of this commodity, ought to be regarded as a public blessing. HAVILAND, RISLEY A CO., jy3l Agents for Augusta. Savanna!) 2ll>vertiscnunta. P. H. Benn. | John Foster. REHN A FOSTER, FACTORSAND COMMISSION MER CHANTS, Jy9-w6mßay Street, Savannah, Georgia. NOTICE. THE SUBSC RISER having withdrawn from the firms of Allen, Ejß CO. ~ aT ‘M 3c wnr coniinue IKe FAC TORAGE and GENERAL COMMISSION BUSI NESS in this City, on his own account, and respect fully tenders his services to his friends and the plant ers general!?. Strict personal attention will be given to the sale of Colton and all other produce, and to the purchase of Bagging, Rope, and all plantation supplies. bS a ’ JOHN V. TARVER. Savannah, July 1, 1850. jyl4-w6m NtroUork 3i»erti«ement IRON, NAILS, &C. S ALTUS A CO., 32 Soutb-st., New York, offer for sale in lots to suit purchasers, and at • low prices— -1 Swedes, English and Peru IRON, ol all sizes; Broad IRON, from 5 to 12 inches; Cm NAILS and SPIKES. Also, Band and Hoop Iron; Nail Rods; Boiler and Sheet Iron; Plough Molds; Horse-shoe Iron; j. Blistered Steel; Rivets, Ac. jel9-lawly JOHN E. EARLE. ’ IMPORTER AND JOBBER of Foreign ’ 1 and Domestic DRY GOODS, 99 William-st., New York. Orders for any description of GOODS executed ala small commission on original cost. ' For terms, ability, and laithfulness, refers to the fol lowing Merchants in Augusta, Geo., viz: ' Jho. C. Cabmich as I, Jno. P. Sktzb, Chess * Hickman, and Alexander & W sight. 1 jylO sw3m NOTICE OF DISSOLUTION THE COPARTNERSHIP heretofore ex isting under the firm of GREEN WAYS A is Illis day dissolved by mutual consent. The affairs of the firm will be settled by Edward M. Greenway, Win. W. T. Greenway and John H. Greenway, who alone are empowered to use the partnership name in liquidation. All debts due to, and accounts against the late firm, will be received at No. 45 Broadway. EDW. M.GRF.ENWAV ' WM W T. GREENWAY, JOHN HENRY GREENWAY, CHARLES C. HUDSON, j Now York, June 15, 1850. t NOTIC E -The suoscribere have this day formee -a eo-partm iship lor the transaction of an Importing Jobbing end C numission business, under the naim and style of liRSESwxY, Bbothek & Co., and wil continue their business at No. 45 Broadway. EDW. M. GREENWAY, e WM, W T. GREENWAY, ° JOHN HENRY GREENWAY, ° FRANCES HARRAL. * New York, June 15, H. Bvcuaxkoh, | Jo.W.Cae.oll, | J. Hoy BUCHANNON, CARROLL & CO. COMMISSION MERCHANTS, J 2Vo. 85, Oraticr Street, New Ol leant. jy Orders for Western Produce promptly fillet at the lowest Cash price. jy2B-6m FOR SALE AT ONE-THIRD OF ITS ORIGINAL cost, a first rale Breast or Pilch-back W ATER WHEEL. Il has only been run about two and a b»U years, and is calculated, with a ten foot head and fiK to drive a factory oi 2,000 spindles and 40 looms, (t was built by a first rate workman, and is ao ar ranged that ii can all be taken to pieces without in. jury. It is furnished with a Segment and Whe el Pinion, for driving an upright shaft. For furh particulars, inquire of the subscriber, at Newton F«e tory, Ga. JOHN WEBB.e- •24 wlatalf Agricultural Fair at Atlanta, august i*. i», and is. tNXTRA TRAINS wilt run as follewa : U Leave Augusta at 7 o’clock, p. in. Tuesday, August 13. Ijeave Union Point at 1J o’clock, a. m. W ednes day, Augual 14. Leave Stone Mountain at 7f o’clock, a. tn. W edues day, Augual 14. THURSDAY, AUGUST 15. Leave Union Point at 2 o’clock, a. nt. Leave Slone Mountain at 7| o’clock, a. m. RETURNING. ■ Leave Atlanta far I nion Point at 5 o'clock, p. m„ Wednesday. August 14. Leave Atlanta for Augusta at 4 o’clock, p. ui., Thursday, August 15. Leave Atlanta for Covington at 6 o'clock, p. m„ Thursday, August 15. Rates of Fare by these Trains, provided Tickets [ be obtained from the Pepot Agents— Two cents Mr mile. No reduction will be made on the regular P*»- Ssengcr Trains running during the Fair ; but visitors will be allowed to return by them at the reduced rate* far 16 days subsequently, via : from August 16 ; to August 31. N. B. An Extra Train will be run for the transpor tatioa of Stock for exhibition ou the night ot the 12th lost., leaving Augusta at 5 o’clock, p. m. 1 F. C. ARMS. Superintendent Transportation. ’ Transportation Often, Georgia Railroad and Bank ing Company, Augusta, August 5, ISSO. aufi SIGN PAINTING. THE SUBSCRIBER is having jZ-rJS some very good SIGN BOARDS made at Mr. Gwdrich’s Steam Works, which he would respectfolly solicit orders to finish in tine «yl* lor the Merchants ot Augusta. The Merchants of Hamburg are re*peelful!v re minded that my shop and residence being tar up town need be no inconvenience, a* 1 am so frequent ly among them finishing and pulling np my work, that they can give mo their orders without leaving th*ir doof*. Travelling Trank* and Umbrella* insured at th* Shop, or wherever the baggage may be, wrth dia- and Military BANNERS foraiahed at from Ten to Seventy SvaDollare. >f Country Merehanta and Tavern Keepers knew with what facility they couid precare Si;a* from An guses, there would .be very few without them, as! have been sending them al! round the compass of - three hundred miles, for just ttirfy years, tciMout or *a6-d24fcwu R. P. SPELMAN, Sr. LJkfU> ON COMItt!(MKXT.-7 btrnii LABI\ a4 good qufthiy <ad in bu« order. <or Mte by jy24 HAND, WILLIAMS * CO . POLITICAL. t., ~.v rrrr-g— -- . SPEECH OF MR. CLAY, ON THE COMPROMISE. o| . In Senate Jui.v 22. | Mr. President, it is known to the Senate ! ir. that it has been tuy hope and expectation that we should dispose of all the amendments either ~ proposed or to be proposed to lhe bill, and that upon the question of its engrossment i, I intended, with the permission of the Senate, to occupy some portion of its time in taking k a rapid review of some of the objections that , have been made to the adoption of the meas ■ lire under consideration, and then to submit it »* into those hands in which, by the constitution ’• of the country, the responsibility is placed. 11 The events of Saturday, of which we possess 1! information, deprived us of the opportunity of ’• employing that day in the consideration of those amendments which were intended to be <vuhmittarf. or* wprp VPt hafnra tlin e fUDminea, or were yet Delore the Senate. But as some rather impatient anxiety has been e manifested to arrive at the conclusion of this 4 important subject—an anxiety in which, to some extent, 1 share with others—l have risen s this morning to perforin a duty towards the committee and to the subject which my posi* e tion prompts me to endeavor t. execute I say some impatience has been manifested. _ I do not mean it in any unkind sense. Tne a houorable.Senator from New Hampshire (Mr . Hale) who now sits on my left, has npoh two ' etc . muv ,d i« lay this bitt on the table; and his motion was made with all the air of conscious power—as if he felt perfectly secure not merely of the general result, bnt in his be ing co-operated with by all the opponents of the bill. It is true the Senator finally most graciously condescended to withdraw his mo tion to lay the bill upon the table, at my in stance, for which I am profoundly grateful. > But aa Ido not desire again to place myself in ' any attitude of solicitation with regard to the progress and lhe final disposition of this bill, I Jiiive risen, I repeat, now tn perform a duty which appertains to my position. Mr. President, in the progress of this de bate it has been sgain and again argued that perfect tranquillity reigns throughout the country, and that there i, no disturbance threat ening ita peace, endangering its safety, but that which was produced by busy, restless politi cians. It has been maintained that the sur face of the public mind is perfectly smooth and undisturbed by a single billow. I most heartily wish I could concur in thia picture of general tranquility that has been drawn upon both sides of the Senate. I am no alarmist; nor, I thank God, at lhe advanced age which Ilia providence has been pleased to allow tne lo reach, am I very easily alarmed by any hu man event; but 1 totally misread the signs of the times, if there be that state of profound I peace and quiet, that absence of all just cause of apprehension of future danger to this Con federacy, which appears to be entertained by some other Senators. Mr. President, all the tendencies of the times, I lament to say, are towards disquietude, if not more fatal conse quences. When before, in the midst of pro found peace with all the nations of the earth, have we seen a convention, representing a considerable portion of one great pari of the republic, meet to deliberate about measures of future safety in connexion with great in terests of that quarter of the country ? When before have we seen, not one, but more—some half a dozen—legislative bodies solemnly re solving that if any one of these measures—the admission of California, the adoptiou of the Wilmot proviso, or the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia—should be adopted by Congress, measures an of extreme character, for the safety of the great interest to which I refer in a particular section of the country, would be resorted to 1 For years this subject of the abolition of slavery, even within this District of Columbia, small as is the number of slaves here, has been a source of constant irritation and disquiet. So of the subject of the recovery of fugitive slaves who have es caped from their lawful owners; not a ine-e border contest, ashasbeon supposed—although there, undoubtedly, it has given rise to more irritation than iu other portions of the Union —but every where through the slaveholding country it has been felt as a great evil, a great wrong, which required the interventinn of Congressional power- But these two subjects, unpleasant as has been the agitation to which they have given rise, are nothing iu compari son to those which have sprung out of the acquisitions recently made from the republic of Mexico. These are not only great and leading causes of just apprehension as respects the future, but all the minor circumstances of the day intimate danger ahead, whatever may be its tiual iasua .aqd catuaouanoa. The »«-. al paper—and I wish I could say that upon ati occasions it propagated truth with more atten tion than in any particular instance it baa done —a sectional paper is established here to es pouse, not the interests of the entire Union, but lhe interests of a particular section. The allusion 1 made with regard to a departure from lhe troth, which has incidentally come to my notice, was called forth by an assertion made, that tn the Stale of Kentucky there was recently great diversity of opinion upon lhe subject of the adoption of this measure, and that the Constitutional Convention of that State had unanimously, or nearly unanimous ly, rejected a proposition in favor of the com promise. Why, directly the reverse is the fact. 1 should not have observed it at all, had I not noticed on yesterday that it was copied tn a paper tn Mobile, and was spoken of as an undoubted fact that even in lhe State of Ken tucky there was great division outhe subject of the compromise. I will say in my place, with the authority which appertains to my position, that for fifty years 1 have never known so much unanimity upon any question in that State. It is a State from which I received a letter from a gentleman, formerly a Democratic member of Congress, known very well to my triond from Indiana, now iu my eye, from the county of Henry, one of the most populous caunties in that State in which there is a ma jority of Democratic voters, and of which ma jority of 1,900 voters, this gentleman—an honorable gentleman, I am proud to say, tlioti»h 1 differ from bun in politics—says that, as far as he knows or believes, there is not a solitary individual to oppose >t; and the Con stitutional Convention of Kentucky, instead of opposing it by a unanimous vote of the body, expressed its approbation of this pend ing measure. Otte of the misfortunes of the times is lhe difficulty in penetrating the North ern mind with truth ; to make it sensible lo the dangers ahead ; to make it comprehend the consequences which are to result trom ibis or that source ; to make it give a just apprehen sion to all the events which have occurred, are occurring, or which must evidently occur. 1 said minor as wed as major circumstances and events were all tending, rapidly, as I tear, to a fatal issue of the matters in controversy be tween tho different portions of lhe Union. 1 have seen a pamphlet—and it has been circulated with great industry —containing an exposition of political economy, written tn a style well calculated to strike lhe mind of the h»i full of error and exaggeration from masses, but mil oi error ana •xaggwrmiwu irom one end of it Io the other—errors of every sort —setting forth in the strongest term? the sup posed di«advantages resulting from the exis tence of this Union to the Southern portion of ihe confederacy, and portraying in the most lively hues the benefits which would result from’ separating and setting up for themselves. Mr. President. I will not dwell upon other concomitant causes, all having the same tenden cy, and all well calculated to awaken and to arouse na—if, as I hope the fact is, we are all of us sincerely desirous of preserving this Union —to rouse us to daegera which really exist, without underrating them upon the oue hand, or magnifying them upon the other. It was iu thia stage, or state, rather, of the Republic, that my friend from Mississippi, (Mr. Foote) something more than four months ago, made a motion for the appointment of a committee of Thirteen. Unlike what occur red at an analogous period of the Repub’ic, when it was my duty to make a similar motion in the other end of the Capitol, and when, on account of the benefits which might result from the reconciliation of a distracted country, the proposition was immediately adopted—on the present occasion, unlike what occurred at that historical period, the proposition of the honora ble Senator from Mississippi was resisted from day to day, from week to week, for four or five weeks. Au experiment to res’ore the harmony of tho country met with the most de termined and settled resistance, as ii the meas ure which the committee might report whatev er might be its character, would not still be under the power and control of the Senate, to be disposed of by it according to its own best judgment. Finally howeyer tha motion pre vailed. A majority of the Senate ordered the committee to be appointed ; and among the reproaches which were brought forward against that appointment of die committee by the Sen- i ator fron. Massachusetts now in my eye, (Mr. Davis.) it was stated that that committee was organized and created by only a bare majority of the Senate. Sir. does such a reproach as i that lie in the mouth of the Senator, or of oth ers who acted with him T A sense of my du ty in this body, or in any body of which I am a member, prompts me to respect lite opinion of the majority of the Senate, and to conform to it as far as is consistent with my views, and whennotso to record my vote along with the minority. But in this case, npon the constitu tion of this cooimittee, but about thirty or thir ty-one members of the Senate voted at all: because the honorable Senator, and others who concurred with him in opposing the constitu tion of the committee, cnose to ait by in sul len silence, although members of the body— , a minority of the body, it is true —without vo- I ting, as it was their duty to du. Is this contu macy ou their part now to be made a ground ot obje'ctic n to the character, constitution, or la bors of thiscommtttee. Well, the committee was finally raised and want oat Os its composition it does not be come mo to apoak. nor is it necessary to say anything. The country, the Senate will judge ofttart- Without, however, saying a word in respect to the humble person who now addres see von, I may be permitted to say that a large portion of that committee consisted of gentle men who had honorably served their country iu the highest stations at home and abroad men of ripe experience, and whose large ac qu&iniance with public affairs eoUllea them ai 1 least K> respectful consideration when they were engaged in the holy ©dice —if 1 may use the expression—of trying to reconcile the dis I AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MpRNING, AUGUST 7, 18 50. I cordant parts of this distracted country. After having expended some two weeks upon their labors in their chamber, the committee agreed upon a report deliberately made. It had hard ly been presented before all sorts of epithets were applied to the committee They were called the thirteen doctors, not in kindness— . for lhe honorable Senator from N.w Jersey I (Mr. Dayton) seemed not only disposed to deny their healing powers, but to intimate ; that they were thirteen quacks ; [laughter ;] ! that, instead of bringing forward a measure to cure and heal the public disease, they had brought forward a measure that only aggrava ted the disorders of the country ; and calcula ted to threaten it with more agitation. Mr. i President, I need notuse one word of recrimi natory language I leave it to the Senate and to the country, and even to the Senators them selves who have indulged in such expressions, deliberately to consider whether a measure in tended, at any rate, as an olive branch, presen- ' ted under such auspices as this was, ought to I have been so treated, and whether the commit tee who presented it ought to have been so traatori 7 . treated 7 ■ Well, sir, the committee presented their s measure, or rather their system of measures, j > co extensive with all lhe existing disorders of j i the country, in relation to the subject of slavery i —a system which, if allowed to produce its beneficent effects —and which I entertain the highest confidence it will produce, if it be adopted by Congress—leaves nothing in the | public mind to tester and agitate the coun try. I Tho thr*u> first ;ie«suresj reported by the | committee are those now under consideration —the admission of California, tho establish ment of Territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico and Texas. With respect to the other two measures, I shall say but little at this time. It will be in order to speak of them when they come up for debate. I cannot forego, however, the opportunity of remarking . that really I think the honorable Senator from > Virginia (Mr. Hunter) has manifested too i much eagerness to goasideto makeoccasions of I fault finding with the character of those mea ' sures. He has misrepresented, as I think, not intentionally no doubt, but misrepresented, as you yourself showed very properly, the nature of those bills. But, whatever may be their char acter at present, when they are taken up to be considered by the Senate, it will be in the power of the Senate to modify them according to the wishes of the honorable Senator from Virginia. In two important particulars that Senator mis conceives the character of these two measures. First, in relation to the remedy by record in the recovery of fugitive slaves. That was in tended to be, as his colleague could have told him, merely a cumulative remedy to that al ready in existence. Mr. Mason, (interposing.) I am sure the Senator will indulge me one moment. My colleague is not now iu his seat. When he proceeded to discuss this measure upon a former day, lie was promptly called to order and not allowed to proceed. Ido not intend to call lhe Senator from Kentucky to order; but I submit to the Senator whether it is alto gether courteous to refer to remarks of tny colleague which he was not allowed lo pur sue. Mr. Clay. Ido not mean to go further than the Senator himselfdid. I have remarked that I do not mean to argue this question at large. I wish to answer the objections only which wore urged, after which I snail pass over the subject. I should have almost concluded by this time, if the honorable Senator had not thought it his duty ta interpose. 1 was merely going to observe that the remedy of carrying a transcript of the record to the State to which the fugitive hud fled, which his colleague alluded to in the bill for recovering fugitive slaves, was merely cumulative. And I also intended to observe that there is nothing in the bill which proposes the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, which prevents the slave holder f.om passing through the District, in transitu, with his body servant —nothing to prevent him from retaining him here in his possession. The only object was to revive the law of Maryland, and to declare thitjif a slave be brought here for safe, then the person who brings him here for that purpose shall be liable to the penalty provided for in lhe law. But I pass from this subject. I mean to confine my self, while I address the Senate, to the three pending measures. Mr. Hunter. Will the Senator from Ken tucky allow me to explain ? Ido not wish to prevent hitn, because I was called to order, from going into the subject as lolly as ha may choose I hope he will be permitted to do so, if he has any such desire. In relation to that provi-ion of the act prohibiting the slave trade in the District of Columbia, he will find, if ho will refer to that resolution, that it contains a prohibition of an introduc’ion of slaves here wouhf not cover the case oTit man who has ar- ' rested a fugitive, and brought him and deposit ed him here while on his way home, or that of the man who should be accompanied by his slaves while emigrating to another country, I do not know what language could be framed that would do so. I have not the resolutions by me, or 1 would read lhe provision. 'Mr. Clay. lam pretty sure that the honora ble Senator is mistaken, and that it will be found so upon looking at the bill. He speaks of resolutions. 1 put it to the candor of the Senate, why the honorable Senator should go back to the resolutions offered by me in the be ginning of the session. The question is not with regard to them, or whether they be com patible or not with the measures reported by tlie committee, but in respect lo the bill, which differs in several important particulars from my resolutions. The committee present ed such measures as were agreeable to them ; and with respect to the abolition of lhe slave trade in the District of Columbia, it was tbeir intention simply to revive the law of Mary land, and to provide for ths case of the intro duction of slaves into the District os merchan dise. Mr. Hunter. The Senator will pardon me. When I used the word “resolutions” I meant the bill, and I find, on examination, that the bill is as 1 have stated.” Mr. Clay. Very well. With regard to the intention, that is as I have stated. If the lan guage does not effeetthat intention, we should all be very willing to give it a form acceptable to the Senator from Virginia. Tne language was only designed to prohibit that slave trade which consists of purchasing and bringing slaves into the District of Columbia and put ting them into depots here for the purpose of being transported to foreign and distant mar kets. As to an idea which has been mention ed here upon a former occasion, I have al ready said that if a person residing in lhe Dis trict chooses to go out of the District five or ten miles and purchase slaves for himself, the i law would not prevent btm from doing so. But I am taking up more time on this subject I than I intended. When lhe proper time ar i rives for itsdiscussion the bill will be vindicated ■ from the errors into which, I still think, the honorable Senator from Virginia has fallen. I i have stated that it was my intention lo cenfiue t tny observations to the three measures under t consideration—the admission of California as > a State, Territorial Governments for the two i Territories, and the establishment of the ICIIIIUIIC3, OIIVI boundary between Texan and New Mexico. It i* a most remarkable circumstance connec ted with the debate upon and the progress of this measure, that that feature of the bill which was supposed to be least likely to encounter objection—that measure which it has been asserted would draw after it, by the force of its own attraction, the other measures content plated in tho bill—it is truly remarkable that the measure of the admission of California has encountered the most of the difficulties which have been developed in the progress of the bill. The Senaiorfrom Louisiana,(Mr. Soule,) the Senator from Georgia, (Mr. Berrien,) and yourself, sir, (Mr. King,) have all directed your attention mainly to the subject of the boundaries of California, and to the represen tation proposed for California by the measure under consideration. 1 believe, with very slight, if any further modification, all three of the Senators to whom I have referred would have been willing, if they could have been satisfied with regard to California, to vole for the whole measure. Bnt it is California which we have been charged with introducing into this bill for Uie purpose of purchasing support for other measures; it is California that ba* created sll the difficulties, or at least the chief part of the difficulties, which the bill has en countered. Now. Mr. President, what may be the ultimate vote which may be given, in consequence of the mode in which California is bounded, by the three Senators to whom I have referred, depends upon their own judg ment, and upon their own proper sense of duty. I must say to them—and I hope they will take it in the same kind and candid spirit in which it is mentioned —that I cannot see the slightest reason why they should reject the whole measure because there is something in it dissatisfactory to them io respect to Califor- • Hl t" .4* J- ma. They know that if this measure is de feated, the chairman of the Committee on Territories (Mr. Douglass) will call up the California bill separately and alone, and that it will be passed as it is—with all its exception able features of extended limits and full rep resentation —in both Houses, by a considerable majority. Will they, then, on account of the California part of the bill—the passage of which, when presented singly, may be regarded as an inevitable event —will' they on account of any difficulties not amounting to constitu tional difficulties —for I admit, if gentlemen have, on a deliberate review of their opinions, difficulties of a constitutional nature, nothing can or should overcome them —will they be constrained, from the necessity resulting from entertaining those opinions, to vote against the entire measure ? But, sir, as I happen to hold directly the op posite opinion, that there is nothing constitu tional iu any of the objections taken to the ad mission of California, and as I trust thee* Sen ators will themselves perceive that there is no constitutions! ground of objection—that is al- • The bill referred to was reported to the Senate bv Mr. Clay on the fr-h es May, entitled “ a bill to suppram the slave trade ia the District of Colum bia,” and provides as follows: ii enacted, That from and after the day of neat, it shall not be lawful to bring into the Diwrict of ColumMs any slave wliatav-r. for the pnr pme of being sold, or for the purpose of being placed ro depot, lobe subsequently transferred to any other Slate or place. And if say slave shall be brought into lhe said District by its owner, or by the auihori- Ily and ecwsent of its owner, contrary to the provisions of this act, such slave shall thereupon become liberat ed end free,” ■ together matter of expediency, addressing itself to the soiiuddiscretionanddeiiberatejudgment of Congress—l do hope and trust, on account : oftho objections that exist to the admission of California, when they perceive it is a part of a great system of reconciliation and harmony to the country, they will not be disposed to re ject the benefits and compensation to be found in other parts of the bill > because they know full well that California, just as she has pre sented herself, with the representation propos ed by her, will be inevitably admitted, provided this bill is defeated. They must also well know that tho admission of Cirifbrtiia alone, without any measure accompanying it, tvill have the unavoidable tendency of aggravating the sense of wrong and injury—whether wall or ill-foun ded—that exists in the quarter of the Union from which the Senators to which I referred camo. With repect to theTerritoriu! Governments, it is also a fact worthy of remark that scarce ly a Senator who has risen upon this floor has failed to acknowledge the duty of Congnsa to provide Territorial Goreruaients. Every Sontitnr nlrrmcf aihn Jixj4 RflmtitHfl ’T'arvi- Senator, almost, who has aopntteil that Terri torial Governments ought to be provided; some wishing for the Wilmot proviso, and j others objecting to the jroyiso; hut, with or without the Wilmot ptiviao, I have not heard a solitary that it was not the bounden duty ofCongreAioAistitureTerrito rial Governments for tbc-e -tritories. With regard to of Executive, of .the United Slates—l shall have a tFc rations to make. Allow me to take tbs. .Cession—the only suitable one, in my opinion—of express ing tny deep regret and my profound sympa thy with the family of the illustrious deceased- I had known him, perhaps, longer than any other man in Washington. I knew his father before him—a most estimable and distinguish- , ed citizen of Kentucky. I knew the lite Pres > ident of the United States from the time he f entered the army until his death, although not . seeing him often, in consequence of our ope l ration in different spheres of public duty tn i our country. He was an honest mau—he was a brave man; he had covered his own head with laurels, and had added fams and re , nowu to his country. Without expressing any judgment upon what might hive been the just appreciation of the administration of the domestic civil affairs of the country, if Providence had permitted him to serve out his term, I take pleasure in the opportunity of saying, in reference to the foreign affairs of our Government, that io all the instances of which any knowledge has been obtained by me of the mode in which they were conducted by the late Administration, they have met with my hea r ty and cordial concurrence. During the residue of the remarks which i may ad dress to you, if I shall have occasion to say any thing upon the plan proposed by lhe late Pres dent, it will be with the most perfect respet to hie memory—without a single feeling of unktnd tiess abiding in my breast. Peace to his ashes I and may he at this moment be enjoying those blessings in another and a better world, which we are all desirous, sooner or later, to attain. But with respect to the mode of getting over the difficulty in regard to New Mexico, the plan was that New Mexico should come in as a Stale, as soon as she had formed a State, adopted her constitution, and presented it here. Now, Mr. President, the Senator from New Jersey, who sits near me, (Mr. Dayton,) ar gued in this way; “You of the committee have given to the people of New Mexico the power of legislation—the power to elect their legislators—the power to pass such laws as may be best adapted to their condition; and where is the difference between the pow ers with which they are so invested, and re- ceiving New Mexico as a member of the Union, represented in both branches of Congress ?” Why, Mr. President, there is all tho difference in the world. There is scarcely any people so low in the stage of civilization, even the Es quimaux, the Indians on any portions of our continent, that they may not comprehend and be able to adopt laws suited la their own con dition—few, simple, clear, and well under stood ; for in their uncivilized state it is not necessary to them to have a cumbrous code of laws But it is a widely different thing wheth er the people of NAw Mexico may not be capable ol passing lawy adapted to their own unripe and yet half Li vilized condition. I speak not ofthe Atuerfean portion of the pop ulation there, but of the Indians, the Pueblo Indians,, and some of the half bloods. It is a very different tiling whether they may not be capable of enacting laws suited to their own condition, or whether they may have two Senators on this floor and members in the oth er Honse, to survey the vast and,complicated but lor us ana our presefif’gcfifcj ■.tu>?‘* For one, sir, I must say I shun id W utterly unwilling to receive New Mexico as :a State in her present immature condition. A census will be shortly taken, and we shall then know the exact condition of her population. If lam not greatly deceived in my opinion, it will turn out that there are not perhaps one thousand America! citizens within the limits of New Mexico, and perhaps not above 8,000 or 10,000 of Mexicans and mixed breeds, exclusive of Pueblo and other Indians, and they certainly not iu a condition to comprehend tire duties and attend to the rights and obligations which belong to lhe exercise of lhe government of the people ofthe United States. It will turn out, I am quite sure, when the returns of the census are made, that there is no stated popu lation in New Mexico, such as would justify us in receiving her into the Union, and is giv ing seats to be occupied by members from that State —may 1 not say it?—in this august assem bly. Now, sir, New Mexico herself was conscious of her own imperfect condition. New Mexi co was desirous of a Territorial government. If she has been pushed upon the proposal of a government of a different character, to which tier population and her condition did not adapt her, it has only been in consequence of her extreme necessity, pressing her lo despair up on her part of obtaining any Torrilorial gov ernment. Thus, then, Mr. President, we all agree a bout the necessity of a Territorial govern ment, with or without the Wilmot proviso. We all agree about the necessity ot an adjust ment of the Texas boundary—a boundary out of which I say there is imminent danger of springing—if the question be not adjusted du ring the present session of Congress—one, if not two civil wars—the civil war between the people of New Mexico, in resistance to the au thority ofTexas, to which they are utterly a verse, and the civil war lighted upon tho Up per Rio Grande, which may, in time, extend itself to the Potomac. All, therefore, musta gree—all have felt—every Senator who has expressed his opinion upon this subject daring tbe progress of this debate has avowed his con viction ofthe necessity of an adjustment, a com promise, a settlement of this boundary. It has been objected against lhe measure that it is a compromise. It has been said that it is a compromise of principle, or of a principle. Mr. President, what is a compromise ? It u a work of mutual concession—an agreement it which there are reciprocal stipulations —a work in which, for the *ake of peace and con cord, one party abates his extrema demands in consideration of an abatement of extreme de mands by the other party ; it is a measure of mutual concession —a measure ot mutual sacri fice. Undoubtedly, Mr. President, io all such measures of compromise, one party would be very glad to get what he wants, and reject what he does not desire, but which the other party wants. But when he comes to reflect that, from the nature of the Government and its operation, and from those with whom he is dealing, it is necessary upon his part, in or der to secure wbat he wants, to grant some thing to the other side, he would be recouciled to the concession which *ie ha* made, in con sequence of the connection which he is to re ceive, if there is no great principle involved, such as a violation of tot bonstrtOtion of the United States. I admit hat such a compro mise as that ought novel to be sanctioned or adopted. But I now call upon any Senator in his place to point ont, from the beginning to the end. from California to New Mexico, a sol itary provision in thia bill which w violative of the constitntion of the United Slates. Sir, adjustment in the shape of compromise may be made without producing anysuch con sequences as have been apprehended. There may be a mutual forbearance. You forbear upon your side to insist upon the application of the restriction the Wilmot Pro V iso. Is there any violation of principle there! The most that can be said, even assuming the power to pass the Wilmot Proviso, which is denied, is that there is forbearance to exercise. not a violation of the power to pass the Pro viso. So, upon the other hand, if there was a power in the constitution of the United State* authorising the establishment of slavery in any of the Territories—a power, however, which is controverted by b large portion of this Senate—if there was a power under the constitution to establish slavery, the forbear ance to exerewe that power is no violation of the constitution, any more than the constitution is violated by a forbearance to exercise numer ous power* that might be specified that ara granted tn the con-utution, and that remain dormant until they come to baexercised by the 1 proper legislative aatborities. It is said that < the bill presents the state of coercion—that < members are coerced in order to get what I thev want, to vote forthat which they disap- ' prove. Why, sir. what coercion is there ’ Is there any coercion in the numerous treaties 1 made by the United States—the treaty in set tling the Maine boundary ; the treaty coming down from 54deg 40 ®to-to 49 in Oregon; all treaties which have been made upon com- ■ merce, upon boundaries, and other quesuons from time to time by the, United States upon the principle of mutual and reciprocal con , cession u pon the part of those who made them 1 Is there any more coercion in this ease than in ' the passage of a bill eontatntng a vanety of pro , visions, Ama of which youapprove and other, which yon disapprove I Can it ho said, upon . the part of ear Northern &»“*. hwwwe they have not got the Wtlmot prnrwo incorporated r in the terntorial part of the biU, that they srs • coerced—wanting Calrftrnie *» Utoy do, so - much—to vote forth. tali, if theydo vote for i it’ Sir they might have imitated the noble ' example of my fnend (Mr. Cooper) from that 1 State upon whose devotion to this Union I 2 place oneof my greatest returnees for its pres * ervation. What wasthe eonme of my fnen | upon this subject of the Wtlmot proviso I H fl voted for it ; and he could go back to his con* t stitneuts and say, asjall of you could go back to t and say to your constituents, if you chose to f do so, “We wanted the Wilmot proviso in f the bill : we tried to get it in, but lhe majority r of the Senate were against it.” The question ■ then came up whether we should lose Califor I nia, which has got an interdiction in her con stitution; which in point of value and duration ■ is worth a thousand Wilmot provisoes; we were ■ induced, as my honorable friend would say, to take the bill and the whole of it together, al though we were disappointed in our votes with respect to the Wilmot proviso—lo take it with whatever of objectionable matter it may have in.it, cuaccoinitof the superior amount of good it contains ” It is said, Mr President, that this 'omnibus,’ as it is called, contains too much. I thank, from the bottom of my heart, the enemy of the bill who gave it that denomination. The omnibus is the vehicle of the people, of the mass of the people. And this bill deserves the name foremother reason: that with the ex ception of the two bills which are to follow, it contains all that is necessary to give peace* and quiet to the country. It is said some times, however, that this omnibus is too heav ily freighted, and that it contains incongruous matter, I shall not repeat the argument which I have addressed to you heretofore, shewing that according even to the British ry law, but more especially according to the Congressional law, this bill is in conformity with la nillUTUerablo Dui tii'e ostensible objection that it contains too much matter is not the real one. Do you believe that Senator who sits before me, (Mr. Bald win,) and other Senators in this neighborhood, if you would attach to the Territorial bills the Wilmot proviso, would have seen the incon gruity ? Would not the Senator even from Massachusetts (Mr. Davie) have voted for the ' whole of this incongruous bill with pleasure. 1 ifit had only contained the Wilmot Proviso ? 1 :- it is not that the bill has too much in it; it has a too little, according to the wishes of the oppo t nents; and lam very sorry that our omnibus - cannot contain Mr. Wilmot, wnose weight j would break it down lam afraid, if he were a put there. [Laughter.] This incongruous 1 measure, which has already too much matter . in it, has net enough for the Senator from , Tennessee, (Mr. Bell.) He wants to put in i it two or three more States from Texas, pro f visionally, upon the event of their becoming f applicants for admission into the Union. No, ) sir ;it is not the variety of the matter—it is no’ f the incongruity, the incompatibility of the meas r tires and the bill; but it is because the bill f does not contain enough to satisfy those . who want the “Wilmot,’ as it has been | pranerly called, placed in the omnibus. i Why, Mr. President, incougruousas it may be , supposed, this measure hag not half the ele ments of opposition to the bill. While upon this part of my subject, allow me to answer an . argument delivered with all the triumph of , conscious victory by the honorable Senator near me (Mr. Hale) the other day. He said he had gone into a certain apartment of this Capitol, and there he had found mv friend from Michigan (Mr. Case) and myself in close conversation; and the Senator from Mississip pi (Mr. Foote) with a Senator now no longer iog in hia place, but a Senator called by a grate ful country to a more responsible station, and who has left us only this morning, (Mr. Web ster.) I might have inquired how the Senator came there. May I ask to what keyhole he applied his ear or his eye—in what curtain he was ensconced—to hear and perceive these astonishing circumstances, which he narrated with so much complacency and self-satisfac tion ? [Laughter J Sir, 1 have been in re peated consultation with my friend (Mr. Cass) —for so 1 will call him, and he has shown himself to be the friend of the peace of his country—during the progress of this measure, and also with other Democratic friends upon this measure. Repeatedly have I been in consultation with them upon the subject of this bill and the amendments which have been proposed. I regret only that our consultations have not been more numerous and of longer duration. But how stands the matter with them—with the elements of opposition to this bill ? On the subject of slavery, the treatment of California, the Territories, the adjustment of the boundary of Texas, the fugitive slave bill, and the bill for abolishing the slave trade, there is no difference of opinion between my Democratic friends whom I have consult ed and myself; but there has been perfect union during all our consultations. Allow me to say that there is not a solitary instance in which a subject connected with party politics, upon which we might have heretofore differed in the progress of the administration of our Government, has been adverted to. We spoke of that measure which absorbed all our droughts. which engrossed all our hopes, which tins .•Mnir'y—S’ subject upon which, between us, there was a perfect coincidence of opin ion. Bat how does the matter stand with the ex tremes who are united against this measure T Why. they are extremes upon this very meas ure, and upon thia very subject of slavery I Upon the very subject under consideration there is among them no union of sentiment, no coincidence of opinion. In our meetings upon this subject, in our consultations, Demo cratsand Whigs convened and consulted to gether. They threw aside, as not germane, and as unworthy of their consideration, all the agitating party politics of the day ; and I ven ture to say that, in those meetings between my Democratic friends and myself, there was no diversity or contrariety of opinion upon the only subject that brought us together. If I am not utterly mistaken, there are no such union and coincidence of opinion between the opponents of this bill, who, upon the very subject of slavery to which it relates, are as wide apart as the north and south poles. Some of the opponets of this have had quite as frequent consultations as its friends.— Whether the Senator near me, from New Hampshire, (Mr. Hale,) was present or not. lam not able to say. Ido not recollect to havo heard that he war one of them ; but 1 Mr. Butler, (interposing.) I hope that the Senator— The President. Does the Senator from Kentucky yield the floor ? Mr. Clay. No, sir, unless it is for an ex planation. Mr. Butler. I only wish to know of one meeting of the particular kind alluded to, caucus or any thing of that sort, where these incongruous elements have met together. Mr. Clay, (resuming.) I was going to ex onerate you from the association, and I only wish I could separate you upon the final vote. [Laughter.] lam afraid we shall find you then together. Whose eyes have not witnes sed the consultations between the extremes of this chamber from day today? The eyes of every discerning Senator must have no ticed it. But whether in the consultations be tween these ultra gentlemen from the South there was any mixture of the abolition ele ment which is near me or not, I was about to remark that I could not say. I have not heard, indeed, that the Senator from New Hampshire (Mr. Hale) was present. But if be was ab sent, and those others about to vote upon the X* ’ - _ •* _ —— ?* L. *— —— , a A a* C *A —— .la, ■» Aa* final question with some of our friends upon the other side, there is no doubt of the fact, from what I have heard, that the consultations of some of the opponents of the bill were quite as frequent as any which have taken plate between the friends of the bill, Mr. Dayton, (interposing.) I dislike to interrupt the Senator ; but 1 desire, as one of the opponents of this bill on this side of the chamber, to disclaim all knowledge, either direct or indirect, of any such meeting for consultation upon this subject. Mr. Clay. Does the Senator deny all con sultation 7 Mr. Davton. I have no knowledge of any. Mr. Clay. I alluded more particularly to some Senators whose consultations, as I have heard, have been frequent, very frequent; but I do assert it as a fact. Mr. Mason. I would ask the Senator, when he alludes to Southern Senators, of whom I am one, if be would be good enough to declare whether he ever heard, or whether he has any reason to believe, that Senators from the Southern States have met in consulta tion upon this bill with any Senatorn from the free Slates 7 Mr. Clay. No, sir; I had not heard so. But at the same time I would ask the Senator from Virginia whether they have not had fre quent consultations amongst themselves 1 Mr. Mason. I will answer freely. There certainly have been frequent consultations be tween Senators from the Southern States up on questions involving the dignity, honor, and safety of the Southern Suites, involved as they conceived in the provisions of this bill. Mr. C ay. And so, undoubtedly, did our consultations relate to the dignity, honor, and safely of the Union, and the constitution of our country. [Loud applause from the gal. ' el ?he President. Order.' The Sergeant-at- Arms will clear the gallery if order is not pre served. The Chair will not permit the ap plause to be repeated ; if it is, he will be un der the necessity of ordering all persons to leave the gallery. M, Ciav. Mr. President, there is neither ->2l', Viaj* X»»»- * ICBiUGMI, lUCIW IB UVIVUVI incongruity in the freight nor in the passengers on board our omnibus. We are all heartily concurrent upon the only topic which brought us together, und which constitutes the sole subject of our eonsaltation. We have no Africans or abolitionists in our omnibns—no disuniouists or free sellers, no Jew or Gentile. Our passengers consist of Democrats and Whigs, who. seeing thecrisis of their common conn rv, and the dangers impending over it. have met together, forgetting and throwing far behind them their political differences on other subjects, to compare their opinions upon this great measure of reconciliation and of baraiony- , , Mr. President, how stand tne questions which have formed the subjects of our delibe ration so long" Ous party wants the imme diate admission of California, and wants the impasttiua es the proviso in the Territorial governments. The other party wants the limits of California circumscribed, and the Missouri compromise line applied—some ei them with the express recognition of the right to carry slaves south of it ; others without such a recognition, trusting to an implied con stitutional right; and these other parties are strenuously opposed to the proviso. Some, again, want the Texas boundary settled, anC others want it to bo left open. These are the conflicting opinions which we recognise in this body. How are they to be adjusted! Is there a Senator or member of the House, is there a man in this wide country, who will say that Congress ought to adjourn without settling those questions 1 Notone. How are these conflicting opinions to be adjusted, then? Lan it be otherwise done than by meeting in t le spirit of amity and conciliation, and recol acting the great interests t» be preserved and promoted by combination ? •.•J* 1 ® honorable Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Davis) says there are no parties who can make a compromise. Will the Senator ex cuse me for saying that this remark smells too much of the technicality of Blackstone ? No parties I Are there not great conflicting inte rests, conflicting opinions, pervading the whole country ? Who are the parties in that greatest of all coninromises—the cnnvilintie.. gieuwsi ui an compromises —tne constitution of the United States ? There were no techni cal parties in that instrument; but in delibe rating upon what was best lor the country, and preserving that, there were great and con flicting interests pervading all its parts. They compromised and settled them by ample con cession, and in the spirit of true patriotic amity. They adjusted these conflicting opin ions ; and the constitution under which we sit at this moment is the work of their hands—a great, a memorable, magnificenlcompromise, which indicates to us the course of duty when differences arise which can only be settled by the spirit of mutual concession. Sir, do we r.vi. Kuv.;**-, nave we not reason iw appre hend, that without a combined measure you can do nothing ? I have heard, Mr. Presi dent, that a different temper prevails at this time—that it is possible to earry these measures if they are presented in succession, just as they have been reported by the committee. I take lhe occasion to say. and lam sure I express the sentiments of every member of the committee, that wo are not prompted by the pride of opinion, or wedded to any given sys- tern of arrangement or settlement of these great national questions. We preferred com bining them in one measure because we thought it most practical and most likely to lead to an auspicious result. But if it cannot be adopted in the conjoint form reported by the committee, and if the desired object can be better attained by action upon a series of suc cessive measures, without the odious proviso, not a murmur of complaint, I am quite sure, will ever be heard from a single member of the committee. It is not the means, it is the great specific end we have in view ; and how ever that end is attained—whether by such an arrangement as this committee has proposed, or by separate acts of legislation—thecomrnit tee and myself are utterly indifferent. But it is known to you that if all the measures com prised in the bill under consideration are not passed, there is danger that in the presentation of those measures in detail some of them would fail; and the result would be, that whilst one party got all that it immediately wanted, the other would obtain nothing which it desired. You knew there was great cause to apprehend —I hope there may be none now—that, in the separate presentation of the measures, the consequence would be the attachment of the Wilmot proviso in one or the other of the two Houses, and the utter failure to establish any Territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico. It was thought then that, in the spirit of our revolutionary sires, in the spirit which has heretofore pervaded all our Govern ment, conciliating and reconciling as much as possible opposing and conflicting interests and opinions, we would present a measure which would bind all, and that would lead both par lies, as far as practicable, to unite upon it for the sake of harmony and tranquillity. We thought then, as I think now, that Senators from the Northern States might go home to their constituents,after this measure shall have been passed, and say, "We have got Califor- nia ; she is secure; there is a prohibition of slavery in her constitution that will lastperhaps forever; whereas the Wilmot proviso would have had a limited and an evanescent duration, existing while the Territorial form of govern ment remained, but ending whenever the State should come to form for herself a constitution.’’ This, our Northern Senators might say with great propriety to their constituents: "We have secured California for you ; she is dedica ted now and forever to that free-soilism which you so much prize.” "Well; but why, then,” they might reply, " have you not put in a restriction in the Territorial bill, so as to secure that, at least until they come to be ripe enough to form State Goverments for them selves ?’’ Would it not be a satisfactory reply to them to say, that in your opinion, and in the opinion of a large portion of this Senate, the law of Nature, and of Nature’s God ex cluded slavery from these Territories, and, ac cording to your opinion also, the lex loci of the land also excluded Blaverv 1 Ayid mmhtvon unrteu-pvrttohs sAm.a sm you thought that no imposition or restriction was necessary to any object which you desired to attain, and in a spirit of conciliation, therefore, you forbore to vote against the final measure, because it secured so much of what the North wanted ? Could you not say that you were not in danger of losing what you also wanted in respect to the residue of the country ? This subject has presented one of the most extraordinary political phenomena that I ever witnessed. Here is a united Senate almost in favor of all the measures in detail—in favor of the admission of California; in favor of he Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico, with or without the proviso ; in favor of the settlement es the boundary with Texas —in favor of all the measures in detail but op posed to them when they come to be present ed unitedly to be acted on ; admitting the va lidity of every item of the account, but when it comes to be footed up, denying or unwil’ing to acknowledge the justice of paying the ag gregate I Sir, if the measures had been more incongruous than they are alleged to be, there has been ample time for a just conception of them, and just as perfect an understanding of them as if they had been presented in succes sive details. I wish, again, to make only a very few ob serrations about this same proviso. It has been argued with an ability which requires no addition, or attempt at addition, from me, by the Senator from Massachusetts who has just vacated his seat, that the proviso is not, in itself, a principle, but a means to accomplish an end. And where, let me ask, exists the necessity for a proviso ? You have been told that the existence of African slavery depends up on the character of the climate and of the soil. The nature of the soil of New Mex ico forbids the expectation that slavery will ev er be planted there. Why, we all know that slave labor is applicable only to the great sta ples which constitute the subjects of our for eign commerce—cotton, sugar, hemp, tobacco, i and rice. Slave labor has been found accor i ding to American experience, to be utterly va lue less, or at least to a great extent valueless, in those states where these staple articles are i not cultivated. Does any body pretend that the soil of New Mexico or Utah is adapted ' to the cultivation of these articles. do , we not all know that if it were adapted, and the climate and soil would allow of their being ■ cultivated, the expense of transportation from i New Mexico or Utah, either to the Pacific on •t_ „ aw fko r.nlP nTWovipn nr the the one hand, or to the Gulf ol Mexico or ths Atlantic on the other, would *'e, perhaps, ten times the value at home of any of these arti cles. But the honorable Senator from Massachu setts (Mr. Davis) has found out a new object of temptation in respect to staves in New Mex ico. He has employed an expression which filled all of us with profound regret, ou account of the dignhy.the characlerof the Senator, and the high stations which he has occupied. He spoke of New Mexico being adapted to the breeding of slaves. He has had the good taste to omit thatexpression in his printed speech, and to eubsiitnte for it the “traffic” in slaves. Mr. Davis, (in his seat.) I believe I did not use thatexpression. Mr. Clay. The Senator did employ it, for it was heard and noticed by more than my self. Mr. Davis. One cannot always remember precisely the language he uses in the hurry of debate. I can only say that I have no recollec tion of using the word "breeding;” and I think if the reporter’s notes are preserved and referred to, the word will not there be found. I shall have the curiosity to look and see if it is so ; but according to the beet of my recollec tion, I spoke of the capacity of the country for "traffic” in slaves. Mr. Clay. That is the language of the ’ gentleman’s speech, as printed ; but the word ' "breeding” was used by the gentlemen, or I ■ never heard a word of the speech. Several 1 Senators took note of it, and we expressed ' how much we were shocked gud surprised at it (t was one of the principal topics of the r Senator's speech to talk about the cotton pow -1 er, the cotton interest and the breeding of f slaves. Now. if the Senator bad put it on the ground of a laptus lingua from the heat of de bate, or the unguarded character of debate, , • should not insist upon attributing it to him, ’ but the expression was used by him, and - I marked it; it was fixed on my memory, and • very much did I regret that he made use of it. > This talk, sir, about the cotton power, the lords of the loom, and the breeding of slaves, r will do for the bar-rooms of cross-road taverns, but I never hoped or expected to hear upon the floor of the Senate such epithets applied to the great manufacturers of the North and the cotton growers of the South. 1 have strug gled with the honorable Senator side by side, and I think he might have been disposed to do some little justice to those states which stood by the North in the great measure of protec tion to American industry. There were Ma ryland, Delaware, North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee, whr.hhave generally stood by the principle of protection to Northern inter ests ; and among the more southern Stales,. ' Georgia, I believe, from what 1 have seen of i recent manifestations of opinion by her llep i resentatives, was always ready to come up to • I the support ano protection of our own domes tic interests. And does not the Senator know > that it was net the South, the unaided South— -1 for what eeuld the South do alone in prostrating i the principle of protection!—but it was the s North and South combined—it wea Pennsylva f ma, (unintentionally,) and New York, and In t diana, and Illinois, and Maine, and New it Hampshire, and other free States, that de i- cided the memorable contest of’44, and, com e bined with portions of the Sooth, repealed the I, aet of’42 by the passage of the act of ’46, and id prostrated the principle of protection ? And le although, as I have stated »n a former ocea- VOL.LXTV—NEW SERIES VOL. XIV—NO. 32. i sion, the South may be said in some sense to i have had the general sway in the political affairs i of this country for a long term of years, and al though the Presidential office has been filed for the most part with her citizens, perhaps it would be as near the truth of history to say that the North itself has governed the country through the South. And is the honorable Senator from Massachusetts sure that if the calamitous event of the dissolution of the Un ion were to takeplace, and the North exclusive ly had the power of passing upon the princi pie of protection, it could be now established? Unquestionably, withont the c ncurreuce anti support of the South, none of thesegreat mea ures which are charged to the account of Southern domination—the “slave power” or the ‘ cotton power”—could have pa sed. Sir, if my honorable friend (for so I wish still to re- AZA rii■a*» \ . _ i .. » i gard him) wishes ever to see a moderate tariff established in this country, which shall secure - protection to some extent, he will not do it by , throwing out taunts such as he has done to- j wards the Southern portion of tho country in ' f respeettothe “cotton power" or “slave breed-! - ing interest.” s This charge upon the slaveholding States -of breeding slaves for market is utterly false t and groundless. No such purpose evoren i tors, I believe, into the mind of any slavehold , er. He takes care of his slaves; be fosters i them, and treats them often with the tender ness of his own children. They multiply on his hands; he. cannot find smnlnvnu.nl r..- mem; ahii tie is ultimately, but most reluctant ly and painfully, compelled to part with some of them because of the increase of numbers and.the want of occupation. But to say that it is the purpose, design, or object of the slave holder to breed slaves as he would domestic animals for a foreign market, is untrue in fact, and unkind to be imputed, or even intimated, by any one. And it is not by such reproach ful epithets as -‘lords of lhe loom," “lords of the plantation,” “the slave power," and “the a money power,” that this country is to be har i- monized, especially when we are deliberating e upon those great measures which are essential a to its onward progress and to its present and it future prosperity. y Mr. President, it is one of the peculiar e circumstances attending my present position, i- as I remarked on a former occasion, that lam i, generally called upon to vindicate the measures i, proposed in this bill against those whom we f have regarded as the friends, as well as those e who are considered as open, avowed oppo- - nents of the measure. I anticipated, the ofher 11 day, somewhat the argument which I beg leave , barely to advert to now. I think amongst our - Southern friends two or three great errors are t ccasionally committed. They interpret the . constitution according to their judgment; they t engraft their exposition upon it; and, without i listening to or giving due weight to theoppo t site interpretation, to the conflicting exposition > which is as honestly believed by the opposite i interpreters as they believe on their side, they proclaim their own exposition of the constitu- I tion, and cry out, "All we want is the constitu tion I” In the comparison and expression of opposite opinions, infallibility is not the lot of mortal man. It belongs only to Him who rilles the destinies of the world; and for any section or any set of gentlemen to rise np anil say the “constitution means so and so, and he who says otherwise violates the constitution,” is in itself intolerant, and without that mutual forbearance and respect which are due to con flicting opinions, honestly entertained by all who are equally aiming to arrive at the truth. Now. I said the other day that the Wilmot proviso, as proposed to be enacted by the Con gress and incorporated in Territorial bills, was a question totally distinct from the insertion of the restriction in a constitution formed by a newly organized State. It is the opinion of the opponents of the bill, and the opinion, too, of some of its friends— although it is not my own opinion—that the constitution confers no authority upon Con gress to impose a restriction upon the subject of slavery in Territorial Governments Very well : if Congress has no power to impose such a restriction, and nevertheless does exer cise such a power, it is usurpation; it is the assumption of illegal authority ; it is wrong in any view of the matter—a grievous and op pressive wrong. But when a State which is about to enter into the Union, and which is deliberating concerning a constitution which is best adapted to promote her interests and hap piness, chooses to consider whether she shall admit or exclude slavery, and decides to ex clude it, can such an exercise of authority on the part of the State—a conceded power—be confounded with the unconstitutional exercise of it by Congress? Now,do notour Southern friends who op- I pose this bill upon the ground that there is an interdiction to the introduction of slavery in t and. Unu -M' wfntejmings totally dissimilar? it is of no consequence what effects the one or the other measure may produce. That is a different Juestion. The question is one of power; and say the exercise of such a power, which they regard as a usurpation by Congress, is totally distinct from the lawful exercise of a similar power by a Stale forming for herself and her own Government a constitution. Three years ago, two years ago, one year ago —one short year ago—the great complaint, on the partof the slaveholding Slates of this Union was the apprehended infliction upon their in terests of a restriction called the Wilmot Pro viso. Well, we have met together ; there has been a change of public opinion, a modifica tion of public opinion, at the North. And al low me to say that, with regard to that most im portant portion of our Union—its northwest section—that no man is more entitled to the honor and gratitude of this salutary change than the honorable member in my eye (Mr. Case) who represents Michigan. He came here with his hands tied and bound by a re striction which gave him no other alternative than a violation of his conscientious convic tions of duty, or a resignation of his seat into the hands of those who sent him here. Dis cussions have taken place in this house, in the country, in the press—they raa through the North, and Michigan nobly released and un tied the hands of her Senators, and left them free to pursue their own best judgment to pro mote the interests of their country. And al low me to say this is the feeling of all the North west. There is indeed one honorable Senator here (Mr. Dodge, of Wisconsin,) whose grave and Romanlike deportment in this body has filled me with admiration throughout our on lire service here together —a Senator crowned with laurels by his mili ary deeds in the field of battle. And if he will allow me to address him, approaching, as we both are, to the close of life; 1 would say to him that thete is nothing wanting to a consqpimation of his glory, and liis assignment to a more important and con spicuous position in the country’s history— there is nothing wanting bulk, to cap the climax of renown by contributing to carry triumphant ly through this important measure of concilia tion. Let ine for one moment —assuming the pass age of the various measures which compose the system reported by the Committee of Thir teen —let me see what will be the condition of the two sections of the Union —what has been gained and lost by each. The North uuu iwo- j * aav *. v «• •• gaias the admission of California as a free State, and the high probability of New Mex ico and Utah remaining or becoming free territory ; avoids any introduction of slavery by the antberity of Congress ; sees New Mexico detached from Texas, with a high de gree of probability—from the nature of the climate and the character of the soil, and from other circumstances —that New Mexico will ultimately become a free Stare ; and secures the abolition of tho slave-trade in the District of Columbia. Are not these objects of suffi cient magnitude to satisfy any moderate, ra tioaal, Northern wishes 1 And what will the South gain 1 The South avoids the assertion by Congress of the dangerous principle, as they regard it, contained in the Wilmot pro viso ; places beyond controversy 900 miles of the territory ofTexas on the Rio Grande, now in dispute ; gains an efficient fugitive slave bill, and silences the agitation about the aboli tion of slavery in this District. Sir, it may happen—and lam not going to disguise my convictions as to the probabilities of the fact— that the South will get no territory in Utah, New Mexico, or California, adapted to slave labor, in which slaves will be introduced. But that is not the fault of Congress. It is Con gressional power, Congressional qsurpation. Congressional assumption of an unlawful authority over the institution of slavery, against which the South raises her voiee in protestation. If she cannot get slave territory in California, New Mexico, and Utah, whose fault is it 7 She cannot blame Congress, but must upbraid nature’s law and nature’s God I In human affairs yet to be attained, there are four conditions under which they present themselves—the certain, the probable, the pos sible, and the impossible or the inevitable. The certain requires no effect: the probable not a little effort ; the possible may be accom plished by an indomitable will, and an energet ic perseverance in the pursuit of it. Butthat which is impossible and inevitable, philoso phy. reasou. religion, aud all the guides which are given to us by the blessing of God, incul cate upon us the duty of submission to His will, ■nd resignation to His paramount authority. ana resignauuii tu me jiaiumvuuv Now, it is inevitable, iu my opinion, that South ern slavery is excluded fro m the possesion es any portion of California, Utah, and probably of New Mexico ; and, if so, why contend fur it V Now. what is it that distracts t«s public mind I A mere abstraction,. We look baca with sur prise and astonishment st the prosecutions and punishments for wtichcraft some two hundred years since the occurred in the States of Massa chusetts and Connecticut. Two hundred years hence, if not much sooner, our posterity will read the history of the present times, agitating and threatening the country as they do, with as much astonishment as we pore over the leaves es the historian in which he recounts the witchcraft, and the persecution and punishment of witches in former times. And why contend for carrying slaves to Utah and Naw Mexico, where there is nothing upon which their labor ean be employed—where • nobody will take them 1 Let me remind gen- ■ tleiaea now, while upon this part of thesubje . , —I mean those who are desirous for the great- - est extension of the theatre of ,» I»™ry 1 »™ry—°‘ * - danger, and a great and an imminent danger, ■ which they are incurring. I venture a predic j tion—not'likely to be fulfilled or decided, per i hans in tho course of tbe short remnant ol . nxyhfo—that if Texas include, all tbe terntory ’ " ow ?' a r ~ed by her ~ n further, al. i though the contingency lam about to state is ■ less likely to happen by the curtailment of the • boundary—l venture to say that, in seme I thirty, forty, or frfly years, there will be no : slave State in the limits of Texas at all. I venture to predict that the northern population —depopulation upon the upper part of the Rio Grande—will in process of time greatly out number the population holding slaves upon the Gulf and the lower waters of Texas; and a majority will be found to be adverse to the continuance of slavery, and it will either be abolished, or its limits effectually circum scribed. This is no new opinion with me. I think that I gave the same in a letter which I wrote some six years ago from Raleigh, in the State of North Carolina. I said that if two, three, or four States were formed out of Texas, they would ultimately become free States. And I say that the probability is very great of all Texas becoming free, if it all remains i as she has claimed, including from the month i of the Rio Grande to its source, or even limit ed by El Paso. But, whether it be great or small, it appears to me that it is the interest and duty, and it should be the iuclination of tho South, to look at facts and nature as they exist, arid to reconcile themselves to that which is inevitable and impossible—to reconcile them selves to lhe fact that it is impossible, however desirable it may be in the opinion of any of them, to carry slaves to the countries which I But. Mr. President. in tboeupposition which I have made as to what is gained by either sec tion of the Union in consequence of this ar rangement of the common difficulties be tween them, is there any thing of which the south can justly coinplain 1 The fault of Congress cannot bo cited as depriving them oftheir opportunity of carrying the slaves there. The provisions of the bill are that lhe people are left free to do as they choose. There is, indeed, one provision which did not meet with my approbation, and with which I would have been better satisfied had it been left out; and I that is the provision w'hich does not permit the I governmen tof the Territories to establish or prohibit slavery. But it was introduced at the ■ instance of some Southern gentlemen. And another amendment was also introdu ced at their instance, which expressly provides that if any States from this Territory shall come herewith a constitution admitting slavery, such State is to be admitted; that the fact of the provision for or against slavery is to constitute no objection toiler admission into the Union. Now, what complaint can the South make if the whole scheme is carried out? The South gains a virtual abandonment of the Wilmot proviso, avoids the assumption of any power dangerous to the institution of slavery within the States, or the application of such power to slavery without the States, and secures nine hundred miies of now disputed territory. It is quite unreasonable for any gentleman from the South or elsewhere to get up and sav that the title of Texas to this country is indisputa ble—that it is as clear as the title of any other State to any other territory in the Union.— There is an opposite opinion, and I share my self in the doubt of the validity of the claim of Texas from the mouth of the Rio Grande to the source of that stream. There are oppo site opinions honestly and sincerely entertain ed by both parties What is to be done in such a case? You refuse to appeal to the Su preme Court of the United States—you dis own any jurisdiction which can settle the ques tion. Texas at this moment threatens we un derstand, by force of arms to enforce her claim upon New Mexico. How is the question to be settled ? Can it be done otherwise, satis factorily done, than by compromise, and by the compromise proposed in this bill? I repeat, the South gets nine hundred miles of the best part of the country bordering upon the Rio Grande put out of the controversy as to the pre- sent right to transport slaves there. She gains the abandonment of the Wiltnot proviso, an extent of territory on the Rio Grande, and she gets a fugitive slave bill, which I trust will bo rendered efficient; and she also gets, as 1 trust I shall be able to show in the progress of my argument, the abandonment of the agitation of the abolition of slavery in the District of Co lumbia. What more can the South ask ? Con gress does nothing to injure her, denies her no rights, has offered as much as it can, and says that if any new State shall come here, it shall be admitted with or without slavery, as they choose. What more, let me ask, can the South demand ? Sir, I repeat that, if the South does not gain the section of her right to carry slaves into the new acquisitions, it is boeause, according to I her own doctrine, Congress has no constitution al authority to confer such a privilege, and because California, exercising her undoubted power, has excluded slavery from her limits, tern of measures recommended by the commit tee with what has been contended for hy some of the Southern Senators during the progress of this bill, viz: the line of 36 deg. 30 min. to be run off to the Pacific—to cut that mnch off, of course, from the State of California. Let us consider that question under two as pects: first, without a provision that slaves may be carried south of that line ; and, se condly, with a provision that they may be car ried south of that line. If a line is run with out a declaration as to its effect upon the one side or the other of the line, you might as well run a line upon the sands, upon the ocean, or in the air; it would be obliterated by the first blast of wind or the first billow. I am aware that there are gentlemen who maintain that, in virtue of the constitution, the right to carry slaves south of that line already exists, and that, of course, those who maintain that epin ion want no other security for the transporta tion of their slaves south of that line than the constitution. If I had not heard that opinion avowed, I should have regarded it as one of the most extraordinary assumptions, and the most indefensible position that was ever taken by man. The constitution neither created, nor does it continue slavery. Slavery existed independent of the constitution, and antece dent to the constitution; and it was dependent in the States, not upon the will of but upon the law of the respective States. The constitution is silent and passive upon the subject of the institution of slavery, or rather it deals with the fact as a fact that exists, with out having created, continued, or being res ponsible for it. in the slightest degree, within the States. There are but three provisions in the constitution which relate to the subject of slavery. There is that which subjects slave property to taxation ; that which makes it a component part in the estimation of the popu lation in fixing the ratio of representation ; and that wh.ch provides for the recovery of fugi tive slaves. That is the whole extent of the constitutional provisions upon the subject of slavery. It no more instituted slavery, or is responsible for its continuance or its prelection for a moment, while it remains within the bo som of the Slates, than it is responsible for the protection of any other personal property, depending for its protection upon the State and not upon Congressional law. Why, it is said that upon the high seas, a vessel, of whose cargo slaves compose apart, would be under the protection of the constitution and the gov. ernment of the United States. So it would ciuiunutui invp uiatoo. ou WUUIU be upon the ocean ; and why 7 Because there is no separate jurisdiction existing there in any nation ; but there is a common jurisdiction— common to all nations—and the flag which floats at the masthead of the ship carries with it the laws of the nation to which the vessel be longs. But the moment the vessel gets out of that jurisdiction, the moment it gets into a se parate territorial jurisdiction, the flag, and the ship, and the cargo become subject to the ter ritorial jurisdiction, and are no longer under the protection of the Constitution of the Uni ted States. Why, sir. that is not only true of the free States of this Union, but it is true of the slave States. Thus, if a vessel leaves the port of Charleston with a cargo of slaves, and enters into the port of Boston or New York the moment she casts anchor within the harbor —the moment she comes within the territorial jurisdiction of the laws of Massachusetts or New York, those laws operate upon the slaves, and determine their actual condition. I speak of course of the case in which they W« volun tarily carried there. If they axe earned there without the consent of the owner, they may of course be pursued under the provision of the oonstitution which relates to fugitives, But if they are voluntarily carried, the instant they quit the wide ocean, and come within the ter ritorial jurisdiction, they are subject to the laws of that territorial jurisdiction. If you were to carry a cargo of slaves into the port of Liverpool or Havre, does any man pretend that the flag of the United Slates would pro tect them, alter they enter into the territorial jurisdiction of England or France 7 No such thing. Nor is it like the case which has often been cited in argument, of the slaves which were oast upon the Bahama islands, which oc curred some years ago. That was an involun tary loss of property, consequent upon the act of God. I do think Great Britain was bound in comity, if not in strict justice in that case, to surrender those slaves, or to make ample indemnity for them, and not to take ad vantage of an involun’ary and inevitable mis fortune. But if slaves are voluntarily carried into ■ uch a jurisdiction, their chains instantly drop off, aud they become free, emancipated, liberated from their bondage. Bull have said that this is not only the gen eral’aw, and the law applicable to the free States of this Union, but it is the law of the slave States themselves. The law in Louisi ana is now repealed; but some years ago there was a law in that State which prevented the exportation of slaves from other States into the limits of that State; aud if then yon had gone with a cargo of slaves into the ports of New Orleans, they would have become legally free, or the owners would have been subjected i to a heavy penalty, according to the enactment . ofthatState. Aud there is at this time, if lam s not mistaken, a law of Mississippi, which is not , repealed; (ono of the Senators from Mississip pi will inform me if I am wrong,) which for ’ bids the introduction of slaves as merchandise ; a and if you carry from Kentucky or Tennessee b «steamboat load of slaves, yon lose your property. I believe that in the ease of Mis , si-ieippi the slave does not become free, but that the party who imports him is subjected to a a heavy pecuniary penalty. Such is the state -of the law. as 1 believe, at this time, in the sl State of Virginia. It is, therefore, not only r. true of other foreign nations, but it is true or ,r the States composing this Union, that the mo y me nt a slave enters the territorial jurisdiction