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BY WILLIAM S. JONES.
Serins, &t.
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THEWm
Jj SENTINEL.
SELECTED POETRY.
“ RF.Q.UIESCAT.”
[The following stanzas were translated from the
Germane/ Freiligrath, by Mary Howitt. They
will command the respect and secure the homage of
every lover of genuine poesy. Wo do not know
when we have before read so beautiful a poem ] —
Vicksburg Whig.
Whoe’er the pondrous hammer wields ;
Whoe’er compels the earth to flourish ;
Or reaps the golden harvest fields',
A wife and little ones to nourish ;
Whoever guides the laden bark ;
Or, where the mazy wheels are turning,
Toils at the loom till after dark,
Food for his white haired children earning ;
To him be honor and renown !
Honor to handcraft and tillage ;
To every sweat drop failing down,
In crowded mills or lonesome village I
All honor to the plodding swain
Who hoids the plough I Be’t too awarded
To h-m who toils with *oul and brain,
And starves! Pass him not unregarded ;
Whether in chamber close and small,
’.M d musty temes be fancy smothers ;
Or of the trade the bandaged thrall,
He dramas wri es and songs for others ;
Or whether he for wretched pay,
Translates the trash which he despises ;
Or, learning’s serf, puts day to day,
Dunce-corps though clas.'ic exercises ;
He, a! o, is a prey to care ;
To him, ’tie said, “Starve thou or borrow.”
Grey grows betimes his raven hair,
And to the grave pursues him sorrow ;
With bard compulsion aud with need,
Hrs, like the rest, niu.t strive untiring ;
And his young children’s cry for bread
Maims his free spirit’s glad aspiring.
Ah ! such a one to me was known,
With heavenward aim his course ascending ;
Yet deep in dust and darkness prone,
Care, sordid care, his life at ei.ding.
An exile, and with bleeding breast
He groaned in his severest trial ;
Want goaded him to long unrest,
And scourged him to bitterest self-denial.
Thus, heart-sick, wrote be line on line,
- ” With hollow-cheek and eye of sadness ;
Whilst hyacinth and leafy vine
Were fluttering in the morning’s gladness,
The throstle sung, and nightingale.
The soar lark hymned joy t unending,
Whilst thought’s day laborer, worn and pale,
Over bis weary book was bending.
Yes, though his heart sent forth a cry,
Still strove he for the great ideal;
11 For this,” says he, “ is poesy,
Aud human life this fiery ordeal.”
And when his courage left him quite,
One thought kept his heart alive in ;
lhave preserved my honor bright
■HeAnd for my dear ones 1 aiu striving.”
. At length bls spirit was subdued ;
The power to combat and endeavor
. Was gone, and bis heroic mood ~
k Ca me on fitfully like a lever.
■., The Muses’ kiss, sometimes at night,
K-- Would ‘-et his pulses wildly boating;
~ \ He long has lain the turf beneath,
The wild winds thro’ the grass are sighing ;
F No stone is there, no mourning wreath,
To mark the spot where he is lying.
Theii faces swoii’n with weeping, forth
His wife and children went —God save them !
Young piupers, heir to naught on earth,
Save the pure name their father gave them.
To toil, all honor and renown I
Honor to the handicraft and tillage ;
To every swoat-drop falling down
In crowded mills and lonely village.
All honor to the plodding swain
That holds the plough ! He it too awarded
Tu him who worka with soul and brain,
And starves ! Pass him not unregarded.
“PRESS ON.”
A RIVULET’S SONG.
“Just under an island, ’midst rushes and moss,
I was born of a rock-spring and dew ;
1 was shaded by trees, whose branches and leaves
Ne’er suffered the sun lo gaze through.
“I wandered around the steep brow of a hill,
Where the daisies and violets fair
Were shaking the mist from their wakening eyes
And pouring their breath on the air.
“Then I crept gently on, and I moiatenad the feet
Os a shrub which enfolded a nest —
The bird in return sung bis merriest soug,
And showed me his leathery crest.
* How joyous I felt in the bright afternoon,
When the sun, riding off in the west,
Came out iu red gold from behind the green trees
And burnished my tremulous breast!
“My memory now can return to the time
When the breeze murmured low plaintive tones,
While I wasted the day in dancing away,
Or playing with pebbles and stones.
“It points to the hour when the rain pattered down.
Oft testing awhile in the trees ;
Then quickly descending it ruffled my calm,
Aud whispered to mo of the seas!
“Twas then the first wish found a home in my breast
To increase as time hurries along;
’Twas then I first learned to lisp t-ofily the words
\V hich 1 now love so proudly—‘Press on !’
“I’ll make wider my bed, as onward 1 tread,
A deep, mighty river I’ll be—
‘Pres* on* all the day will I sing on my way,
Till 1 enter the far-spreading sea.”
It cea«ed. A youth lingered beside its greea edge-
WTill the stars in its face brightly shone;
He bo; cd the sweet strain would re-echo again—
But he just heard a murmur—“ Press onr
AREWELL.
We do not know how much we love,
Until we come to leave ;
An aged tree, a common flower,
Are things o’er which we grieve.
There is a pleasure in the pain
That brings us back the past again.
We Unger while we turn away,
We cling while we depart ;
And memories unmarkeu till then,
Come crowding round ti e heart.
Let what will turn us on our way,
t Farewell’s a bitter word to say.
SITUATION AS A TEACHER
WANTED.
A LADY from the North is desirous oT obtuin
ing a situation as a TEACHER at tbe South.
She is fully capable of teaching all the high.tr branch-
K cs of English, and has a good knowledge of F rench
K and Drawing, and would give instruction in Em-
[ nroidery and other need I e-work. Sb a would take
F charge of a Seminary ol twenty young ladies; or
would accept a situation as an Assistant in a School.
K Address to Box V. W., Post Office, Augusta,
I _ »24-d2Aw2
|
F RECEIVING, FORWAHDING, AND
GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
Temwm.
BRYAN. WILSON, GAINES & CO.,
Augusta. Georgia.
THOMAS WILSON & CO.,
Savannah, Geo.
CI VK tbeir persuaal attention to Re
ceiving and Forwarding ©I Goods and Pro
duce. Alaa, to the sale of all Kinde of Produce and
Merchandize that may be entrusted to their care.
A. THOMAS.
M. M. GAINED
P. B. WILSON,
Augusta, Sept. 24. w2m J. J. BRYAN.
The Augusta Constitutionalist, Savannah Re
publican ard Georgian, will please copy to amount
of >5, and forward iheir account to either House.
W. R, Jacksom. G. T. Jacksox. Hcgm CFNiiix.
W. E. JACKSON CO.,
WHOLESALE DRY GOODS MER
CHANTS.
MASONIC HALL,
Deivcen United states and Gteba Hottte,
augvsfa, geo.
HAVIXO made large aJdiuoaa to our atock of
PRY GOOPS, wo are prepared to sell lo
Country Merchants, a: as lew priass, and upon the
same terms, aS the Merchants of Charleston.
Country Mervhants visiting Augusta or Charles
ton, are respectfully invited to examine our assort
ment and prices. si-wti
' FOR savannah!
R?*" THK sew and splendid ligh
draeght steamer HANCOCK, Capt.
L Mvs SAT, built expressly for lie Au-
gusta aud Savannah trade, will leave Augusta fiw
Siavw-.X every TUESDAY MORNING, al 9
F eight or passage, having secommodations un-
•jns 1 by say boat on the nr er, apply to the
V Captaia on board, or to the Agent,
A H. F RUSSELL
I FIRE AND MARINE INSURANCE
rTMiK PROTECTION INSURANCE
COMPANY, nt Hartford,C©oneciicuu,hav«
at ltsh*d an Agenev in Augusta, and propose
la'e ig fircaadrivar risk* upon property of all dearr>i
k • on •• reaMmable terms as abv other good office.
1 ' Oucaat iße store of Ferse, /fruiter’s <?•.
3 JI it
rl fl Er i [fl s' vBIM M M fl %rl 11 ;l S' I i z M m H MH it
wCX'B IP -W B -Or IP
- . . . . . . .. —_————
MISCELLNEOUS UTE
MATURE.
From, the National Intelligencer.
Reception of the Turkish Commiasiouer.
On Saturday last Amin Bey, Commissioner
of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan «f the Ot
toman Empire, was presented to the President
by the Secretary of State. All the Heads of
Departments an i several other distinguished
persons were present. On being introduced
to the President, Amin Bey made an address
in the Turkish language, of which the follow
ing is a translation:
I have had the honor to be appointed by the
Government of His Imperial Majesty the Sul
tan of the Ottoman Empire to visit the United "
States of America, with (he view of strengthen
ing those relations of peace and friendship
which so happily have always existed between
the two Governments.
I have it much at heart to execute the wishes
of my Sovereign in an acceptable manner;
and, though the two countries are so farsepa
rated, commerce and the increasing facilities
of travel cannot fail to bring them nearer to
each other. With their extension, more inti
mate relations will hereafter naturally arise
between the Ottoman Empire and the Great
Republic of the New World
It has occasioned His Imperial Majesty much
pleasure to know that he has wen the approba
lion of this Government, and that of the Ame
rican People, by the course which he recently
pursued in favor of the Hunga
rians, whose position bad claims on those feel
ings of humanity and benevolence which at
all times occupy the heart of His Majesty.
I am instructed by my Government to visit
the institutions of public and private industry
of this country, and to inform myself of the
system of education so successfully followed in
the United States, for the purpose of making a
report on the same.
The hospitable and kind attentions which
I have received from the American people,
since my arrival in the New World, I regard
as so many evidences of good will and respect
towards my revered Sovereign, whose unwor
thy servant I am; and I beg leave to take the
present opportunity of expressing loyou.as
the Chief Magistrate, of this truly great coun
try, how deeply gratful 1 am for them.
To these observations the President made
the following reply:
Sir: Your arrival in this country is not un
expected. The Representative of this (io
□eminent at Constantinople informed us, some
months ago, of the purpose of the Sublime
Porte to send a public agent to this country.
The Government of the United Stales received
this information with pleasure, and 1 am hap
py to-day to realize the anticipation in which
we have indulged.
The high consideration due to your Sove
reign aud his Government, and what we learn
of your own intelligence aud character, con
spire to make you a welcome visiter.
The occasion is striking us well as pleasing.
From the Bosphorus you come, on an errand
of peace and of friendly inquiry, to the wes
tern shores of the Atlantic. From a country
of so much antiquity, and so much history,
your Government, with afar-seeing intelli
gence, has dispatched you to this our Wes
tern Republic, that you may acquaint yourself
with its civilization, its institutions, its ex
tent. and its power; and with the causes
which, in little more than two centuries,
have rai-ed up aud established a community
of more than twenty-five millions of people,
under forms of government entirely free, and
yet such as have been able, as we trust, to
make the American character not unfavorably
known in the world.
In the name of the American Government
and People, I bid you welcome ! The coun
ry is before you, and all open lo your examina
tion and inspection. Whatsoever there is in
our political organization, in our system of
education and instruction, in our commercial
regulations, or in the organization and equip
ment of our means of national defence, wheth
er in the army or in the navy, will be readily
subjected lo your inquiry. Competent officers
will be instructed to conduct you lo the dock
yards and public arsenals ; the hospitals for
invalids and the various institutions for the
relief of the poor, the insane, the blind and
the impotent, will invite your attention. You
will pass along, with opportunities to observe
the great lines of coinuiunication, of canals
and railroads ; and jou will visit and examine
those manufacturing establishments, the pro
duce and growth of private enterprise which
have enabled the vessels of the Uunited States
lo bear samples of the skill and industry of
producing whd&t, maize, nee, cotton, and" to
bacco. Finally, sir, you will have an oppor
tunity of beholding the mountains, and the
rivers, and the lakes of this continent, and be
able to report, accurately, when you return to
the confines of Europe and Asia, on what scale
of magnitude are those natural features of the
earth which have attracted your attention.
While you remain in the country, Mr. Com
mtssioner, every proper degree of respect will
be paid to you, »»nd, so far as depends on us,
the wishes of your sovereign respecting the
success of your mission shall not be disappoint
ed ; and I trust, with you, that its effect may be
a greater extension of friendly and commercial
relations between the Ottoman Empire and the
Republic of the New World. Amin Bey! you
have said, and said truly, that his Imperial Ma
jesty, your Sovereign the Sultan, has won the
approbation of the American Government and
people, by the course pursued by him in favor
of those unfortunate Hungarians whose recent
condition had claims on the feelings of the hu
mane and benevolent all over the world ; that
approbation, let me say, is deep, and cordial,
and wide spread. Not disposed to interfere
with political occurrences which do not affect
ourselves, the people of the United States are
yet intelligent and well informed, and quite oh
servant ©fall that passes in the world, connect
ed with questions of national and human rights.
While they maintain a strict neutrality in all
foreign wars, they nevertheless sympathize
most deeply in all struggles against oppression.
They are lovers of justice, cf mild govern
ment, of humanity, and of everything which
promotes the cause of social and political hap
piness among men.
I repeat. Mr. Commissioner, the pleasure I
have in welcoming you hither, and re-assure
you of the disposition of this government to
make your mission agreeable to yourself and
satibfactory to your intelligent Sovereign, the
Sultan of the Ottoman Empire
The address of Amin Bey was interpreted to
the President by Mr Brown, dragoman of the
American Legation at Constantinople, who in
like manner interpreted the reply of the Presi
dent to the Commissioner, who listened to it
with profound attention, and from time to time
evinced the deep impression it made upon him
The following is an extract of a despatch
from Mr. Marsh, the American Minister Rest
dent at Constantinople, dated 20th May, I 860:
“ Believing that a better acquaintance on the part
o r the Turkish Government with the power and re
sources ot the American Urion, and wiih the mechan
ical skill of her citizens, would be one of the most
effectual means of extending the commercial inter
course between the two nations, of creating a de
mand in the Leva: t for tbe products of American
industry, and of establishing political relations with
Turkey, which might be of the most essential ser
vice to us, I have exerted myself to induce the Porre
to send one or more public agents to the United
States, with a view of informing itself, through relia
ble sources, upon the points to which I have alluded.”
“ Amin Bey, an officer attached to the naval ser
vice, with the assimilated rank of colonel, has been
cuminiaeioned t» pnx*eed to the United Slates, for
the purpose I have indicated.
Amin Bey, altlmugh specially delegated by tho
Capnda Pacha, is treated in the note by which his
appointment is communicated to the Legation as a
public agent of the Sublime Porte, and may, imme
diately or hereafter, be invested with diplomatic
rank ; but the principal duty with which he is at
present charged is the examination of onr navy
yards, docks, ships of war, and other establi hments
connected with our military marine. I suppose,
however, that be is also instructed to report on our
national resources, our public works, aud the condi
tion of our productive industry; and 1 trust that
every facility in the power of the Government may
be afforded him for thoroughly informing himself
upon these important branches of inquiry.”
New Steam Brick Machine —Among the
inventions which have lately attracted our at
tention. ns being of the highest importance .and
well worthy of the public attention is the mod
el of a new brick machine, invented by our in
genious fellow- townsman Mr. Speissegger.
For simplicity and for certain uniform re
sults without the least risk of derangement, it
strikes us as decidedly better than any of these
latter day patents that we have yet seen.
Tbe action of this machine resembles that
of the Tyler and other cotton presses in which
steam is admitted into a cylinder stationed im
mediately over the press. The pressure, in
other words, is obtained by the direct actiou of
steam admitted into lhe cylinder, the piston be
ing carried up. and drawing with it through
its connections the frame in which are the
moulds filled with clay to be compressed by
contact with a superior smooth surface. The
brick moulds are forty in number, in taro
plateaux of twenty each, couected together in
one frame work in such a manner, that
whilst one is undergoing pressure lhe other is
being filled with clay. Thus each plateau in its
tu n is carried up to be subjected to pressure,
one delivering its twenty bricks and being filled
again while the other is ascending to be press
ed. aud so on alternately. There is nothing to
prevent all the moulds from being equally
tilled with clay, and there is au equal pressure
ou all the bricks. Here there is an absolute
necessity of forming tbe bricks all perfect and
homogeneous, if the materials be the same in
each compartment.
Tbe economy of this beautiful invention
consists in the small cost of its construction
its great simplicity and consequent small liabil
i:yto wear and derangement. Tbe power
can be increased to any desired amount, and
the bricks can be de ivered as fast as the
moulds can be filled.—Sar. Rep.
The Philadelpia Ledger etates that the gas
ometer being put up at the Philadelphia jas
works wilt be the largest in the world. The
dimensions are one hundred and forty feet in
diameter, by seventy feet in height, capable of
containing one million cubic feet of gas.
Coal in Vermont.—A vein of coat similar
in appearance and quality to the Liverpool, and
about 18 inches thick, has been discovered in
1 Brandon, V’t.
Cotton in Jamaica. —It appears that the En
glish people are going to work earnestly to
test the capacity of the soil of Jamaica for the
culture of cotton. By the steamer Empire
' City by the way ofChagres, we have from that
island advices to the 29th ult:
Kingston, Jamaica, Aug. 29, 1850
“I write chiefly to give you the earliest in
; formation about the cotton movement here.
We have had an important meeting this week,
at which the Chief Justice presided, for the
purpose of establishing a small experimental
company for the growth of cotton. On the
day of this meeting, we had the intelligence
from Manchester, in England, that a company
had been established there, for the cultivation
of cotton in this island. We are now becom
ing all much excited, and there can be no doubt
that before six months pass, there will be an
exportation to England of some considerable
amount. There are several hundreds of acres
now in cultivation, and it is extending every
day. The apecimens already forwarded are
highly esteemed. Estates and lands of all
kinds fit for cotton have been depressed ex
ceedingly in value, but now they must rise,
and he may consider himself a fortunate man
who obtains possession of property here, at
the present low prices. What a fine opening
this island now presents to men of delicate
health in America, who are dependent for
comfort and existence on a mild climate, to
make it their places of general residence, and
there is a field for enterprise and exertion. They
could easily do so whb.oal ipvohdjQg Jha aban
donment Os their country, as the distance is on
ly six days of pleasant steam navigation.”
One of the Jamaica papers says also that the
peasantry (that is the slaves) much prefer the
labor of making Cotton- It gives the follow
ing description of one estate where there was
a field in Cotton of thirty acres.
The plants looked healthy and it may not
prove uninteresting to our readers if we give
an account of its preparation and progress.—
The field was ruinate land, wi;h logwood grow
ing upon it. Eighteen acres were cleaned,
digged, and planted in the two weeks, end
ing on the 17th May last. The p’anc did not
make its appearance above ground until the
sixth day after being planted.
There was no rain until the 26th May, and
the growth of the plant after the first shower
was rapid. Almost every seed took, four be
ing planted in each hole. The cotton first
blossomed on the 25th June, the plants being
about nine inches high; the place was thinned
in the latter end of June. The cotton was
planted in rows of six feet apart .and the holes
dug twelve inches square, five feel apart from
each other. The planting of the remaining
twelve acres was finished on the 25th June;
these came up three days after being planted,
having hud the advantage of a good shower
immediately after the seed had been put into
the earth. The pods of the first plants were
formed on the first of July, and by the 9th cf
the same month were as large as eggs. We are
informed that the gentleman who owns this
plantation, intends to have the cultivation ex
tended to about one hundred acres; and from
all the information we have gathered on this
important question, we anticipate the happiest
results.”
The Fate of Genius.—There is in this city,
says the Boston Mail, an old man of sixty, who
graduated at the University of Dublin, Ireland,
at the age of twenty-two, was admitted as a
surgeon in the British army, and in that capa
ci y visited this country with the English ;
was present at the destruction of the public
buildings, stores &e., at Washington city; has
been in India wdh the British army ; has been
present, during his service as a surgeon, at
over four thousand amputations, and fifteen
severe battles; was shot twice, performed
surgical operations on lh.ee wounded gene
rals, seven colonels twenty captains, and over
eleven thoiiFand officers of smaller grade, &c.,
has dined with two kings, one Empress, one
Emperor, the Sultan, a Pope, innumerable
great generals, <&c. Has held in his hand the lar
gest diamond iu the world except one. Has had
the Britislicrown in hishand. Has been married
three times, a father of eleven children, all of
whom he has survived. Broken down by dis
ease. too poor lo live without employment, and
too proud to become a pauper, he sailed in an
emigrant vessel to this country three years ago;
and this man of remarkable adventures, classic
e ucation, master of four languages, six’y
years of age, poor, old, decaying, is now ped
dling oranges and apples in the streets in this
city! We know what we are—verily we know
not what we may be!
Fulton’s First Steam Voyage.—Some
twenty years since I formed a travelling ac
quaintance upon a »teainbc , |! upon the Ilad
sion, related io me Dome incident*, of the first
voyage of Fulton to Albany, in his steamboat
the Clermont, which I have never met with
elsewhere, The gentleman’s name I have lost;
but I urged him, at the time to publish what he
related, which, however, so far as I know he
has never done.
1 chanced (said my narrator) to be at Alba
ny on business when Fulton arrived there in
his unheard of craft, which every body felt so
much interest in seeing. Being ready lo leave
nnd hearing that this craft was to return to New
York, I repaired on board and inquired for
Mr. Fulton. I was referred lo the cabin, and
1 there found a plain, gentlemanly man wholly
alone, and engaged in writing.
Mr. Fulton, 1 presume.
Yes, sir.
Do you re urn to New York with this boat 1
We shall try to get back, sir.
Can I have a passage down ?
Your can take you chance with us, sir.
I inquired the amount to be paid, and, after
a moment’s hesitation, a Rum, I think six dol
lars, was named. The amount in coin I laid
in his open hand, and with an eye fixed upon
it he remained so long motionless that I sup
posed there might be a miscount, and said to
him, Is that right, sir ? This roused him as
from a kind of revery, and, as he looked at
me, the big tear was brimming in his eye. and
his voice faltered as he said, Excuse me, sir,
but memory was busy as I contemplated this,
the first pecuniary reward I have ever receiv
ed for all my exertions in adapting steam to
navigation. 1 would gladly commemorate the
occasion over a bottle of wine with you, but
really 1 am too poor even for that just now ;
yet I trust we may meet again when this will
not be so.
Some four years after this, when the Cler
mont had been greatly improved and two new
boats made, making Fulton’s fleet three boats
regularly plying between New York and Al
bany, 1 took passage in one of these for the
latter city.
Thecabin, in that day, was below ; aud as I
walked its length to and fro, 1 saw I was very
closely observed by one I supposed a stranger.
Soon, however, I recalled the features of Mr.
Fulton ; but, without disclosing th-s, I contin
ued my walk and waited the result. At length,
in passing his seat our eyes met. when lie
sprung to his feet, aud eagerly seizing my hand
exclaimed. I knew it must be you. for your
features have never escaped me ; and although
1 am still far from rich, yet I may venture that
bottle now. It was ordered, and. during its
discussion, Mr. F. ran rapidly but vividly over
his experience of the world’s coldness, and
sneers, and of the hopes, fears, disappoint
ments. and difficul.ies that were scattered
through his whole career of discovery up to
the very point of his final crowning triumph,
at which he so fully felt he had at last arrived.
And in reviewing all these, said he, I have
again and again recalled the occasion and th**
incident of our first interview at Albany ; and
never have 1 done so without its renewing in
my mind the vivid emotion it originally caused
That seemed, and still does seem to me, the
turning point in my destiny, the dividing line
between light and darkness, in my career upon
earth ; for it was the first actual recognition of
iny usefulness to my fellow men.
Such, then, were the events coupled with
the very dawn of steam navigation—a dawn so
recent as to be still recollected by many—
and such as Fuhon there related them, were
the early appreciations by the world of a dis
cevery which has invaded all waters, causing a
revolution in navigation which has almost lite
rally brought the very ends ot the earth in con
tret.
Tns Examflk of America Upon England
—Wilmer & Smith’s Times, of Liverpool,
<aya:
*• We understand, with some truth, that the
chancellor of the exchequer has al length been
convinced, by the powerful arguments and
eeiviucing statistical returns of the Newspa
per ?ress Association, that it is advisable, tn
iho next session of Parliament, to abolish the
paper duties, as well as the stamp duty on
and the duty on advertisements
—in fact to make the press of this country as
free as it is in America.”
This will afford immense relief to the pub
lishers of newspapers and advertisers, as it is
well known that these duties are exceedingly
onerous, limiting the circulation of newspa
pers and their advertising business. News
papers, however, are not charged with post
age in Great Britain until they get rather old.
—Baltimore Snn.
The Louisville Journal, of the 11th inst.,
“The funeral of Bishop Bascom took
vlace yesterday. After prayer by the Rev.
fSr. Bheon, the remains were removed from
tin residence of Mr. Stevenson, where the
deceased breathed his last, to the Fourth street
Church. There the Rev. Messrs. Parsons,
Holman. Sehon, and Linn offered prayers and
delivered eloquent funeral discourses. The
concourse of persons present was very large,
and the ceremonies were of the most imposing
nature. The remains were then taken to the
Eastern cemetery, followed by a long proces
sion. The Rev. Mr. Stevenson here perform
ed the burial services of the church. The bo
dy was placed in a vault to await the direction
of the family of the deceased.”
Cost of Railways.—by au article iu the
last Westminster Review, we learn that the
average cost of railways in the United States
has been about $10,300 a mile; while bat of
the English raiiroadshas been nearly $200,000
per mile, including the sums squandered daring
the mania of 1845 and ’46 Indeed the annua
expense of a railroad in England is more than
the original cost of one in the United States.
A newspaper is now printed in China, called
the Ptkin Monitor !: is in the Chinese lan
guage. nnd is the first Chinese paper ever pub
isbed in the celestial empire.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 2, 1850
From the Savannah Republican.
The National Monument and the Tem
perance Societies of Georgia.—We are in
debted to the politeness of Wm. Humphreys,
Esq., of this city, for the following letter from
the Washington National Monument Office
at Washington. It contains ihe gratifying
evidence that the laudable design of the Tem
perance Societies of Georgia is appreciated
at its just value. It will always be a source
of just pride to members of the several Tem
perance Associations of this State, to know
that they have sent a contribution to “ free
dom's offering to freedom's greatest champion."
From the address accompanying the letter,
we learn that the monument is to be built of
granite encased in marble. It will be 500 feet
high—a little higher than the highest of the
eternal pyramids. The cost of the Obelisk (to
be first completed) will be $552.000 —that of
the Obelisk and Pantheon around its base to
gether will be $1,122,000 dollars.
The Temperance Associations of Georgia
will never regret their determination to place
one corner stone in such a monument erected
for such an object. May their example be
imitated by similar associations in other States !
Washington National Monument Office, )
Sept. 10. 1850. J
Dear Sir : Your favor of the 10th inst, to
gether with a circular, was transmitted to this
office on the 17th inst., by the Hon. J. M.
Berrien. The Board of Managers are much
gratified at the interest manifested by your
patriotic association, in the great undertaking
tllltFcJ* -thr"
auspices of me whole American people. They
will accept, with pleasure, a block of marble
to represent the Temperrnce Associations of
Georgia in the National Monument, and assign
a position to it becoming the noble object of
their organization.
I herewith send an address that contains the
information you desire, regarding the dimen
sions, &.c. of these blocks.
Most sincerely yon’s,
Elisha Whittlesey.
Wm. Humphreys, Esq., Secretary Savannah
Total Abstinence Society. Savannah Ga.
A New Watch.—A great improvement in
the manufacture of watches has just been made
in Geneva, by which watch keys are rendered
unnecessary. By simply turning a screw in
the handle, the watch is wound up, and anoth
er movement regulates tne hands. The first
watch manufactured with this improvement is
intended for America, and its case is said ,o be
a rich and curious specimen of art. and histo
rically interesting; the ornamented border
containing a view of the famous “ Charter
Oak.” of Connecticut. “It is a good action
thus to make a watch case teem with historic
associations without destroying its ornamental
beauty.”
Okra Kopf. and Whips.—Our friend, Col.
Maunsel White, sends us from his plantation,
Deer Range, Plaquemines, a specimen of a
whip made out of the Okra plant. The dis
covery is due to Mr. John Blourgere, and pro
mises to develope a new and valuable staple
io be added to the other productions of our
stale. The whip sent to us is made of the
stalk, and the root serves as the handle, while
the bark at the same time forms the body of
the whip and lash. Mr. Blourgere says that
the hemp made from the Okra plant will not
rot in water. The bark has ten layers of fibres,
and will produce more hemp than any plant
known. It is the easiest to dress, but to do it
to any extent it would require heavy rollers,
like sugar mill rollers, to run the stalks through
after which operation, four days only is requir
ed to make it a most beautiful article of the
kind.— N. O. Delta.
The New York Herald s’ates that the fifth
concert of Jenny L’nd,which took place in that
city on Saturday evening, was attended by at
lea-tnine thousand persons, and that the sing
ing of Miss Lind surpassed all her former ef
forts.
The Herald states that the regulations were
broken through by the throng, and those who
held promenade tickets commenced a general
rush for seats, which was at length joined in by
most of those present, and the scramble that en
sued elicited from the spectators hisses and
crie- of shame. Order was, however, re
stored, and lhe concert took place very success
fully. Jenny Lind was received with cheering
and the waving of hats and handkerchiefs,
which lasted for several minutes. At the end
of each piece she was cal ed out, and at the fi
nale a tempest of applause greeted her. In tbe
aria from ‘L’Elisir d’Amore,’ and the 'Sing
ing Lesson’ she was very successful.
The unfortunate Mrs. M’ller, daughter of the
late Senator Norvell, of Michigan, whose toys
'iwww-wjpj.vtifrmvjrt,,;, xuuniiiA sincrrvf-rr
be remembereo, is at present resitting with her
mother at Detroit. During her absence her
father and her brother, the latter a Captain in
the U.S. Army, have both died, and her hus
band, Maj. Miller of lhe U. S. Army, died at
Uniontown, Pa., a few days since. It is said
that the death of husband, lather, and brother
have all been accelerated by the strange di*ap
pearance of the unfortunate lady. Since her
return to Detroit she etates that domestic diffi
culties drove her to the rash act of leaving her
children, and destroying herself, and after shud
dering on the brink of that awful gulf into
which she dared not plunge, she changed her
plan, and buried herself in a convent or nun
nery near Baltimore. She positively denies
having been in company with any gentleman,
but found her way to the monastery alone, and
which she left as pure as she entered.
Engraving on Marble.—A method of orna
menting black marble has recently been dis
cover d, which is by extracting the colouring
matter of the marble (bitumen) without in
juring its surface; and by extracting the color
to a greater or less degree, different shades are
produced, giving it the effect of an engraving :
indeed, the method pursued is nearly the same
a* aquating engraving Another mode of or
namenting black marble is by scratching the
polished surface with a steel diamond point,
which produces a white mark of diflerent de
grees ofintensity, according to the depth of
the scratch, by which means, in skilful hands,
beautiful engravings are produced.— European
Times.
The New-York Tribune states that one of
the steerage passengers in the steamer Pacific,
at (hat port from Chagres, had with him twen
ty thousand dollars, which he bad gained in 48
hours. He first took sixteen thousand dollars
from his claim in une day, and then sold it the
next day for four thousand dollars, and started
fur the Stales perfectly satisfied.
A swindler put up at a hotel in Baltimore and
had au accomplice in Philadelphia to telegraph
him that his wife was ill. He made arrange
rnen'.s to return but must get his goods packed
up On returning to supper another despatch
came that his wife was dead ! He took it bad
ly, the landlord pitied him, loaned him a con
siderable some of money on a box of goods,
and was—-d iddled !
Mr. Lavard, in excavating beneath the pyra
mid at Nimrod, has pene 1 rated a mass of ma
sonry, within which lie discovered the tooib
and sta ire of Sardanapalus, with full annals ul
that monarch’s reign engraved on the walls.
Dll. W. !<• MOSELY, has permanency
located himself in the City of Griffin, an i is
prepared (o cure any, and ail cases of Cancers, iliat
can be cured. He can treat those afflicted with this
disease, by Prescription, but would prefer to have the
patient at his office, for a few days at least. Any
person wishing medicine, and directions for this dis
ease, eun have it forwarded to them by mail, by en
closing 850 mid sending tbe letters, free of postage.
My regular charge, for treating a case is 8100, in
variably in advance. All communications will be
promptly attended te. W. R. MOSELEY. M. D.
Griffin, July 12, 1850
Wond.rfal Cure of a Cancer.— Thia certifies
that Dr. W. R. Moseley, of Griffin, Ga., cured me
of a bad Cancorof ten years’ standing. It had near
ly deatroyed most ot my upper Lip, and in fact my
whole face was more or less affected with the disease.
The abese case was cured in about three weeks,
perfectly sound and well. ELIZABETH JINKS.
Butts Co., Ga., July 13, 1850.
Dr. W. R. Moseley's Cancer Blaster.— Not
only a positive but a warranted cure for Cancerg.
This Medicine has decided tbe dispute about the
curability of Cancers, and satisfied all who have
used it th it Cancers, and all scorbutic affect ions,
cm not only be cured, but they are as easily and
simply cured as almost any of the diseases to which
the human frame is liable. The operation of a sin
gle Box is sufficient to cure any case of common
Cancer.
Dr. Moseley, its discoverer, is one of the most
eminent Physicians of his order, and age. Such
has been lhe wonderful results of its operations up
on many persons afflicted with this disease, we feel
it a duty that we owe to tbe public, and to those that
are the subjects of this dreadful disease, to publish
some cures performed by this medicine.
Ido hereby certify, that in the year 1848, my son
Thomas was badly afflicted with a Cancer on bis
Tongue. 1 tried all the remedies that I could bear
• •ff, but, i all done no good. lat last applied to Dr.
Moseley, who gave me a small box of his cancer
medicine and directions how to use it; and in three
weeks after I commenced using his medicine, my
eon was entirely cured of a very bad cancer.
Mississippi, July 12, 1850.
This certifies, that I have been cured of a bad
Cancer en my nose, by Dr. Moeety, of Griffin, Ga.
I would say to all persons that are afflicted with this
disease, that if they wish to be cured, all they have
to do is< to give him a trial, and my word for it they
will be satisfied with the truth of tbe above state
ments. JAMES FREEMAN.
Texas, Monticello, July 12, 1850. jj24
“ OUR MOTTO IS TO PLEASE,”
AT THE AUGUSTA
SADDLE AND HARNESS
MANUFACTORY.
_ THE SUBSCRIBER respectfully
informs the public, that he has recently
received large addition-; to his stock of
SADDLE and HARNESS MOUNTINGS, 4c , of
the latest and most improved styles, and ie constantly
manufacturing at his store on Broad-street, in Met
calf’s Rang?, every description of articles in the
above line. He has now on hand, and will constantly
keep, a large assortment of Coach, Gig, Sulky,
Buggv Wagon and L>rav HARNESS; Ladies and
Gentlemen’s SADDLES, BRIDLES. WHIPS, Ac.
All of which he will warrant to be of the best mate
rial and workmanship. He has also an assortment of
TRUNKS. VALISES, Saddle and Carpet BAGS,
SATCHELS, Ladies TRUNKS, Ac.,
and all ocher article* usually kept in such establish
ments; a'l of which he offers low for cash or on
sh:rt credit to prompt customers.
SADDLES. HARNESS, TRUNKS, MEDICAL
BAGS. Ac., dt c«, made to order.
In addition lo the above, tbe sobscriber always
keeps on hand a large supply of Full Riveued and
Cemented BANDS, for Gearing. Also. Siring
LEATHER, &e. »7-iwAwtt ’A. HATCH
POLITICAL
1 . ' iS fe 1 .r •■■■■-=
LKTTER OF JVDGE G. ANDREWS,
OS THK
CALIFORNIA AND TERRITORIAL
- QUESTIONS,
Washington G a . Aug. 31, 1850.
Messri. Hopkins Hoheo, Albon Chase,
H. Hull.— Yours of the 10th inst., has been re
ceived in which you "We desire to elicit
from you an expression of your opinions on
the several questions g rowing out of the pre
sent posture of public' affairs, and partic
ularly the following : Whether, if the State
of California, as at pre.eot organized, shall be
admitted into the Union, and the remaining ter
ritory acquired from Mexico placed under
Territorial governments, without restriction on
the subject of slavery—wouQthat state of facts
present a proper occasion for measures of re
sistance, revolutionary or Otherwise, on the
part of the slaveholding states.
I do not know that I oau add one new view
to the question you have presented, or influ
ence one voice on the subject; but like a vo
ter at the ballot box, 1 only willing,
but anxious to give my aftjyobatioti to the
cause of truth and right. M
In answering your quesjidA in the negative,
I but say what all Georgia, nay, all the South,
said twelve monUJrq alp- _I *tQt assert the right
ol self governmN|j|^^^^a-3i>ver de-irabl»
tid s.’jvCci Sta-os, ol duemoent,
to wish to impose trfl a people a government
repugnant to their wishes. California has cho
sen to prohibit slavery, and I presume, no one
doubts that if tho question were repeated to
her annually, during the balance of the centu
ry, her answer would be the same. I appre
hend, if we were to belie our republican pro
fessions so far as, to try to force on her the insti
tution of slavery, that we could not. Let no
man, who wishes to perpetrate such a tyran
ny, tell me that he loves self government on
principle. He may, from selfish motives, like
to live under it, but is ready to play the tyrant
when it may be to his interest and in his pow
er
Some are willing to admit California, north
0f36 30, but not south of »hat line unless Con-
shall recognize, below that line, slavery.
To satisfy such, if anything would satisfy them,
1 would nave no objection to such arrange
ment, though I doubt much, whether it wou’d
not weaken the slave power. The chances
are, that south of that line would become a free
State, and then we should have two, instead of
one California, four, instead of two, Senators
representing free Slates. For who would carry
slaves into so small a territory, surrounded by
free Slates. I believe that many ot those who
are determined to accept nothing but that line
do not insist on it so much, because they be
lieve that it would benefit the slave interest, as
that it is an impracticable line, and will give
pretext for a dissolution of the Union Such
object to Mr. Clay’s compromise, which was
the most perfect non-intervention, not only
South, but north of that line. For it provided,
and so does the territorial bill for Utah which
has passed the Senate, that when admitted as a
Slate, the said Territory or any portion of the
same, shall be received into the Union with or
without slavery as the constitution of such state
may prescribe at the time of admission. And
what is important to be observed, Utah
had already applied for admission into the U
iiion, under a constitution without any prehi
bition of slavery ; which was as much a slave
constitution as Georgia—The Georgia Consti
union being silent on the subject of slavery
Then here are a people who, so far as their
constitution is concerned, have manifested
themselves, as much in favor of slavery as the
Georgians, occupying a large and isol&ted ter
ritory, with perfect liberty to form another
constitution of like character. Now would it
not be a poor bargain to prohibit slavery, in
such a country as Utah, for the chance, 1 may
say the remote chance, of having this small
fraction of California a slave Slate. I do not
deem it necessary to use this argument lo
show that there are disunionists in the land.
There are numbers who are proclaining it, as
it were, on the house-tops; but to show that
this line 0f36 30 is made the ultimatum, not
for the good of “Southern rights.”
The argument, sometimes used, is that Cali
fornia should not be admitted, because her
constitution was not fairly made; that foreign
ers voted for members to the convention that
formed i». This is the complaint that has al
ways been, and always will be, made by the
party defeated at an election. 1 have no
doubt that foreign, and other illegal vote#
were polled, and would again be polled, if the
effort were made a hundred times. I appre
he.nd- Lherajiever liai? '***"
UnHuu'* « ’ of any size,
in which illegal votes"ndfii Wot
will not he, polled. There can, however, be
no doubt that the large body of voters, and
American voters too, were legal, and almost
unanimous, in the prohibition of slavery, and
would be the same again, no matter how often
the question might be submitted. Disunion
papers admit that three-sou ths of the conven
lion are from the United Stales. If, hvwever.
the people of California want slavery, or shall
hereafter desire it, they can, and no doubt will
alter their constitution and permit it. Her ad
mission, as a State, does not, in the least, pre
vent her adopting slavery.
Twelve mouths ago, no one thought of ask
ing for the Territory of Mexico, any thing but
non-intervention. Or in the language of your
letter, that it be “placed under territorial go
vernment without restriction on the subject of
slavery.” Os course I wish to see New Mexi
co a slave State if it would strengthen the slave
power—which 1 will directly sho v, is doubtful.
But 1 am unwilling to dissolve the Union, if
Congress shall not recognize or establish slave
ry in that portion of the Territory South, and
prohibit it North of the line 36 30; which I n
derstand, is the question made by the Nashville
Convention. Should it be questionable wheth
er non-intervention is better than tne line of 36
30, with recognition South, and prohibition
North, there can be no doubt that if the princi
ple of non intervention should be put into ope
ration in this matter it would be no cause for
dissolution of the Union. According to the
disunionists, twelve months ago, all those who
held the principle of non-intervention were
right, and all the rest of the world wrong.
Now, by the same parly, those who hold to in
tervention, by Congress, are right, and all the
rest of the world wrong. As Ido not choose
to change my opinions, so radically, in so short
a time, 1 will proceed to show both practically,
and on principle, that it is right aid best, for
the South, to hold lo non intervention.
There can be no difference between a “re
cognition” of slavery, to be of any practica
use, and the establishment of it, by actual enactl
inent. To recognize slavery is to authorize
by law, the enjoyment of property by the own,
er in his slave. To permit the owner to carry
his slave to Mexico, is of no use, unless the
taw, when there, will authorize property in
him There is no half way ground. He must
be a slave by law, as in Georgia, or a freeman,
as in Massachusetts, (we know of no denizen
ship in slavery.) Now we have been conten
ding, all the while, that Congress had no right
to interiere with slavery , eiiher to make ur un
make it. Ihe North hold that the power, “to
make” slavery, necessarily involves the p<»wer,
to unmake it. This principle in constantly re
cognized in the slave states ; all of them hold,
and have occasionally exercised, the power to
manumit slaves. They say. if a state, or Con
gress, can enaet a law, they can repeal it.
Hence the South has always held the principle
of non-interveniiou important. For if con
gress should ever seek to interfere with slavery
in the Territories, it will quote our own prin
ciple against us. And for what are we asked
lo sacrifice this great principle ? By the doc
trine of the disunionists, there is no law prohibit
ing slavery in New Mexico, and the non-inter
vention principle will about recog-
nition. If, however, slavery is there prohibit
ed, by Mexican laws, are not the chances alto
gether against such a population, in such a
country, suffering it under the constitution
they shall adopt, when they shall form a state
government? Who, therefore, would sanc
tion the dangerous principle of intervention by
Congress, and prohibit slavery in Utah, for so
remote and improbable a benefit, except an en
emy to the South, or one who is willing to
gratify his hatred at her expense ?
There is no principle violated, if a law shall
not be passed, authorizing slavery in this Ter
ritory. Though an act of Congress may be
unconstitutional —which is the forlorn hope of
those wishing to oppose the general govern
ment —I do not think it will be held unconstitu
tional not to act. The conquest and acquisi
tion of New Mexico, was emphatically a south
ern and democratic measure. We acquired it
as free Territory, if it indeed be free—not on
ly by our consent, but at our earnest desire.
It was not imposed on us. There is no prin
ciple in the constitution requiring it to be made
free Territory. So far from there being any
implied agreement that the laws concerning
slaves should be altered, the implication was the
other way. The South held before, at the time
of, and after the acquisition, that Congress had
no right to interfere with slavery in the Terri
tories ; and the North, at the same time, by the
Missouri compromise, the ordinance of 1787
and die Wilmot proviso, that Congress had the
right to prohibit its extension in ad Territories.
If, therefore, the North Las any advantage
over us, ii is not only fairly acquired, according
to the compact of the constitution, but agreea
bly to our implied compact as above noticed.
Suppose Cuba should be annexed, and the
North should insist that the Territory be divi
ded, and slavery abolished in one half, so that
her citizens could there live without being com
pelled to live in alive Territory. I think the
arguments above used would then be by south
ern men admitted to have force. But, admit
ting it to be fair, right, and equitable—which I
am not disposed to controvert—that the laws
of Mexico, prob’biling slavery, should here
pealed. Admit that, though the advantage ob- i
rained by the North, has been fairly acquired, 1
under the constitution, and according to the 1
forms of law. and is such advantage as parties |
feel themselves justified in retaining and using, i
vet it is not equitable and fair that they should
use such power. The retention and use of
such power, however, would not justify the
South iu dissolving the Union, or taking an)
other violent measure of redress. If the prin
cipie be admitted that whenever tbe majority
shall pass a law repugnant to the wishes of the
m»oority, or what is still stronger—and is the
case under discussion —shall refuse lo pass a
litw which the minority think should be passed,
be a good cause of violent resistance, then no
government could stand for five years. It is
the essence of anarchy. It asserts lhe princi
ple that the minority have the right tQ force
the majority. There can be no government
where such a principle is recognized. The
principle is revolutionary in itself, and involves
(he question, whether such refusal, though ac
cording to the constitution and forms of law,
and such as is compatible with lhe rights of
party power, is, nevertheless, so oppressive to
the minority as to justify a dissolution of the
Unfon.
Let it be remembered, however, that dis
solution would not make New Mexico slave
territory. It would not remedy the evil. In
another place I shall speak of the serious ob
jections to a dissolution of the Union. Here
let me notice the practical evils that we shall
suffer, if Congress shall refuse to pass lhe pro
posed law, and see if they be of such
magnitude as lo justify lhe proposed rem
edy. I have just shown the improba
bility that a population as much oppos
ed to slavery as we are in its favor, should
form a constitution allowing it even with the
few slaveholders that might go to the country
But it seems to me, that in endeavoring to
grasp at too much we may lose all. The
slaves that would be sent to populate that vast
Territory might not, I presume would not,
prove sufficiently numerous and profitable to
prevent their by the laws of the
States that may be hereafter formed. But the
droin might be sufficient, to bring about its ab
olition in a,nchi^|§|§.J!S*.-il^sQurL J&altKiky,
I q-.) H l.
rHry-way io the increasing white population for
years past. A majority of the old thirteen
States, by the operation of the above causes,
has already abolished slavery. And if we turn
back to the columns of some of our newspa
pers, twelve months ago, we shall find this ar
gument used as a reason why we should con
tinue the prohibition of the introduction of
slaves in Georgia. With great force and rea
son it was said that by the Grain Virginia, and
other States, would become free Stales. The
reason for concentrating the slave population
increases with time. The slave States though
contain ng much more Territory than the
free, have much less population, aud particu
larly white population. This is because foi
eign emigration to the country locates in the
free States, but, as the white population shall
press on the means of subsis’ence in the free
States, necessity will compel then, to fill up the
more thinly inhabited Southern States, And
when lhe Northern and Western hive, with
their free soil notions, shall spread through the
land, giving, in time, ten white men having no
interest in slaves, to one slave owner, we shall
have abolition in our own legislation As
certainly as water, by the laws of gravitation,
will flow to a lower level, so certainly will the
white abolition flow from his own crowd
ed State, to seek a more comfortable
home in the sparsely populated slave States.
The same law which has driven the emi
grant from over populated Europe to Ameri
ca, will, in a short time, drive him from the
over populated free States, to the thinly popu
laied slave States. I think it very question
able whether the vast amount of almost unin
habited slave Territory now in the slave
Slates, can be protected from the operation of
this law of emigration. With some, there
is a dread now of home abolition. Turn back
to the files of our newspapers, particularly
those which support the Nashville platform,
and you will find pains-taking able and, inge
nious arguments to convince the non-slave
holder of Georgia of his interest in the insti
tution. None such are deemed necessary for
the slave holder. Straws show which way the
wind blows. The writing and publishing
such arguments, shows that the tenters deem
them necessary. I commend tbern for their la
bor. But it you have apprehensions from
two thirds of our voters, raised in the South
wi ii all their prejudices and education in fa
vor of the institution, do you think that policy
good for the South which will, as surely as
effect follows cause—give us four fifths —aye!
and in time—nine tenths of free soilers for
voters? Already’we have plain proof of lhe
effect of the draining and diffusing system
The thrifty and free soil Yankee is crowding
into Eastern Virginia lo supply the place left
vacant by the slaves drained off to Texas and
Arkansas, and at some future reform conven
tion —as it will be called—his vote will demon
strate the truth of my argument.
The same will follow in Missouri, Tennes
see, Kentucky, and others, perhaps finally all
of lhe slave States, if we diffuse slaves and
slave holders over all lhe Territory proposed
by the disunionists. The system of diffusion
cannot safely be extended beyond a certain
p rint, probably it has already been reached,
possibly passed. In mentioning what we see
in the papers every day about Eastern Vfrgi
uia. 1
tTie idofr
blnswrinn winds of abolition, which but keeps
them well disciplined and watchful of appa
rent, because noisy, dangers, they suffer, nay,
encourage other leaks to be sprung, whose
accumulated and heavy waters will carry her
down in spite of those who warn of (heir
silent and subtle flow beneath. But in the
hour of s rife, the desire to triumph over
Union men at h me, and to spite the Yankees
abroad, is so tempting that it is useless to call
on Southern rumers to consult the counsels
of reason,
If these apprehensions be well founded,
thinking men—if any such can be found in
these times of recklessness and ruin—will per
ceive that the strength of slavery is in concen
tration, rather than further diffusion. Serious
efforts were made, not many years back, in
seine of the border States, to abolish the insti
tution by state laws, and, but for the excite
ment and hatred engendered in the slave states
by abolition fanaticism and insolence, I have
bu< little doubt that Virginia, and perhaps other
border states w ould, by this lime, have abolish
ed slavery within Iheir borders. How often
in private, as well as public, acts do men, from
experience, discover the short sightedness of
their measures Whoever has read the de
bates of that calm and wise body of men, who
framed our present constitution, will be aston
ished at their apprehensions of evils that have
never occurred, and how they over looked
those that have embarrassed lhe oparatior s of
our government. How much less are men to
be trusted who act under lhe impulses of ha
tred, ambition, and strife.
One of the strongest proof of consequences
being different from tbe expectations of those
who project the causes, is to be found in the
results of the abolition movement. I believe
instead of weakening, it has strengthened the
slave pow er. As before observed, I have but
Ii tie doubt that pro-slavery in the border states
has not only been kept alive, but excited and
active, by tbe constant irritation and insolence
of the abolitionists. And to the means intend
ed to weaken the slave power we tuay now be
indebted for tho preservation of slavery by
some of the strongest of our border Blates, it
all demonstrates that people should not sacri
fice a great, permanent, and certain good, for
doubTul benefits.
The strength of slavery is in its great s'aples.
One engaged in making sugar, rice, or cotton,
strengthens the institution more than five en
gaged in farming. Even now the destruction
of slavery would, I believe, bankrupt the
world. It is, and will become mure and more
the interest of the world that it should exist.
Concentrate his labor on the great staples w hich
give to the free man lhe means of labor and
support throughout the world, and not diffuse
it among the grain growers, to come in com
petition with, and antagonistic to free labor, if
you desire to secure its permanence.
Whether the Nashville platform, is the worse
or better plan for lhe South, is not so impor
tant, as the great earror of its advocates, as to
the remedy for the real or imaginary wrongs
of the South
It has never yet been shown, or hardly at
tempted to be shown, that disunion would
remedy any wrong, or give security to any
right of the South. So far from it, it would
remedy no evil, and would d-stroy the main
security for slavery. Would it prevent the
theft of our slaves, by abolition rogues, and
how ? They would remain as contiguous to
our people as now, and disunion would hard
ly give them any more reverence for our rights
of property. We have some evidence of its
effects in the case of Canada. She is not uni
ted to us, and I presume, there are more sto
len negroes there, than in ail the New England
states together. Would it stop the abolition
lecturers, preachers, and politicians ? I think
it would but increase them. Whether in, or
out of the Union, slavery can be abolished,
against the consent of the slave stale?, by force
only. I have never heard that any party, even
lhe abolitionists contended for the right to
abolish it in tbe slave slates by law, against
their consent. Law or no law, we would nev
er give up the institution but by brute force.
I'he abolitionists,acknowledging that Congress
has no right to abolish it in the States, are
seeking a dissolution of lhe Union, to the end,
plainly, that they hope to effect, by open war
and insurrection, that which cannot be done
by legislation. Without the Union we have
nothin? to stand between us and onr rights,
but our arms ; and knowing it would be trea
son lo •Southern rights’ to deny that her chi
valry could triumph over ‘a world in arms’
without, aod domestic insurrection within, yet
I hope that men who are not fond of civil war,
who have families to suffer by the fire and the
sword, may be excused from desiring such an
issue,unless it be necessary to avenge wrong or
protect right- But in the Union we have
the protection of our arms, the protection
of the constitution, and the protection of
lhe interest that each State, parituclarly
the free, has in the Union. Why, then,
throw away these two last securities, wanton
ly, as they do not impair the oltimate reliance
on arms ? There is no reason why we shall
not be as able, nay more able, to rely on arms
in future, when it may become necessary, than
now. Is it to be tolerated that men who will
throw away two security s and rely only on one,
when ail three can be retained, shall be called
! friends to the South ? If the motive be prop
eriy examined, aud I nope to space to do
so, the right aud security of the Sootb have but
(little to do wan the matter, if the raving dec
lamation of stump orators, and barbecue reso
| lutions be true, 1 will admit that we are a very
oppressed, and grievously wronged people,
but “flourishing declamation is as easy as pro
fane swearing, and about as convincing.”
But let the disunionists speak for them
selves in the preamble of one of the resolu
tions of an indignation meeting. It is the
first I could lay hands on, and is a fair sample
lof all ; here it is: “ From the ordinance ot
1787 down to this present moment the North
has been making bold aggressions on the
is rights of the South. Abolition societies have
i been forming and the presses have associated
e and affiliated to levy war on our peculiar in
it stitutions. Even the pulpit has been made to
& resound with lhe moral evil and sin of slavery.
:s The ultimate object of it all has been, and is
now, to overthrow the institution of slavery
in the United States. Urged on by a blind
>f and bigoted fanaticism, they claim a dignity
o aud a religion higher and purer that that of
e Christ, and a political consequence above lhe
constitution.”
Well then I ask, how can these things be
e prevented, in or out of the Union? It is a
i consequence of the liberty of speech and the
- press. Who expected when liberty of speech
3 and the press was secured, inviolate by the
I Constitution, that men would not use both
• wickedly ? To enjoy the benefits of thatliber
i ty we are obliged to have the evil. How are
we to discriminate ? If an abolition society in
. one state is to be put down by violence, or the
Union dissolved, another state will insist that
I the order of Jesuits must be put down or the
> Union dissolved ; another the Masons ; anoth
er temperance societies ; and so on of various
• other associations. If the Union is to be dis
solved because one state suffers a man to write
and say slavery is a sin, another may say it
should be dissolved because Georgia and
South Carolina suffer their people to say the
Union is a curse, and the Government a tyran
ny If the Union is to be dissolved because
Massachusetts allows a crazy fanatic to pro-
t fang, the -R.yhML-J.ttd-.-Uhfifly _ ft£ speedy in.
gdusiug slavery and slaveholders, ata tfier
s'ate will insist it is a curse, so long as Geor
gia permits her priests to become demagogues
in heading barbecue processions, the main
object of which is to encourage disloyalty to
their own government, or New York permits
her pulpits to be profaned by socialist doctrines.
But, says the preamble above, the abolition
societies and press wish to overthrow slavery.
And so the enemies of socialism say its tenden
cy is to overthow society—the protestant that
the Jesuit societies, and the people of the state
of Ohio, that the nullification of S. Carolina,
tend to overthrow the government. The er
ror of this whole course of reasoning is ic
considering the opinions and language of men
as a wrong against a state, to be redressed by
the state. None but the most absolute govern
ments have attempted to control the language
and opinions of its citizens, or subjects, and
none have ever arrogated to control the lan
guage or press of another state, however
offensive Societies are formed in New York,
to subvert the whole social system. Suppose
Pennsylvania, dreading lest the infection should
spread over her borders, were to require
New York, at the hazard of the Union, to sup
press the anti-rent and socialist associations.
Would not Pennsylvania be laughed at for her
presumption? And New York has as much
power to suppress the socialist organizations,
as the abolitionist societies. They both can
plead their constitutional right, to speak, write,
and publish their wicked doctrines, so long as
they do no act of aggression that shall infringe
lhe rights of others. Atone time the people
of New York thought Masonry would subvert
the government and was fraught with as many
evils as we think of abolition. Suppose she
had asked Georgia to supppress all the lodges
in lhe state, would we not have laughed at her
impertinence ? Suppose, however Georgia
wished to gratify New York. How, I would
ask, could Georgia, consistently with the con
stitution, and without the most high handed
tyranny, have gone about it ? Men, under
this government, may think, speak, and write
any opinion they please, and also associate to
propagate their opinions, however unreason
able or offensive they may be, if they do not
act to injure others. Os course, Ido not
mean individuals, between whom the laws
of slander prevail, nor mobs whose impartial
behests are above all laws and constitutions.
The English people, and even the government,
might by speech and writing, have asserted
the right to tax without representation, but if
they had never taxed us, there would have
been no war, on that account. They might
have claimed the right, by pen and type, to
press our seamen, but if they had not asserted
it by the sword, there would have been no war
on that account. If the opinions and words
of the northern abUnionists are so grievous that
we must resort to the ultima ratio with our
sister states, why do we tolerate tbe same, and
even worse in England, and the rest of the
world ? England not only believes slavery
wrong, but acts on the belief. She liberates
the slaves and puts them on an equality with
lhe whites, socially and politically. England,
with whom some of the abhorers—shall I say
pretended abhorers—of abolition, wish to ally,
is now trying to put tho political power of
Jamaica in the hands of the blacks. A late
ament,” and that ” probably four-fifths of all
the public offices on the island are filled by col
ored people.” Who believes in the sincerity
of abhorers to abolition who will not stay in
the same Union with men because they believe,
talk, and write agaist slavery, but are willing
lo become the allies of a people, who have
acted abolition in so odious a manner? Why
this kindlier feeling for an old enemy, and
want of loyalty lo our own government ?
English abolition is ten times more offensive
than Northern. The former also, is abolition by
the government— the latter is that of individuals
whom government cannot control
But it is said the North will not allow us an
equal participation in the property of the ter
ritory acquired from Mexico. So far t»s pro
perty in the territory is concerned, whether it
be free or slave soil, it will be sold and go into
the treasury of the United States for lhe com
mon weal. It is answered Southerners are
not permitted to go there with their property.
And who, task, prevents? Does the United
States? If so, how ? Does the North? If
so, how ? The people of California have said
slavery shall not be tolerated there, which I ap
prehend they will maintain against allcomers
And if you dissolve the Union, to secure your
rights of property in it, you will nut only lose
ail your interest in the public lands, but will
not be permitted to go to lhe country and work
the mines, without paying twenty-five dollars a
month like a Mexican, or any other foreigner.
It is a principle of our government, commenc
ing with the declaration of independece, that
California has such right. The South has ac
knowledged it as a leading principle of demo
cracy till now. Do the laws of Mexico prohibit
us from going there? If so, neither the North
nor the United States had any agency in mak
ing such laws. But it suits the purpose of
those who wish to bring their own govern
ment into disrepute, to charge it with that for
which itis no', responsible It suits the disunion
ist to make capital against iris own government
lo say we have lost every thing when we have
gained every thing. When this controversy
began, the North asked fur the Wilmot provi
so. Tho South asked for nor-intervention.—
The South has gained non-intervention, but it
has not brought, and is not likely to bring, the
fruits it was expected. The South did not ask
that it should bring any fruit, butthat the prin
ciple should be left to bear its own fruits. Aud
now that lhe fruit is bitter lo our taste,
these champions of Southern rights blain •
others, though they planted the tree. Shame !
shame ! that men should have no more regard
for truth and consistency. The North has not
only lost the application of the Wilmot provi
so south, but also north of 36 30 in lhe territory
of Utah. And ho wjs it that men, who were con
tent with the application of the proviso when
applied to Oregon, so that it was not applied
south of 36 30, are now willing to dissolve
our Union, though it has been abandoned on
both sides of that line ? It is said however that
the Union does not protect us, because the
Northern rogues steal our negroes, and some
of the States obstrnct their recovery, by giving
trial by jury and prohibiting their owu officers
from aiding in their recapture Mr. Clay’s
compromise sought to remedy this, but the ul
tras would have none of it. And they further
object that because the Northern Stales will
not, or cannot, control the mobs, that we should
dissolve all connection with them. There is
more force in this argument than in any which
has been used. But the argument though spe
cious, and if applied to strong and arbitrary
governments, might be tenable, cannot hold
where mob violence, so often overrides the re
straints of law, as in some, I fear I may say, in
ail of our states. More especially should the
disunionists who seem so willing to resort to
mob law, not complain of its power and au
thority. If the Union must be disssoived, be
cause a citizen of one State is defrauded of hie
rights in another, by mob law, then no two
Stales would retnaiu united for ten years. If
New York and other States, whose citizens, a
few years since, were prevented by mob vio
lence, io various shapes, from collecting (heir
debts in Georgia, had made it cause fur devo
lution, we should have been standing alone,
without any further effort, long since.
Why do you not propose to dissolve with
Texas and other such like states, who, hy le
gislation, have almost entirely prevented the
collection of foreign debts? How can you
hold fellowship with Mississippi and Florida
who have, by slate law, repudiated for millions?
Why not become the champions of these suf
fering creditors, as well as of the citizens of
the border slave states? How can the purity
and honor of chivalry hold in fraternal embrace
Mississippi, one of whose mobs, some years
since, strung some 6 or 8 citizens of other
states up by the neck at one killing? And
when the father of one of the victims applied
to the laws for redress for the blood of his son,
mob law. or some other law, denied him re
dress. Out upon such hypocritical pretences!
How happens it that Georgia and South Caro
lina are the foremost champions of all lhe
world, for avenging this evil. They lose 100
slaves, stolen by the rogues of slave states, to
one taken by abolition rogues. Maryland, Vir
ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, tbe
border, and suffering states, do not wish to dis
solve the Union on this account. Then, why
volunteer to redress their wrongs ? When the
burthen is too grievous to be borne they will
speak for themselves. They are the principal
sufferers, but know they would suffer more if
tbe Union were dissolved. It would, at least,
be modest to know if this knight-errantry on
their behalf is acceptable. If you dissolved
connection with the mob only, there would be
some sense iu the move; but why dissolve
with a whole state for the violence of a few ?
I have said the Union was a security to South
ern rights, because its preservation was a mo
tive with lhe North to withhold sach aggression
as might cause its dissolntion. We hear it
constantly asserted by all parties, at the South,
that the North can not well do without the
South. This is true, and however important
tbe Union ia to the South, it is more so to the
VOL.LXIV -NEW SERIES VOL.XIV—NO 40.
North. And the South, and southern slavery,
is becoming more and mere important to the
North and the world every day that it lasts;
and the cotton cord that binds us to the com
mercial world, is of more security than all the
swords we can ever draw. Then, why cut
asunder this secure ligament that ties the slave
to us and the soil? No man, in his senses,
doubts that we should be at war from the mo
ment we should separate ; and then, instead of
its being to the interest of the United States
that we should prosper, it would be their inte
rest and desire to destroy us. Then can I hold
him anything but an enemy to the South who,
without cause or reason, will demolish two o
the best securities she has for her rights and
property ? It is not love of lhe South, it can
not be, that prompts such folly and wickedness.
It is hatred to the Northern people, in the first
place, and to the government of the United
States, in the second; and many men who
are boiling over with honest indignation at the
supposed and real wrongs of the South, if they
will analyze their feelings, will find I have stated
the true source of this southern patriotism
That Southern men should feel indignant and
outraged, in their feelings, at this constant rail
ing of fanaticism, is to be expected. That we
are to be goaded almost to madness, by their
folly and wickedness, I feel every day of my
life ; and hence the desire of some to dissolve
the Union, through resentment, byway of
punishing such insolence and wickedness.—
Just at this time the South has her indignation
greatly whetted by lhe loss of C Jiforuia, and J
appfSnWßrTSTew Mexico too (if the choice bv
the people of those countries of governments
contrary to our wishes is to be called a loss)
aod we feel somewhat like a man who has lost
his election, and is disposed to blame every
thing but his own popularity.
I wish not to be understood as sanctioning
Gen. Taylor’s policy in regard to California
and New Mexico. It is too late now to reme
dy his errors. You and I expected no better of
him, but he was forced on us by men who
were too Southern to touch a Northern man,
although our friend. But I now protest that
some of such men shall hazard mine and your
rights and security, to be revenged against
their own folly. It is not for the sake of
Southern rights or Southern security, but it is
for the sake of resentment, even at the hazard
of Southern rights and security, that the dis
disunionists would gratify their passions. The
first error in taking this sort of revenge is, that
you accommodate the abolitionists, who desire
a dissolution of the Union for the reason above
stated ; and lhe second that you risk and sac
rifice too much to your indignation. That
man is no friend to the South, who, however
justifiable his indignation and however much
he may thirst for his revenge, will sacrifice to
his passions such formidable outworks to her
security—formidable for the reasons above giv
en, and formidable from experience. Shall
we not have faith in them, when they have
withstood abolition assaults for three quarters
of a century without a breach I That portion
of the preamble of the indignation meeting
above quoted says “ these aggressions have
existed from 1787 down to this time.” History
tells us they began with the government, for, if
I recollect correctly, lhe quakera presented
pelitious for the abolition of slavery to the con
vention that formed the constitution.
But, say the disunionists, abolitionism is pro
gressing and will lay at some future day its un
holy hands on the institution in the States.—
My first answer is, if at the end of another 75
years, should this crisis arrive, why will not our
posterity be as able to defend their rights by
arms as we ? Then why hazard a civil war
by anticipating a crisis that may never arrive?
It would be as unreasonable if, apprehending
that social doctrines would overspread the
country and demolish all riguts of property,
we were to volunteer to fight for posterity a
battle that may never be needed. My next an
swer is, are you quite sure that our fears and
apprehensions may not have progressed quite
as much as abolition doctrines ? It is the re
collection, I presume, of half the voters in
Georgia, that it was a common sentiment, ex
pressed not many years since, in our State,
that slavery was a moral aud political evil; that
the school books contained speeches against
slavery, that were spoken in the schools, and
(hat many of the most popular preachers, on
account of conscientious scruples, would not
hold slaves, and yet they were not thought en
emies of the South, neither did any feel that
because of such opinions the institution was iu
danger. No Presidents ever were more pop
ular in the South than Washington and Jeffer
son, both of whom uttered sentiments concern
ing slavery that would now be denounced as
rank abolition, by some assuming guardians
of Southern rights. That 70 years have passed
not only without any effort to abolish slavery
"t ?J ,V paty'Jxtb®
only evidence of the security afforded by the
Union to our slave property. By the consti
tution it is provided that Congress exer
cise exclusive legislation in ah cases whatso
ever over such district (not exceeding ten
miles square) as may by cession of particular
states and the acceptance of Congress, become
theseat of government of the United States.”
The North have held, all the while, that under
this provision of lhe constitution, Congress had
the right to abolish slavery in the district of Co
in i bia, and yet, there it stands, and has stood
for more than half a century, under the most
unfavorable circumstances, an imposing evi
dence of the protection of the Union to slave
property. After this experience of the securi
ty, not to say, impregnability of slavery in the
Union, its greatest enemy is he who would
wantonly, without reason, and merely to grati
fy his feelingof resentment, however justifia
ble, abandon this long tried protection.
But, says rampant chivalry, shall we always
submit lo aggression, outrage and inequality ?
No ’ when an act of aggression shall be com
mitted that shall infringe our rights, I would
recommend an appropriate resistance. I con
sider a dissolution no remedy for, or resistance
to, anything. If lhe Wilmot proviso were to
be passed, I would advise a colonization of the
country, by force of arms, as a better remedy
than a dissolution of the Union. I would
throw the burthen and crime of dissolution on
our enemies, whose interest in the preserva
tion of lhe Union, I have no doubt, would
prove an incentive strong enough to prevent
them taking the final step.
Honest and patriotic Southern men feel, that
they should do something to avert the threat
ened evils of abolition, and think they would
bo doing that something by manifesting tbeir
abhorrence of lhe insolence of fanaticism. And
they know of no manifestation stronger than
dissolving the Union. Yes, something would
be done. But would that something arrest the
apprehended evil ? I think I have shown it
would not. Then rage and despair will ask,
must nothing be done ? Can nothing be done ?
If we will consult prudence instead of passion;
if we will seek security and protection of our
rights, instead of the gratification of our ha
tred and resentment; if instead of precipitating
a crisis that may never arrive, we would pre
pare for it should it come; if, instead of look
ing up a fight that may never occur, lor fear
we may miss it, and it may fall to the lot of
posterity, we would prepare posterity for the
battle, if it should come, then something might
be done, and effectually done. If it feared
that lhe abolition societies, press, and pulpit,
shall at some future day, prepare lhe public
mind, in the United States, for the abolition of
slavery in the States, without our consent, let
us prepare for that appeal to arms which must
decide the matter, when such a crisis arrives, in
or out of the Union.
When th&» appeal shall be made, money
and disciplined men will be needed. Then
let us be preparing the one and accumu ating
the other. This would not only be preparing
tbe proper remedies, but would test some of
the windy patriotism of the hour. I appre
hend, most of it will be exhausted by the
preambles and resolutions of ratification meet
ings. To carry on the civil wars that must
ensue from disunion, would require millions
of money, and tens of thousand of lives. An
increase of our taxation, but at the ratio of
fifty per cent, and a rigid militia system, by
way of preparation, would, I fear, demon
strate that much of this pretended devotion
for Southern rights, is but resolution deep.
Now let them propose, like reasonable men,
a reasonable remedy for the apprehended evil,
and I have no doubt a large majority of this
patriotism will be proved but emp y breath.
Measures for Southern ruin are proposed and
called tl Southern rights,” and Union men
are rebuked for not uniting upon them. Once
we were called upon to unite against the
Wilmot proviso, and all intervention by Con
gress on lhe subject of slavery. We did so,
and succeeded, even for more than we asked.
Now, we are asked to belie our former
principles, and unite on an impracticable and
destructive platform, which would be abandon
ed if eucces were possible, at the moment of
success, for some other still more impractica
ble and ruinous. A historian says when
Louis XVI, was brought to the guillotine,
that out of the two hundred thousand
spectators at the scaffold, perhaps there
was not one who did not, in h.s heart, secretly
believe, and wish that the King should be par
doned, and yet, there was not of that vast mul
titude one who would make the honest decla
ration publicly. To have shown mercy for a
monarch, would have given a pretext for ene
mies to cay it was a sentiment in favor of mon
archy. This feeling prevailed in France, at
that time until men dared not show mercy,
refinement, learning, and above all, goodness,
lest they should give pretexts for the accusa
tion of being aristocrats. And thus political
capital was made of everything that was good
and great until the day? of terror seized on
tbe land, and Heaven made lhe nation punish
the nation. Men were sick and disgusted with
cruelty and injustice long before they had the
courage to rebuke them. They would not re
sist the temptation to make political capital out
of the errors of the nation, rill they with lhe na
tion, w’ere involved in one common ruin
Pho hatred of monarchy and aristocracy was
right, but that feeling was afterwards made the
pretext for crowding into a small space more
cruelty and wrong than monarchy bad done
lhe nation for ages. Error, when it will not be
corrected by reason, will come to a crisis
which will bring its own appropriate punish
ment.
And if men and parties, for the sake of ma
king capital out of this strung and just feeling
of hatred to abolition, wW take aud urge ruin
ous measures, successfully, while those who
see and feel this tendency will remain silent, for
fear they may be charged falsely, and knowing
ly, with want of sufficient regard for ‘Southern
-rights,’ things will soon be brought to a crisis,
u
and the days of terror will come on this coun
try, and that right speedily, which will inva're,
in one common ruin, those who have simed
by ornuwon, as well as by commission.
The physical and political power of the
country is against us. The latter, with the aid
of northern friends, whomjjwe once had,
we might have sustained. But, for the sake
of making political capital we sacrificed enough
of them to put ns, at the mercy of a northern
majority. And now by taking the inostabsurb
and contradictory position there seems to be a
determination to secure against us the moral
strength, not only of this country, but of the
whole world.
The Union party is taunted with being ‘sub
mission men. The old nullifiers tried that
slang on the old Union party to drive them
from their propriety. Thank God I there was
a large and triumphant majority of voters in
Georgia then, who had moral courage enough
to save the Union and country, in defiance of
all such slander and vituperation. And thank
God ! there are enough of them, 1 hope still
alive and faithful to tbeir principlesand their
country to do it again. I never hear the epi
thets ‘ rubmissionist’ and ‘tory’ but I see the
mask of the old nullifier and disunionist. For
those who were Union men then, there is no
excuse for desertion of the cause now. The
Union man then, for the sake of the Union,
submitted to the tariff which he believed to be
oppressive, and imposed by a majority in Con
gress against his consent We are not asked
now to submit to anything imposed upon us
hy Congress. We are required to abide by
nothing but what the South has asked for, and
always maintained was right. The Mexican
war was a Southern measure. The South
contended that the Mexican Territory should
be ceded us without intervention on the sub
ject of slavery, and afterwards thst the people
of the country should form their own govern
ments without intervention by Congress.
This we maintained and obtained. And if we
cannot please ourselves, let us complain of
ourselves, not of others.
Because I have forbone to speak of the glo
ry and power of the Union; of its past re
nown, present prosperity, and future hopes,
you will not suppose that I do not appreciate
it as a citizen of the U. 8. who is, and should
be proud of the flag of the ‘Grand Republic.’
I would not give the common glory and re
nown of that flag at Bunker’s Hill, Yorktown,
Lundy's Lane, New Orleans, Buena Vista,
and on the road from the castle of San Juan
d’Ulloa to the grand piaza of Mexico, for all
the gold of California, and ‘Southern chivalry’
too. But it is not for all these I prize the U
nion most. It is for the security it has afford
ed me as a Southern slaveholder. It has
proved its faith and strength for seventy years,
and if the great mass of thinking men in this
country will,as they can, control fanaticism
and disunion, I will trust it for seventy times
seventy.
Some twenty years ago during, the nullifi
cation assault on the Union, we were told
it w-as a curse ; that we were slaves in it, and
we could never prosper until it should be dis
solved. At no period of our history has the
South with the rest of the country, prospered
more than during the lasttwenty years. Our
arms have triumphed over our enemies, our
commerce has extended over all the seas, and
our Union has been bound together by sinews
of iron, and made sensitive with a net work
of wire nerves whicn makes the whole literally
one body ; and the limb that shall be severed
therefrom will surely wither and die.
Respectfully, yours. &c.
Garnett Andrews.
From the Macon Journal Sf Messenger.
Temporary Secession.
The Baltimore American facetiously hits off
the doctrine of Temporary Secession, broach
ed by Mr Rhett for the first time at the Macon
Mass Meeting. In his Charleston speech, re
ported by his own hand, Mr. Rhett used the
following language:
‘‘To give to our people that protection and
peace which the constitution and Union were
established to secure, the South must sever the
connection with the North.’’
“To maintain the Union is to acquiesce in
the destruction of tho Constitution; and to
maintain the constitution, WE MUST DIS
SOLVE THE UNION to afford the only
chance ofils restoration.”
“ Despairing of any reformation which wiU
bring the government back to the limitations of
the constitution—despairing of any amend
ments of the constitution which will give us
new guaranties, I see but one course left for
the peace and salvation of the South—A DIS
SOLUTION OF THE UNION.”
formed that tae j'eupie -A -
prep.'ired to go the whole figure. So tie modi
fied bis remedy in name anil ydept
rary Secession. 11 Upon this the American com
ments as follows •
“ This is tne latest improvement to the plan
of disunion. Mr. Rhett, who glories in the
name of traitor, as he understands it, recom
mends “ temporary secession 11 as the proper
thing just now.
“ his quite evident that there is method in
the madness of these heroic persons, and a
faculty of calculation in respect to other things
than the value of the Union.
“ Temporary secession is to come in as an ex
periment ; it may be well to try how it feels—
after the manner of the amateur who was cu
rious to know thesensationsofa man under pro
cess of being hanged In this latter case, how
ever, it unfortunately happened that the expe
riment went too far, and the world to this day
is without any report or authentic record of
the experience of a suspended individual hal
tered and strangled.
“ Temporary secession, we may presume, is
intended as a sort of trance, a species of para
lyzed animation, a stab’ of somnambulism, in
which the patient goes far enough towards the
confines of this mortal life to get a peep into
the regions beyond Mr. Rhett and his asso
ciate practitioners have been administering
chloroform in a political way, very assiduously
for some time past, with a view to prepare the
State of South Carolina fora successful trial of
her capabilities in the way of seeing visions
and dreaming dreams.
“ Temporary secession—we must regard this
idea as a must happy conception. It plays
around the precincts of treason, and possesses
all the fascinations of danger without any of its
risk. Some reckless votaries who know not
the secret, may indeed go too far and undertake
to convert a pleasant game into an earnest busi
ness. Such stupidity of course could not claim
any sympathy at the hands of the contrivers of
the diversion, who would be the first to leave
the luckless dupes to their fate in the purgatory
of fools.
” South Carolina in a state of temporary se
cession ! Disgusted with the world she climbs
a tree. Tanitas vanitatum ! So the grizzly ten
ant of the polar zone, when the season of blub
ber is past, goes grimly into torpidity, and
with surly independence sucks his own paws.
“ Temporary secession ! It is a phrase of such
exceeding good command, that it claims a place
at once in the vocabulary of sedition, and bids
fair to supplant “nullification” itself. Instead
of the overt act, with its ugly conseauences,
the irrevocable plunge into the boiling ocean
of civil strife, “temporary secession,” is a dig
nified isolation, and would mean, not that
South Carolina had cut her acquaintances but
simply that she was not at home to visitors.—
Iler nerves being unsteady, she takes chloro
form and does not wish to be intruded upon. —
Or, like the burgomaster in the play, she has a
great deal of think ing to do, and takes her time
for it. Or possibly, remembering the advice of
Hamlet, in allusion to Polonius. she may be of
the opinion, that when one is bent upon per
forming a certain character, he should shut the *
door, and play it nowhere butin his own house.
“ The cat is fond of fish, but dreads to wet
its feet.’ More happily endowed than the cat,
a commonwealth hankering after treason, yet
shrinking from its penalties, strikes upon the
felicitous compromise of “ temporary seces
sion,” and purs dry-footed over her fish, with
out perceiving that it is stale and already pu
trescent.
“After an experiment of " temporary seces
sion,” it would be interesting to sea the return
ing prodigal come back into the family circle,
pale from a diet of husks, and haggard like a
half-hanged man. The wayward straggler
would have a strange story to tell, and words
perhaps would not be adequate to portray the
state of stupid semi-consciousness, :he night
mare terrors, the hideous dreams of that
sort of life in death, which was the lot of the
wanderer in the desert regions where “ tem
porary secession” abides. Cadaverous as
from a resurrection, the poor victim, once
more restored to life and happiness, would ever
after shudder at the mention of the charnel
house, which is (he dwelling place of” tempo
rary secession.”
The Florence Gazette—that correct expo
nent of the sentiments of the democracy of
North Alabama—speaking of Rhett’s recent
speech in favor of secession—that Georgia
would lead off, South Carolina and Alabama
would follow, &c., says :
“ There is no State in the Union more de
voted to the Union than Alabama. She could
not be induced on any consideration to follow
tbe mad-caps of South Carolina. It is true
there is in Alabama a few street-talkers and
village politicians who have endeavored to in
flame the public mind—who have lashed them
selves into a fury and are trying to la.Mi the
people into a whirl of excitement, in which
condition they can the more easily be made
subservient to the traitorous designs of the
leaders, but the “bone and sinew of the land
—the hard fisted yeomanry of the country
despise these traitors and disunion intriguers.”
No Dodgikg.—The Marietta Helicon very
jastly remarks that: It is the duty of voters
for delegates to the Stale Convention, to know
precisely what kind of men they are going to
support for so responsible a position. Let
them, then, require of the candidates an ex
plicit avowal of tbeir sentiments, before they
caat their voles. The issue that baa been ten
dered ia Union or Disunion. Those in favor
of tbe Union will vote for Union men, those
opposed to it, will vote for Disuniomss. That
is the issue—et it come. Let there be no
no equivocation—no tampering v. i h
ihe people for their voles. This is not a limo
for Demagoguewui, and demagogues must
be content to occupy a subordinate position