Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 183?-1864, June 18, 1851, Image 1

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WSPrakiTi oTlM*rrl wp & '■l - 3Y WILLIAM S. JONES. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL !• Published every Wednesday, AT T>VO DOLLARS PER ANNUM IN ADVANCE. INDIVIDUALS sending us Ten Dollars, SIX cffie* of the Paper will be sent for one year, thus fainistr'n? the Paper at the rate of SIX COPIES FOR TEN DOLLARS. ©r a free copy to all who m»y iocure us /ise sub scribers, and forward us the owner. THE CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL DAILY AND TRI-WEEKLY, Are also published at this office, and mailec to sub 1 scribers at the following rates, riz.: Daily Paps a, if sent by mail- ••• 37 per annu ’c. Tbi-Wsssly Papas 4 “ “ TERMS OF ADVERTISING. Im Wiikly. —Seventy-five cents per square (12 lines or less) for the first insertion, and Fifty cent Pr each subsequent insertion. fjotels. INDIAN SPRING. TH E USDERSIGNED asks leave to state to the public general.y, that he is yet the Propne-or of the INDIAN SPRING HOTEL at this place, and is new prepar ed to receive company. The virtues of the Indian Spring waters have been so long kewu, and so generally tested, that I pre Mime it is not neceso* ry bero to say any thing in their praise. The Proprietor of this Hotel has only to add that * la addition to the»e requisites »f the Indian Spring at a summer residence, that he has, since the last season, largely added to the Indian Spring Hotel, by extending bis Dining Room so as to make it rqnal to any thing of the kind southwardly, and he has a tao added many fine rooms for families, as well as for persons without families. He also assures those that ore pleased to call at this old established Hotel that the best of every thing that the country affords shall be provi ed for their accommodaiion, and renews former pledge, that no Hotel shah sari ass the Indian Spring, and no pains epared 'o m ike ail comfortable ; with this assurance be inv tes the calls of the com muniiy generally my 22 2m EDW. VARNER. ROWLAND SPRINGS MTHE Subscribers beg leave tn inform their friends and the public, that they have leased the above well known place of re sort, ami mat they intend keeping them during the summer season in a style superior to any we taring place in she up-country. The House will be open and ready tor the reception of visitors by iho first of JUNE next. LANIER A USHER. N. R.—There will Lea lino of Hucks at the Depot at Cartersville, at all times to convey Pssscager* io the Springs, both from up and down Trains of Rad Road apll-3m L. dr <7. COTOOSA SPRING i. THIS POPULAR AND fashionable JuttL Watering Place will be opened for tbo recep tion ot visitors on the IClh day of June. The Propr etora would inf-rm the public, that since the last season, they have added to tbe:r estsb- one hundred spacious and comtbifable rooms vxh other mproveuiunts, an I as it is their pn.puse "o devote their united personal attention to the buAMnow.hli'jfl of teir pneats, they huje to make it a dalightlul and pleasant rasert to all, as well those in j ursuit of pleasure as health. The Water from several ot the Springs has teen recently analysed tv that accomplished Chemist Prof A. Meamb, «>t ma Medical College ol Geor gia, whose repurtof the same, will shortly be given to the public. Tbejo Springs, the mineral properties of which, are uusurrsesed, are situated tn Walter County, Ge rgia within tno miles of the Cotoosa I’lat roßM,onlha Western and Atlantic Railroad, one hundred anti twelve miles from Atlanta, and twenty five from Chauanooga, ia a most deiifb'.fal *nd salu brious ft oumain climate. The company's li-cks will always be in wait ng at the Depot on the arri val of the ears, to convey visitors and lher baggage to the Springe. BAFTEY, HICKMAN & McDONALD. May 16, 1851. nr The Courier and Mercury, Chari•?>ton ; Re publican, Savannah ; Journal and Telegraph, Mu eon , Enquirer and Times, C Limbus; Recorder and Uuiou, Milledgeville, Ga.; Hanner, Abbevilte So. Ga.; Journal, Montgomery, A»a.; and Gazette, Chattanooga, Tenn., will each publish ten times weekly aud send a paper to the spring* couiuiumg the a >vert!sernrnt marked. MLRIWETHoR WAR d BPRINGB iL.-arA THIS establishment will be open for (■J««J| the recet tion of visitors, on and after the JJjjfo.fl. first day of June. Visitors will al all timea, find a ready conveyance Imm Greenville, or Pleasant Hill, and a four horse Post Urach, three times a week ftoin Columbus to the Spring. T> Proprietor will also keep Hacks and other convej ances at the S«inji conveyance of hi* guests. iy c »3 „-<>( J. |. e MUSTI‘\ GORDON SPRINGS AbA THIS favorite Watering place, lhe lasi a M valuable meiicinal properties of which r have been eo generally appreciated, will be open (luring Ibe present season, t. r the reception of visitors under the charge of one of the Proplie tors, wbo*e undivided attention wi’l bqulevcted io ths aeemnmodatina and comfort of his gnewts. These Springs are in Walker county, within a lew miles of the Western and Atlantic Railroad, in a country dia<inguished tor the aalubrity of ito cli mate, and the beauty and variety ot its tMxniery. JTk* A Hack will run daily between Tunnell Hill” and lhe Springs, for the conveyance of pas ssng»rs jel&w6 GEORGE W. GORDON. Tue Republic, August*, Repuldioan and Gcor> Sian, Savannah, Christian Index Penfield, and suroal A Messenger, Macon, will copy the above 6 'ioass weekly, and forward tbsir bills lo G. W G. JOTHOSE IM SEARCH OP a PLEASANT SUMMER RETREAT. THE SUBSCRIBER. late of die Newton House, Athene, Georgia, having taken the Hotel in this place formerly owned and occupied by Col. Griffin, lakeethin method of informing his Iriends and the public generally, that be has settled (lerma nsmiy (he bepee) in the pleasant village of Gaines ville, that ths house he has purchased lias under gone considerable repairs, and >anewly furnished in neat and com ion able style. Nothing in hazarded in saying that the house is in better condition every way than it has been for ten years past. He feels authorised in assuring the public that the well earned and deservedly high reputa«ion which Col. Griffin has given to the house, eball not suffer in hts hands. ith « liberal patronnge and onr best exertions, we hope to make Gainesville just the place. Travellers to thia section of the country can be ac commodated with first rate stage travelling either from Athene (the terminus of the Athens branch of the Georgia Railroad) or from Stuwe Mountain, three times a week, to-wit: On Tuesday’s, Thursday's and Saturday’s, and lam author:zed to say that | Messrs. Sautter & Ivy, of Athene, (the present etage contractors (rem Athens to this piece,) will keep constantly wn hand a num'fr of extra Coaches, Hacks, die., which they will at allttmes put on tbs road when required, so that nore need fear having to remain In Amens longer then inclination or phav ure'Day dictate, and I am informed that arrange ments are being made at the Stone Mountain for the accommodation of all win may wish to come by that delightful place on their way to this sec Lou <4 the State. There is also a pleaxant Hack line runuftog in connection with these two stage lines fiotn this place to Dahlonega, and Mr. Smith of this place will give bio best < florts lor the aeccmin«xlation oi thoee who may wish to paes to the Sulphur Springe or to Clarkaville. L. P. THOMAS. Gainesville, Hall Co.,Ga., Mav 23, 1851. w 4 BRAD SOUTH-EAST CORNER ov thi ali PUBLIC SQUARE, LaGrange Georgia. my‘24-w6<i • EAGLE HOTEL, MADISONVILLE, TENNESSEE. THE SUBSCRIBER takes pleasure in returning his thanks to his friends and the public, for the very liberal patronage here- ***** tefore extended to him. And having recently im proved and extenoed bls buildings so at- to afford the bant acc« »m modal ion * to almost any number ol tiav ellers and persona wishing boarding, he confidently expects an increase of public favor and patronage. Building situated on second block south cl the Public Square —one hundred and fifty feet leng— rooms regularly laid olf and well furnished. He is also well prepared to take the bent care of borsee, Sc. Stable large and secure—careful and attentive eer * vaata. In short, the greatest attention will be paid, and peins taken, to render all n-uilxtable who mav call at the Eagle Hotel. JOSEPH R. RUDD. Madt?w<iville, August 3, ISSO. au3-wtf KINGSTON HOUSE, KINGSTON, GrORGIA. MTHE UNDERSIGNED having to ken lhe KINGSTON HOUtE, on the n.nh the Railroad, at Bingstoo. Ga., w now fre parod to accomiDo ate (be Travelling Public, cs,e» •tally Meal lor Pane, vn lhe < ‘ars. je4 divrJtwQ WM H MASSENGALE. FRANKLIN HOTEL. BRO STREET, AuguMc Ga., BML <*'* * ©qusre above Che Globe H-xel, on the Bbnth side ot Broad ata se%. n.Q-wly D. B. RAMSEY, Proprietor. AMERICAN HOUSE?" HANOVER STREET, BOSTON, dpf THE UNDERSIGNED hav ■lit ing entirely KE BUILT and E\- Siii LakGED the ab- ve exteas;ve esttuli.-hmrnt, c->u taining tn all about three hundred and fifty room*, Would respectfully give u.'tice that it is now ready fer the roeepthMi and accomtnodauoa of the travel- Mog eommumCy. An extended oo ice of lhe üßsurpaned convenien ces of ibis House is deemed raperfiuons, as the nu aaerous iinprovemeots which h.ive been made cannot ■be properly given in an advertisement. Suffice it to aay chai qo expense has been spared to render any apartment per led. The furniture was made expressly to order, re of ewrt, and certain porwes of it, especially iba Drawing-rooms, will be found to be of the mon. beaut Hui tasteful manufacture. The Dining n»m» are capack'os, and lhe hours of meals will be eo arranged as to oqh it>e convenience of lhe early ano late. Every department will be conducted in an unex ceptxmat'ie manner, and ths Proprietor pledges him ?? k be American House shall be tmlv the . O -°® e ’ LEWIS RICE. —7i w oe-wl. m CAUTION. ~ om (e trade 7~ . •"Utt, gi.en by us to Ueor re W 25 h Dwember. JBS9, s.d p.,.- le u 1881 ,h J 25 ■' d * v UUUy Sul, V. era d«.ne, ne j M „ • • ROBear kkmdrick ■yl-w»« i KLKANOK IK-XUHICR. THE WEEK!! | CHRONICLE t SEXTINE 1 .. ■ SELECTED POETRY. n Th. Hafpt Pair. —The following graphic e ; picture of dome.lic happiness in hurntle life was written many years since, by Townsend Haiues, Eeq., late Secretary of the Common. * wealth of Pennsylvatia, and now Register of the Treasury of the United States at Waebing- ‘ ton: 808 FLETCHER. > i I once knew a ploughman, Bub Flo'cher his name, Who was old and wm Yet they lived quite contented, and free from all strife, Bob Fletcher, the ploughman, and Judy his wife. Aa the morn streaked ths east, and the night fled away, They would up for labor, refreshed for the day ; And lhe aer.g cf the lark, as it rose on the gale, Found Bob at the p ough and his wife at the pail. A neat little cottage, in front of a grove, Where in youth they first gave tueir young hearts up to love, Was the solace of age, an J to them doubly dear, As it called up the past, with a smile or a tear. Each free bad its thought, and the vcw could impar i’hil mingled in ycuih the warm wi-h of lhe heart; he tbjrn was still there, and the blossoms it bore. And lhe seng from its ti p seemed the same aa b fore. When the curtain of night over Nature was spread, Aud Bod had returned from the plough to his shed. Like the dove on ter seat, he reposed from a.‘l care, if bis wife and Lie youngsters contented were there. I have passed by his door when the evening was 3»J'» And the hill and the landscatto were fading away, And have heard from the cottage, with grateful sur pr ee, The voice of thanksgiving I ke incense arise. And I thought on the proud, who would look down whh acorn, On the neat little coUrge, the grove and tbo thorn, And felt that the riches and tinsels of life Were droea, to contentment w.tu Bob and bis wife. BE KIND. Fe kind to thy father; far when thou wast young, Who loved thee eo fondly bo ? He caught the first acron s lhat fell from thy tongue, And j lined in thy inn went glee. Be kind to Chy father; for now he is old, His lot be intermingled with gny ; Hi.s footstepe sre ieeu.’e, once fearless and bold— Thy father ie passing away. Be kind to tby mother; for lo !cn her brow May tracescf sorrow r.e seen ; Ol;. well may’st tb..u ciieri h an I comfort bar now, For lovii'X and kind has she beeu. Remember thy mother, tor tuee she will piay As lung as God givet'a her bxealh ; With accents of kinJuc'S, then, cheer her lone way, E’en to the dark valley of death. Be kind to thy brother ; Ira heart will have dearth, if the emrasof joy be withdrawn; The flowers of feehug wdl fide ot their birth, L the dewuf afTe-’ti.-n tie gone. Be kind ioycur brother, -.vn<.ever you arc ; The love of a brother shall b i An ornament purer nd r.cboi by far Titan pearls from thj depth oi the sea, r De kind lo thy sister; r<»t many may knew The depth of Irae t»i«tcr!y lave ; The wealth of lue ocean lies (aiho;ns Velow The ’urfice that sparkle? above 1 Thy feiirineae shall bring to th*o many sweet hours, Ant blessings thy pathway to crown ; AiL’c'ion shall weave thee a garland «.f fljwere, , 5!. re ploasant ’hao w*..-»l*h or rerewn. jior Sale. LOCK SURE ILL B E K lil Di ffcD, on reiron • V V able term*, i r one, or a term of years, from the first of January next, the la DINNER AND SUPPER HOUSE, known os the Ninety Mile Station, between Savan aub cod Micon, on the Central Railroad. Upon Hie premises ate a a,-acioaß Hotel and nil needful nuii i inga. Two store house*, biro, stable*, neuro hous.-r. and vege’ao'e gard-n, all iu good repair, with a farm attached, under a good state of cu'tivatiun, from fifty to out- huu.lrud acre*. For an act're and entcif rs iog man, this situation presents one o‘ the finost open ings for mercaatde busine-a in the State, haring an extensive region of country to sustain k. To <ne chd ics, also, this place offer* the best opening in Georgia. A superior Bheksmi'h and Wagon ma ker, a Hoot and Shoe maker, a Tanner and Currier, will find more business and at higher prices, than at any ether point. There is «n ample supply of the best materials, and one ot tb«s fines* S eam Saw Milk in the country, within a short d'siance. Indu.-triou>- and temperate men can “dr ire” a profitable Lari nest in their trades at this place. Tsnemoists suffi cient for all. Within a mile of the Hotel b the Ogeochee* River, with fishing grounds, no', aur; aaeed by any stream ut its sise, and the finest fi.th at all seas. ns. There is at this plnco a Post and Te'egraphic Of-, fiee. With il»e exception of the wood uid water nation, which will t>e reserved, any part or all of the premises will be Rented, uy appli.'a'iim to the pro prietor, H. I*. JONE'', Birdsvilte, Burke Co., ie7-wlra or to J V. JONEH, AJiuta. Ge FOR SALE, 1 _n THE SUBSC HI BE IL’S Summer is-. Resicence, situated on tbe South Sand Hills, on tlio first eminence, southwest of itie iutanell Spring. The ritnation in a pleasant < ne- of easy access to, and in lull view ui the Geor gia Railroad Tba DWELLING is large and com •uodious, and in good repair. Fur further particulars, apply to in>3l-Ha l*u A r dc.w3 SAMUEL C. WILSUN. SPRINGS FOR SALE. MTIIK SUBSCRIBER Olf th ,gso, for sale an excellent PLANTATION '«£*’ of Iwo Hundred and Fitly Acres, -*• wed improved, with a good Framed DWELLING HOUSE thereon, situate on the main road hem the ' iilage cf GAINESVILLE TO CLARKSVILLE, and about equidistant from each. There is a con siderable quantity of good bottom Land upon the plane, and a PUFR BLUE LIMESTONE SPRING ne-ir the Dwe.iing Per terms, apply to the sub criber at Citric*ville, Georgia. ra>2Ldl*w3 JOHN R. STANFORD. FOR -?A-£ JL-.T, THE SUBSC HiBER offers for sale hisFAMII Y RESIDENCE in the Town of Marietta. It is Lms-'bo in a de •treble part of town, is wel’ improved contain* • bout two act s. The dwelling hue nine rrx ms and one basement nil well finished. Poeseewion ca» be had the fir»-t of July. For terms, aff’ly to Col- David Dobbs, Win. P. Young or John F. Arnold in the absence of Aul a P 3U w NFJ SON M. BEN TON. Valuable Plantation for fc ale, THE subscriber offers for sale her PLANTATION, lying dirertlv on the -A- |i ß e of Rail Road, aixiut 19 mile* from -L --the city of Montgomery, Alaoatna. The trad of Land contains about 960 acres, *IOO of wh ch tso| en •nd, and is one of lhe bo*i sandy lan I cotton plan ted'ns in Alabama Cor further particulars, address the s--bacribcr, at Decatur, Macun county, Ala. my!8w!0 BI RCH. 1 FOR SALE OK RENT, A PLBASAST DWELLINOinIht OL v’iiage of Clarksville, suiiable lor a small | family. It will be sold, or leaked by lhe year, or for the months, upon reasonable terms. Apply to the fubsoril er at Claikeviiie, Ga. >3O*lawdtJe!s JOHN 11. STANFORD. STEA VI ENGINE FOR SALE A FIRST RATE ENGINE, of 20 horse power, ha-« been bu< lit : e used, and can be sesu in dadv operation at the Bucket Factory of E. lock bail & Co., until the let July next. Il was built by Eaten Ct Brothers, ot Cbailet’oo, and works fine. For terms, apply to the suhteriber or in bi absence from the city, io Estes »v Riahmond, near the piemiscs. BEAL M. DUVALL. AIS<» For Rent, the 3 story Brick BUILDING, now need as the Bucket Factory. Apply as above. Any C Huunimcati* n. throng i the Post t tfi-e, diiected to Box 183 will he attecded to. i’l -ddtwijyl FOR SALE. VT MY MILL, 1500 buahcU CORN, in the ear. »w ground with the C**b. If ground with the Cob 66 lhe. answers to th ? bushel, and o;ea*- erea I bua-.ei 3 pecks, a id decidedly more healthy for Stock ban Corn ungreued. myß JA<. L. COLEM\N. NEGRcES, NEGROES. JUST AKHIVKL>, SEVENTY-SIX ycua?, likely NEGROES, which, added to our for-n-’ stock, will make one hundred and fvuxteen we have 1 now on the Market. By calling at our Depot at Hamburg, S. C-., purchasers can be suited, and these wishing to purchase are requested to examine our Meek before purchasing elsewhere. 4-*** vwt JFVxix .s Ar THE MONTGOMERY NLANUFAC » WRUNG COMPANY’S IRON-WORKS, Mshtgouirryi Aiatama, M 1 AKVFACTt RE, in superior style, Hori- sofltal and Upright STEAM ENGINE*, of all sixes; Steam BOILERS; LOCOMOTIVES; Cast-iron WATER WHEELS; Sugar MILLS; Saw and Grist Mill IRONS, of every variety, (in cluding Hoxie’s continuous feet for Saw Mills;) Fn , eine nd Hand • ATHES; Iron and Brass CAST INGS, of all kinua. JU , , At! orders nt.e <•( » Isrre'cb. arZ2 GINDR AT & CO LOST *>lllE public are cauiioced against purchasing JL the CtlE< Kof Goa Id, Huikdey A Co., to my 1 rder and not endorsed by me, oo die Branch of the 5 Bank ot the State of Georgia, at Augur a. Said r Check ie dated &b Aj-hI, 1851-No. 200—for 5479.51, and payment is stepped. J. THOMAS ROWLAND. CarteravilJe, May 6. 1851. lawgw* NOTICE i | OST OR MISPLACBLIt Twenty-Eight f Hundred Doiiars, ail in one hundred Dollar Note*, made payable to JOHN W. GREEN, or • bearer, dated some time in September, ISSO. Signed by A. S. CROSS, (b« X mark.> All persons are » hereby tore warned ot trading ke said Neues, and the maker, A. S. Crxw, is lure warned not u? pay said Notes to other peisca except mysclt. JOHN W. GREEN. Said Note* all on demand the firat day u January next. aJ4-wtf J. G gjHYSICIANS' MEdTjAL bADDLr r AGS, t manutactured of the beet mater.a s, and ia the arcs* improved manner, estataseiaj Twenty s;x i lee, of different si ire, besides et'aer cxnpartreuiv. These I’aga are very convenient; axe Ur pxe.erabU • toasi m ore. Sold in Augaste by PHIL’? A. MOISE, >lO Dealer m cbmce Medicines, POLITICAL. SPEECH OP H ON. DAN I E L W E B S T E R, AT ALBANY, MAY At 2 o’clock Mr. Webster was conducted by Meaars. Rice and Porter, of the Committee of Young Men, to the pla’fnrra which had been erected in the court yard of Congress hall, and having seated himse'f. cheers, long and loud, were given by the assembled multi.ude. The Hon. J C. Spencer, s anding on the piaza of the hotel, immediately behind the staging erect ed for the speaker, announced that at the re qnea of lhe inhabitants of this city, the Hon. Daniel Webster had consented to addres* lhein on th u present condition of the country and rublic affiirs. He knew h* wou d receive a patient and cheers ul attention. Thia announce ment was received with renewed cheering. Mr. Webster then lose and said:— Ftlli.w Cil'zf.Ti3 :— I owe iho honor of this occasion—and 1 esteem it an uncommon and extraordinary honor—to lhe young men of the city of Albany, and it is my first duty to ex press to these young men my grateful thanks fur ih« respect they have manifested toward me. Never hcless—nevertheless, young men of A bany, I do not mistake you, or your ob ject, or your purpose. lam proud to taka to myself whatever may properly belong to me, a token cf personal and poii:ical regard from you to me. But i know, young men of Albany, it is not I, but the chubs—it is noli, but the cock ilti'ion of the Union, which ha* bound together your ancestors ar.d mine, aud all of us, for more than half a century. It is ’bis that r;a* brought you here to-day, to testify your regard toward one who, to tho he-c of his humble ability, has sustained that cause be fore tha country. (Cheers.) Go on, young men of Albany! Go on young men of the Uui.od States! Early manhood is tho chief prop and support-—the reliance and hops—for the preservation of public liberty and the insti tutions of the laud. Early manhood is inge nuous, generous, just. It looks forward to a long life of honor or dishonor—and it means, by the blessing* of God, that it shall he a life of 1 honor, of and success, in all the professions and pursuits of life; and that it shall close—when close it must —with it,m& claim to the gratitude of tho country. Go on. ■hen—uphold the institutions which you were born. You are manly, fearless, bold. You fear nothing but to do wrong—dread no- < thing but to be found recreant to patriotism < and to your country. 1 Gentlemen, 1 certainly hal no expectation i of appearing in &u°h an assemblage as this to* 1 day. it is not probable, for much time to come —a long time to como—that I may again ad- * dresß any large assemblage of my fellow c:ti« i zens. If I should not, and if this were he 4 • ast, or lo be among the last of all the occa I Mona iu whieh lam to appear before any great « number of the people of the country, 1 shall t not regret that that appearance was here. I i find myself in the political capital of the 1 greatest, most commercial, most powerful state * of the Union I find myself invited here by t persons es the highest re pectat.fitv, without - distinction ol party. I consider the occasion t is t-o newhst august I know that among < i.boso who now listen to ms there are such n* i are of the widest, me best, the most pstr'oiic : and the most experienced public and private I men in the sta'e of New York. Here are g<» « • ernore and ex-governors, here are judges and i ex-ju iges, of high character and b>gh Station; h and here are persons from all the walks of • arofes-iorial and private life, distinguished for ' ulent and virtue and emit ence. F-.llow ci i- n tens, before such an assemblage, and on such s 4fi invitation, I feel bound to guard every op.n- s •on and every expression —*o -peak wrh preei- • <ion such sentiments as I advance, and to he c ca:e»ul in a l tha* 1 .-ay. ’hat I may not be mis apprehended or n i-irepresented lam request ; ad, feili>w-ci<izens, by those who invited me hither, without distiuciion of party, to b»gmf r 1 uiy sentiments on lhe stale cf pub ic aftsns c in this country, and the interuetiug questions e which are before us I This proves, gentlemen, that in the opinion of those who invi-ednie here, there are qnes ions sometimes arising which range above ait party, and all the influences, and cormiderations. aud interes-s of pariy it proves more, it proves that in their judgment, at I now stand be ere you, this is a time in wnich public affairs de rise in importance above the range of party, and draw to them an interest paramount to all party cousiderutions. If that oe not so, I em here wiihout obj ;ct, and you are listening to me for no purpose whatever. Then, gen iemen. what is tho con h'lon of public affairs which makes it necessary and proper for men to meet, aud confer together on the state of lhe country? What are the qu> sliuns which are overriding, eubdu.ng, and overwhelming party —inviting henest. well meaning persons to fey party aside—lo meet and confer for the general public weal? 1 shall, of course, fellow-ci izens, not enter a It ngth into many us these questions—nor into any lengthened discussion f the sinte us pub lic affairs—but shill eadeavor to vta'e whit that condition is—what thane questions tire—aad to pronounce a consc tnuoas judgment of my own upon lhe whole. Tho last Congress, fellow citizens, passed laws called adjustment measures, or mjU emerit ’neaeures— fews ir tended 10 put su end to cer tain in'ernal and domestic controversies which existed in the country, and some of them for a loftig time. These law® were passed by the constitutional majorities of both houses of Cungrass They received the constitutional approbation of lhe President. They are the laws of the land. To some, or all of them,— indeed 10 all n f thorn—it the nine of their pas .”3ge thsre existed warm and violent opposi tion. None of them passed wiihout heaiod dDCUtnion. Government was es ablished in ’•■ich of the territories of New Mexico and Utah, but not without opposition. The boun dary of Teias wa« to be settled by compromise c- iih that eta e. but nut tilhout determined aud violent oppostion. The«e laws all passed, and as they have now become, from tho nature f the case irrspeafebfe, it is not necessiry that I should detain you by discussing their merits and demerits. Nevertheless, geudu inen. I desire on this and on all public occa store, in the most etnph tic and clear manner to declare, that I hold some of these laws — and especially that which provided for the ad justmant of ihs controversy with Texas—to nave been essential to the preservation of lhe public peace. I will not now argue thnt point, nor fey be fore you at lame the circumstances which ex isted at that time,—the peculiar situauon of •lungs in so many of lhe Southern states, or the fact that many of thos? states bad adopted measures for the separation of the Union—’.he fact that Texas was preparing to h?r righ b io territory which New Mexico thought was hers by right, and that hut.dreds and thou sands of them, tired of the ordinary pursuits of private life, were ready to rise and unite in any enterprise that might open itself to them, even at the risk of a direc’ couil ct with the au thority us this Government. I say, therefore, without going into the argument with any de tails, that in March of 1850, when 1 found it inv duty to add t ess Congress on these impor tat-t topics, it was my conscientious belief—* ? still unshaken—ever su.ee confirmed—that if >h« controversy wrh Texas had no: been ami cably itffjus ed. there must have bean civil war j.nd civil bloodshed; and in the contemplation of such a prospect it was of little consequence on width standard victory should petch; al though in such a co Heat wa took it for grant ed that no oppost’ion could arise to the auihor tty of the United 8 ates tha: would not be sup pressed. But what of that ? I was not anx ious about the military 'onseqnonces of things 1 looked 10 the civil aud poli'ir.at biate of things and their retro! s. and I inquired what would be the condition of the country if. in this agita ted ai'ate of things—if, tn this vastly ex:etdod, zbough not generally pervading feeling at the South, war should break out and bloodshed should ensue in ihai exireme of tho Union? Tha* was enough for me to inquire and regard, and if the chance hhd been but one iu a thou sand that such would have been the result, 1 should still have fol* hit that one thousandth chance should be guarded agai. st bv any ren sacrifice; because, gentlemen, eau guine as I am for the future prosper tv of the country—strongly as I believe now. after what nas passed, aud especially after loose measures to which I save referred, then it is likely <0 ho d together— I yet believe firmly that the Union, once broken, is utterly incapable, accord'ng to ail human experience, of being re constructed in rs original cuarac^er—of being re con structed by any chemistry, or art, or effort, or •kill of man. Theo, gentlemen, let us pass from those measures wh‘ch are now a com plished and settled. California is in the Union and cannot be got out; the Texas boundary is settled and cannot be d siurbed ; Utah arid New Mexico are te~riiorie<, under provisions of law, according to accustomed in for mer cases—and these thibgs may bo regaidej las settled But then (here was another sub ject equally agitating and equal y irritating, which in its nature, must always be subject to consideration or proposed amendment, and that is tbs fugitive slave few of 1850, paseed at tne same session of Congress. Allow tne to advert very shortly to what I consider lhe ground of that law. You know, snd I know, that it was very much opposed in the Northern states: sometimes with argument not unfair, often by mere abolition of party, and often by those whiriw uds of fima'ic sm that raise a dust and blind the eyes, but pro duce nothing else Now. gentlemen, thisq :es tion of lhe propriety of the fugitive slave law. or lhe enactment of some such law. is a ques tion that must be met. I s enemies wilt not let it sleep or slumber- They wII “give neither sleep to their eyes nor elumoer to their eye hds ” so long as they can agraie it before the people it is with them a ’opic —adeeirable to p:c—and all know, who have mucn experience in poli icai affair*, that for party men and in party timesthere is hardiv anything so desira ble as a topic. (Laughter.) Now, gentlemen, lam readv to meet this quee ion. lam ready to meet it—l am ready .» say that it was right, proper, expehent. jast. .La: a sjitab e law should be pa--ed tur the re •toratioa ot the tugiiive s.-aves. found in free •ta’es. to I heir ow ner» :n th® slave »a es I am ready to say iha*. because I only repea the words ot thecoiwutution i.»elf an! 1 am not I afraid of being considered a plag.ariat. nor a I feeble im.U’.or of o;her men’s language and I seh iments. when 1 repeat and a. ueunee o ’ every partef the country; to you, here, and AJJGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE IS. IKSI. at. ail times; lhe language «f dr- CoUßt*'U*ion »H toy country. (Loud cheers ) Gen:lemen, be x fire the revolution, slavery existed in the Southern states, and had ♦ xist*d there for more thin a hundred y jars We us the North were > not guilty of its introduction. That genera t on of men, oven in the Soudt, were not guil ty of it. It had been introduced according to r the policy of tha mother country, before there r was any independence in the U. States; in j deed, before there were any authorities iu the • colonies competent to resist it. Why, gentle men. men’s opinions have so changed on this . subject, and properlv—tne wor’d has come to pso much juster sentiments—that we can hardly believe, that which is certainly true, that at the peace of Utrncht in 1713. the English govern ment insisted on compensation from the Span i h government for having violated a contract by which the Spanish government had granted tho unqualified and excLisive privilege to the British government of importing slaves into her Weit India colonies I That was not then repugnant to public sentiment; happily it would be now. I allude to it to sho w that lhe introduction of slavery into the Southern states is not »o be visited upon the generation that achieved lhe independence of this country. On the con trary, all the eminent men ot that da; regret ted it. Aud you, my young friend* of Albany, if yon will take the pains io go back lo Lie de baiew of thj period, from the meetiuc of lhe first Congress in 1774, I mean the Congress of the Confederation, to tha adoption of the pro-ent Cunali nt:on, and the enactment of the first law under the existing Conxtiiution ; you and anybody that will make that neces-ary re search, will find that Southam men and South ern states, a«represented in Cwn-fress, lament ed the existence of slavery in far more earnest and emphatic terms than the Northe n; for though it not exist in the Northern states, it was a feeble tapsr, just going out, soon to end. and nothing was feared from it ; while leading met; mF .’he douih,of Viigiuia and the Carolinas felt ana acknowledged that it was a moral and political evil; that it weakened the arm of the freeman, and kept back the progress and suc cess of free labor, and they said wi:h truth, and all history verifies the observation, “that, if the shore? of the Chesapeake been made a< free to free lab «r as tne shores of tne North River. Naw York might hsve been great, but Virginia would have bseu grs-at also.” That was the sentiment. Now, under thia state of things, gentlemen, when the constitution was framed, iu framers, aud tha people who adopted it, came to a clear, express, unquestionable stipulation and compact. There had been an ancient practice for many years—for a century, f;r aught I know —according to which fugitives from ser vice, whether apprentices at the North, or alavasat the South—should be restored. M -s --sachiM’itls had restored fugitive slaves to Vir ginia long before the adoption of the consti tution; and it is well known (hit in other states in which slavery did or did not :ixist— thay were rent* red. And it was held that any rain could pursue his slave and take him wherever he could find him. Under this stain us things, it was expressly stipulated in the plainest language—and there it stands ; j-ophi-try cannot gloxs it—it cannot ba erased from »he page of lhe constitution—.here it stands, that persons held lo rervica or labor in one state, nnder me laws thereof, escaping into another, snail not. in conni quence oi any law or regulation therein, ba discharged from such service or labor, bat shall be delivered up, up* n claim of the party to whom such service or labor shall be due. This was adop ted withent dis?en-—no whore objected to, North or South—but considered as a tnat’er of absolute right end justice to the Southern vales—‘Oticurrcd in everywhere, by every state that ad■ pted the constit itiun ; and we • of'k in vain so any upposi.ion from Massa chns-nts :o Georgia. Theo, it's being tho cs«e—this being the provision of the cons'itutien, soon after COll - had orgainzed, m General Washington’s time, it was found necessary to pass a law to csrry ’.hat provision of the eons'itution into effect, fchich a law was prepared and 1: was prepared by a gomlemati from a North ern sfa,e. It is said i. was tirawn by Mr. Ca ci, of Massaehujeite. It was supported by him and by Mr Goodhue, and by Mr. Bedgw:ck, of Ma-ueach-iset a, and generally t»y. a* 1 think, all lhe free steles. Tntre v»as hard ly a ten'h of all the votes again't it, if I right iv remember I r went into opcra:ion. and lor a time, it satisfied the jus rights and ex peotariou* of wory body. That law provided that its enactments should be carried into ef fect mainly by stale magistrate:, j istircsoftbo peace, jn lgt-3 ot atale courts, sheriffs of n'«’e counties and o her organa ot a:a«e autho i’y. So t. in«s went on without loud complaints from any quarter until come fifcun years ago. when »otne of the states—the free ?taies —though* it proper for the n topisi laws pro hibiting lh?ir own magistrates ami officers from executing tnis lav/ of Congress, under heavy p?mri>ies, a:id refusing to the United States uathoriues the use of their pri-ona for the detention of persons arrested ns fugitive •lives, 'i’ha. i* to say, these states passed ac.s defeating the law of Congress as far aa war in their power. Those of tnem to which I ref'r—n >t all but several —nuhiffed the law cf *93 entirely. They said —‘-We will not execute it. No runaway slave shall be restor ed.” Thus the law became a de.id letter — an entiredexd letter- Bji h ro was die con stitutioncl c« mp«c\ nevertheless, still binding ; here was the stipulation as so emu as words could form it, and which every member of Congress every officer of lhe general govern went, every officer of lhe six e g >vernments, from governors down to had sworn to anpper*. Well, uuder this state of things, i«i 1850, i -.’•as of opinion that common jus icc and good faith called up «u us to nnkv a law fair, rnH«oi»4ble, rqui:ahlo, j :rt—that should be caloirivted to carry this constitu’ional pro vision into effect, and give the 8 «»ithern states what ;hey were enti led to. and what it was intended originally they should receive —that Is, a fair right to recover their fugitives from service from the states tn o which they had fl-id. I was of opinion that it wis the bounden d.Hy of Congress to pass such a law. The So uh insisted that they had a right loir, and I thought they properly so insisted, it was no concession —no yielding of anything —no giving of anything. When called on to Inlfi! a compact, ’he q-ieationis ; will you fulfil ? And. for one, 1 was ready. I will fulfil it by sny fair and reasonable act of le gisiaiion. New, the law of 1850 had two ob je<ts, both of winch were accomplished by it. Firs’, it was to make the law mere favorable for’he fugitive than the law of 1793 It did so. because it call-id for a record, undersea!, from a Court in the state from which the fugi tive might have come, proving and ascertain ing that he was a fugitive, so hat nothing should be left when pursued into * free state, but to produce the proof of his iden ity. Next, it secured a higher tribunal, and it piaced the power in more responsible hands. The J;idg?s of the Supreme and Dis net Courts of the United Stales, and learned per sons appointed by them a* commissioners, were to see to tha execution of the law. Therefore it was a more favorable law, in all rtspda. te the fugitive, than tho law passed mid ;r General Washington's administration in '93. Now, 'et me say that this law has been dis cu«*ed. considered and adjudged in a great many of the triouna’s of tho country. l r has been ’die subject of discussion before judges of (tie Supreme Court of the United Stales; tho subject of discussion before courts the most rr spectacle in tne s.ates- Everywhere— on all occasion< • and by all judges, it has been hoiden to be, and pronounced <n be, a coiHtitui. uil law. 8o say Judges McLean, Nelson. W ndbury, and ail the rest of the judges, as Hr 1 know, on the bench of the Supremo Ci»urt of the United Stales. So says the un inimous opinion of Massachusetts b.era?if. *-xpressed by a* good a court a* ever sat in Masaaehusetts-—ts present Supreme Cour; ; unani.uousiy and without halation. .And so says every body.eminent for learning, a.id causa uu *nai law ar.d good judgment, wiinout opposition, without lutermix'ure of dugout, or diff'HreLC© ol judicial opinion any where. Ard I hops I tcay be indu ged on this occasion geuriemen. pirdy on nccounc of a high persona! regard, and parity for the excel iei.ca and ability of ihe production, to rtftr you all toa recent very short opinion of Mr. Prentice, the D.strict Judge of Vermont. ( Appiauio ) True, thactse bJore him did not turn so much on the question of the con s'KUt-onalify of th;s hw, as the uncoDsuiution ahly and illegality, and u :rr inadm ssii iiity, of ihe noi’un cf private in*n and political bod.es se.ting up their own whims or their own opinion* above it; on trie idea of the h her law tha' ens’s so me.vne re between us and the third heaven, I n ver knew exactly where. (Cries of good, and langhter.) AB judicial opinions ire in favor of thislaw. Y»»u cannot find a man in the profession in New York, whose neorue reaches thirty pounds a year, who will stake his profenioual reputation ou an opinion against it If he does, his reputation is not worth tne th.r.y pounds, (Renewed laughter.) And yet this law is opposei—violent;y opposed—not by bringing t ««q .es ion into c urt; laese lovers of burnan liberty—these friends of the slave— the fugitive ed a veg—do not put their hands in their pockets and oraw funds to conduct law suits, and try tne quenioa—mey are not m that habit much. (Lighter) That is not the way they show their devotion to liberty of any kind. But they meet and pa«s resolutions— they resol-e mat the law is oppressive, and should not b? executed a;any rate or un der any circumstances h has said in the states us New York. Mawacha*ot s and Ohio, over and over again, that the 'aw shall not be executed. Teat was the of a con vention io Worcester, in Massachusetts; in Syracuse, New York and elsewhere. And tor this they pledge their lives thoir fortunes and their sacred honor? (Laarhter.) Now, gentle men. these proceedings—l it upon my professional repii abon—are d s inctly trea Is. r»able Resolntious passed in Ono, certain resolutions in New York, and in the cunven tienahe«(i r.i Boston, are distinctly -reisonab e. A d ihe act ol taking away Sbadrach from the public authorities in Boston and tending him off. wsinaM of ciear treason. 1 speak tb’s in the bearing of m-u wno are lawyers—{ speak i. o»t to t;e country—l say it every where, on my professional reputation. It was treason, and nothing else—that is to say, if mm get togatner. and comb na together, and resolve that they will oppose a law of tne gov ernment, not in any one case, bat in aii cases— I I-ay, if they resolve to tyjiist the law, whoev >- er niav be attempts I to, bo made the subject of e it, and carry that purpwioto effect, by resist e ing the application <>’ ‘h : law in any one cass e either bv force of arms,.or by force of num hers, that, s>r. is tro»on. (Turning to Mr. Spencer, and speaking‘with emphasis.) You > know it well —(Continuing to address Mr. j Spencer ) Tna resolution itself, unacted on, is not treason —it only manifests a treasonable i purpose When tl is purpose is proclaimed ■ —and it is prochimed bat it will be carried out i in all oases—and is carried into effect, by force • of arms or numbers, in any one case, that con stifutes a cn<»o of levying war against the U ni >n, and if it were necessary, I (tight cue in idusttalion the case of John Fries convicted in Washington a time, f° r bfo ng concerned in the whiskey insurrection in Pennsylvania. Now, various are the arguments, a nJ various he efforts, to denounce this law—to oppose its ex ecution—to keep it op »sa question of agita lien—and they are asdivar*« as the varied inge unity of man, and the aepemof such questions when they come before the public. And a common Ching it is 10 say that (he law is odi ous—that it cannot be executed, and will not ba executed. That has always been ssid by :hose who do not mean it shall be executed —not by any body el»e. They aesumo the fact that it cannot be executed, to make that true which ihey wish shall turn out to be true- They wi-h that it shall not be executed, and, there fore, announce to all mankind that it cannot bs executed. When public men and tha conductors of newspapers of influence and authority, thus deal with tha subject, they deal unfairly with it Those who have types al command, have a perfect right to express their opinions; bull doubt their right to express opinions as facts I doubt whether they have a right to eay—not aa a matter of opinion, but of fact—hat this particular law is so udigUßhore and elsewhere that it cannot be exec*. uiy proves ilwt they m of opinieiKat not; that they hope it msy not be executed, rneydo not say, “See if any wrong ib inflicted on any body by it; 1 hope to find in its operation no wrong or injury to anybody. Let us give it a frir experiment/’ Do any of them hold that language? Notone. “ The wish is father to the thought.” Ihey wish that it may not be executed, and therefore they say it can not and will not be executed. That is one of the modes of pre en ing the case to the people: ana in my opinion, h is not quite a fair mode of doing it. There are other forms and mod?s; and I might omit to notice tha blustering aioli lion societies of Boston and elsewhere, aa un worthy of regard: but there are other forms more insidious and equally efficacious; there are men who say, when you talk of amending that law, that they hope it will not b« touched. You talk of attempting it, and they dissuade you. Tney aay, •* Lei it remain as obroxious «*.s it can e, and eo much tne sooner it will din gus-.. and ba detested by the who e communi ty ” I am ashamed to say that such sentiments hare been avowed bv those in Massachusetts, who ought to te utterly ashamed —utterly ashamed—to ut er such opinions. For, wh-st do they mean? They mean to make the law obnoxious so obnoxious that it shall not be ex eeuted. But still they suggest no other law; they oppose all amendment; oppose doing anything that shall make it less dis s»teful. What do they mean? They and they kno v it. that the’e shall exist no law whatever fur carrying into effect this provision us lhe constitution of the country if they can prevent it. They wish to strike it out; ’.o annul it They oppose it in every possible f trm short of personal resirsnee, or incurring personal dan ger, and to do ffiia, they say the worse the law is the better. They say we have now a topic, rind lor m rev’s sake don’t amend the horrible few of 1650. (Laugh-er.) Then, again, they a*y, ‘ Wt: are for an eternal agination and dis cussion of thisquesiion ; ’he people cannot be bound by it Every member of Congress has the right o move the repeal of this as well as any other taw ” Who does not know thia ? A member «nu-t act according lo his own di?- c ret tori. No doubt *e has a right to-morrow, if Congress were in session, to move a repeal of tne fugitive slave law; but this takes with it another. He has just as much right to move to tear down the capk'd. until one stone shall not be hf. on another—just as much riib. to move to ditbarid the army, and to throw the ordnance at;d aims into the sen. He has j’l-'t as mueh right to move that all ti.e s h pe of war of the United States ohnl be coll-cte I and burned ; an iduininahon like ’hat which lit up the walls of ancient Troy. He may do any of these thing-. The question is, isle prutent, wise —a tr al friend - f ihe country, or adverse to it ? That all. And u giealer question lies be hind—will the po pie support him in it? I< it the result of the good sense of the Northern people that the question shall have neither rest nor quiet bu idrall be constantly kept upon a topic of agitation? I can not d c:d« this ques ion for the people but leave them to du so. .And aow, gentlemen, this is a serious q‘lestion —whether lhe co-h! itulion cnta be maint ined in part and not in whole ?—wheth er ;bose interested in the preservation of one part ot it, finding liteir interests in that par ticular atandoueJ, are nut likely enough, according io a I the experience of human leel ing, to discard that portion which was intro duced, not fcr their benefit, but for tho bene fit of others ? That is the question. For one. I coufera, I do not see any reasonable prospect of inaiutaioing the constitution of the Uuited S ates. un!e«s we maintain it as a whole—im partially, honorably, patriotically. Gen-lemon. I am detaining you too long, but allow me a few words on another subject. The constitution of the United States con rista in a series of mutual agreements or com promises—one thing beiug yielded by the South, another by the North ; the general mind hiving beeu brought ’ogether, mid the whole agreed to, as I have said, as a senes ol compromises. Well, gentlemen, who dues .ot see that? Hid the North no particu ar interest to be regarded and protected? Hal the North no iuteres’ ? Was nothing yielded by lhe South io the Nonh ? Gentlemen, you are prmid citizous of a great commercial stete You know that New York ships float over the whole world, and bring abundance of riches to your own shores. You know that this is the result of the commercial policy of lhe United S-.ates—and of he commercial power vested in Congress by the constitution. And how was this commerce established—by what constitutional provisions and for whose benefit ? The South was never a commercial country. Ti e plantation stales were never commercial. Their interest always was, as they thought, what they think it to be now. free trade—lhe unrestricted admission of f reiguers in competition in all branches of business with our own people. Bu what did they do?—they agreed to form a govern ment that should regu ate commerce according io the wan’s and wishes of lhe Northern States, and when tho constitution went into operation, a commercial system was actually estab.hhed, on which rose up the whole gory of New York and New England. (Applause.) Well, w 1 at did Congress do under a North ern lead with Southern acquiescence ? What did it do ? It protected the commerce cf New- York and the Eastern states, first, by a pre ference. byway of tonnage duties, and that higher tonnage on foreign ships has never been surrendered to this thy, bui in conside rs ion of a just equivalent; so in that respect, without grudging or coinp'.aiui on the part of he South, but generously and fairly, not by way of concession, bu* iu the (rue spirit of the constitu ioB, the commerce of New York was, and the Nt w England states were, protected by he provision of the conrituiiou .o which I have referred. Bit that is not all. Friend* ! Fellow-ciuzens ! Men of New York? Does thi* country not now extend from Mane to Mexico, and beyond? and have we not a state beyond Cape Horn, be longing nevertheless to us as ; art of our commercial system? And what does New York enjoy ? What do Massachusetts and Maine enjoy ? They enjoy an exclusive right of carrying on the coasting irade from s ate to state, on die At antic and around Cape Horn to the Pacific. And that is a most higb’y important branch of business, and source of wealth and emo’utnent—of comfort and good living. 1: is tl is exclusive right to the coasting trade which the Northern states possess, which war granted to them, which they have ever held, and which up to thia day mere has been no attempt to rescue from them. It is this which hie employed so much tonnage and so miny men. Now, what would you *ay in this dav of the prevalence of notions of free trade what wtiuld you say i< the South and the Wes were to join together io repeal this law ? And ttey hav the votes to do it to-morrow. What would you say if they ehauid join bauds and say that the-e men cf the N >f h and New England, who put this slight on their intere«:s. s’ ail enjoy this exclusive privilege no longer ? That they will throw it all open and invite tne Dane, the Sv ede, the Hamburger, and all the ♦ ommercial canons us Europe who will carry cheaper, to come in and carry good« frum N-w York coastwise on the Atlantic, ard to Ca.i.b’nia ou the Pacific ? Wtiat do you say to that ? Now gentlemen, toes© hive been a thousand ’.lines sugge-ted, perhaps, bui if there is anything Dew in them.! nope t miy ba re girded. But whit was said in Syracuse and Boston; it wm this—’You set up profit -gains; conscience; you se* up the means of living—we go for conscience. (Liughter.) That"is a Sight of fanaticism. All 1 have to answer is. that if *bat we propose is right, fair, just, and stands well w.th a conscience not enlightened with thoee high flight® of fxuey it i« none ths worse for being profitable, that it do* s not nr ke a thing bad which is good in itself ’f yea and I can live on it. and our i cti.ldren can l»e supported aud educated by it if lhe compact of the consti’atiun is fair, and i was fairly-entered io’O, it is none the worse, one should think. f° r , - 3 having been found i useful. (R-newed applause ) Gentlemen, I believe, in Cromwell sti ne—for lam not , vary fresh in my recoliectioue of that historic > period—l have had other thing* to do than i some of vou younger men that love to look s into the io*uuc ive histo y of that age—but I I brink it was in Cromwell** t;me ; that there - sprang up a race es saints wno called ihetn s -elves'-fifih monarchy men ’—a happy feli f citous, glorious people they were ; fer theu i had practiced so many virtues, they were e - enlightened, so perfect, that they got to be, in - the language of tbit day, above ordinances That is the higher law of this day exictlv. I (Liugh er.' Lis the old doctrine of the sis h - monaichy men of Cromwell’s time revived. They were above ordinance; walked about firm and spruce, ee-f sa isfied, thankful to God that they were not as other mon, but had at -1 tained so far to salvation as to be above ordi . nances. (Renewed laughter.) > Gentlemen, we live under a constitution. It ’ has made us what we are. What has carried I tho American flag all over the world? What has constituted that unit of commerce ibat wherever the stripes and stars are «een they signify that it is America, and united America 1 What is it now that represents us so respecta bly all over Europe? in Lindon at this mo ment. and ail over lhe world ? What is it bat the result of those commercial regulations which united us all togot er, and made our commerce—the same commerce which made all the states, New York, Massachusetts, South Carolina—in the aspect of our foreign relations, lhe earn? country, without division, distinction, or seperation. Now, gentlemen, this was tha original design of the constitution We. in our day. must see to it —and it will be equally incumbent on yon, my young friends of Albany, to see that this spirit is made to pervade t.ie whole administrat on us the Gov ernment. The constitution of the United S ates 10 keep us un led, to keep flowing in our h ar s a fraternal feeling, must be admin istered in the spirit in which it wa< framed And if I wished to exhibit the spirit of the constitution in its living, speaking, animated r form, I would refer always —always—to (he administration of lhe first President, George Washington (Vehement cheering.) And if I were now to draw the idea of a patriot-Preii dent, I would draw his master-strokes and copy his design; I would present his picture before me as a constant study for life; I would present his policy—alike liberal, just, narrow ed down to no sectional interests —bound to no personal objects—held to no locality—but broad aud gtroe; ■ is the air, which IB wafted by lhe winds of hea ven from one part of the country to another. I would draw a picture of his foreign policy —just, s eady, stately, but witbai proud, and lofty, and glorious. No man could say in his day that the broad escutcheon of the nouor of the Union could receive injury or damage, or even contumely or disrespect, with impunity. His own character gave character to the fo reign relations of lhe country. He upheld every interest of h : s country in even (he proud est nations of Europe, aud while resolutely just, he was resolutely determined that no plume in the honor ofihc country should ever be de r ac 4 d or taken from i s proper position by any power on earth. Washington was cautious and prudent—uo self-seeker—giving information to Congress according to the con atitution, on all questions, when necessary, with fairness and frankness— claiming nothing for himself—exorcising his own righto, and preserving die dignity of his sta'ion, but t&kiiHi especial card to execute the Jaws as a para mount duty, and in such manner as to give satisfaction to every tody, aud ro be subser vient to that end. Aud it was always remark ed of his administration that he filled the court of juszice with lhe must spotless integrity, the highest talent and the purest virtue; and bene it became a common saying, running through all classes of society, that our great security is iu the learning and integrity of the judicial tribunals This high character they justJv possessed, and continue lo possess in an emi nent degree from the impress which Washing ton stamped on these tribunafe al their first or* ganzatrou. Gent emeu—A patriot president of the Uni ted States is lhe guardian—the protec or, lhe friwnd of every citizen in them. Ho should be and he is no man’s persecutor —no man’* enemy, but the supp irurand the protector of all an I every citizsn ao far as his supp .rt and protection depend on hi ■ faithful execution of the laws. But there s especially one great idea whic Washington presents aud which governed and which should govern every man in i.ign office, who means to resemble Wash- ington ; that i- the duty of prenerviug the gov ernment, of suffering—so far as depends on him—no one branch to interfere with a. other, and no power to be assumed not belonging to e ch, anu none abandoned, wh.cb pertains t.» each: but to preserve and carry it on for tho benefit of the present and future genet.“.’.ions Gentlemen, n w;*e and prudent thipmaster make* it his first duty to preserve the vessel thu carries him and his property and uassen gers—io keep her afloat —to conduct her to her destined port vithent're secori’y of pro perty and life; that i* his first object, aui tbir. should bo the object and is of every Chief .Magistrate of the Uni ed States, who has a proper appreciation of his duty It is to pre serve tho consutution which bears him,—which sustains thogovernment, w.thout which every thing goes to the bottom — o p e.-erve that and keep it to the utmost ol Lis ability off the rocks and shoals, and away from the quick watidi—to preserve that, he exercises th*j caution of the experienced ship master. He suffers nothing io betray bis watchfiilness, or to draw him aside from the great interest commit'.ed to hi, care and the great object in view : “Tho* pleased to see the dolphin* ploy> He min is his campus and his way; And oft he throws the wary lead, To see what dangers may Le hid, f t he'm he makes his r,.«son »itj His crew oi passions all submit, Thus he steers hts b-irge and sa ls On upright keel, and meet' ths gaio!” Now, gentlemen, a patriot president acting from the impulses of this h'gh and honorable purpose, may rea h what Washington reached, lie may contribute to raise high the public prosperity, to help to fi’i up the measure of his countryglory and renown; and h« may he able to find a rich reward in the thank fulness of the people, “And read his history in a nation’s eyes.” Mb. Webster’s Speeches—At ro period of his life heretofore his Mr. Webster displayed more of the quahries of a great orator than now. Hisspee'h son his recent tour to the North, though referring to one general subject, have the charm of infinite variety; and while they abound in matter to suggest and to exercise the profount est reflection, they appear at the same time to be the unstudied effusions of the moment and of the occasion. The following fiom a speech of his at Syracuse, is in his happiest manner, and it has further interest of communi cating some particulars of his earliest history —Badimore American. It has so happened that all the nublic servi ces which I have rendered in the world, in mv day and generation, h ive been connected with the General Government. I think I ought to make an exception. I was ten days a i. ember of the Massachusetts Leg’slature, [laughter,] and I turned my thoughts to the search of some good object in which 1 could be useful in that position -and after much reflection, I introduced f* bill which, with the general consent of both houses of the Massachusetts Legislature passed into a law—and is now a law'of the State — wh chenacts noman in th ’State shall catch trout in any other way than with the ordinary hook aid line. [Great laughter ] With that excep tion, 1 never was connected for an hour with any State Government in my life. I neverheid any office, higher low, under any State Govern ment. Perhaps that was n y misfortune. At the age of thirty, 1 wasin New Hampshire practising law—and had some clients. The Governor of the State, John 1 aylor Gil man, thought that a youth and young man, as I was, I might be fit to bean Attorney General of tne State of New Hampshire, and he nomina ted me to the Council, and the Council taking it into their deep consideration, and not happening to be of the sam politics of the Governor and myself, voted three out of five, mat I was not competent. (Laughter.) So you see. genii- men. I never gained promo tion in any State Government. Gentleman, to be serious, my life has been a life of severe labor in my profession, and all the portion I could spare of th.it labor, from the sup port of my famiiv and myself, has been devoted to the consideration of sub eels connected with the general history of the country—the constitn tion of the country—the Confederation out of which the Constitution arose -all the history ot the Congresses which hive aasemb ed befnc and s nee the format!? ’ of that Constitution -and in short,if I have learned anything, or know anything.—and 1 agree it is very lit ie—what I do know, and whit I do understand, so far as I un dr rstand anything; is the Constitut on of the United States, the h story of its format! n and the history ol its administration under Gene cral Washington and from that time to this. Thi North and thk South —if men were not unduly anxious to be wwe beyond what is written, and to he righteous overmuch, if they would content themselves with doine the best they can under the cireumst>ccee »f their po sition, and no; seek a control where they have no responsibility ; above all, if they would practice upon tbd simple rule ot mind ng ’heir own bu-iness. and indulge io the charity of be lieving that other people were equally ccmpe tent to manage lheire —the unfortunate agi ; a non of the slavery question which has caused so much trouble. would subside of iiwelf, end both sections of the Union would ba left tree to pursue each ns own pecu iar coarse of indus try and production, and both would find mu lual b uefi in suzh freedom. Trie prop'.e of the North, however, »he ag'- tating portion of them, seem to regard it as a privilege of birthright to denounce ’he iavtitu rion of slavery, h is true they have nothing whatever iodo with it; it doe* no: exit- among them now, although it did once; and perhaps they assume to themselves a superior degree o light ana of virtue became the Da tare of their cumate and soil rendered the continuance cf slavery amr.ogtr.cm unprofitable, and therefore iu qunous. They can manntseture cotton, the product of s ave labor, without having their conscience lorn by the machinery of the mills They know very well that without slave labor they would get no cotton; yet, plain and cer tain as this fact is, tney have hitherto adm : ed it only in me head; it bss not reach© ■ the pockeL When it shall once touch he sensitive I nerve in that region, we may expect to see the . abohlioni-ts of New England more forlorn [ than were the witches of the colonial days.— Fugitive sieves would be rejected like lepers, i and be told to go home and grow cotton. We make these remark* in connec'ion with i the following extract from a commnnic<tion in t the Washi gton Union, under ’.he head o’ Ed- I itor’s corre-poadence from New York. It is J worth* of Dv»te that anything should appear in that journal cooamenda'ory of Mr Webster without some accompanying disparagement: ■* The great error of our northern eta : esm*n and era I tors, who are sus.aimDg the cause cf me Uci<’3 with n I their voiees and toeir pens, is that, byway of eo®- ). ' cession tc the prqadUea of those whoa* they are ad- June. /?/ l&5l dressing upou the agitating topic <1 aiu*tiy, thov are j in the habit of gratuitous y adml- Ung that, it is an evil, or denouncing it as a sin, w.ul» they deprecate all interference with ft as unconstitutional or inexpe dient. Mr. W sbstm-, in hi. latter effurta, ha« to u i great extent avoided thia practice, and thus allowed ' ; the wuote force of hie mighty logic and fervent elo quence to fdi upon lhe minds of Ids hearers, without at lhe s-une time furnishing litotn with a shield wherewith to parry tho effects ol lhe blow. His ad dress to the young raeu of Albany was not only most admirable in its manner, end persuasive in its train of reasoning, but it presented our federal relations in a new and impressive point of view. New to a great extent —wo mean to the people cf thia section of the country—(tor, white we are vary fond of talking of the concessions we hove made and ore mailing te tha routh there are but few who can take into consideration or are aware of tho conces sions the South has made to us—concessions of im measurable value, coeval with the formation of the government, and continued to this .day)—Mr. Web ster’s reotaiks upon this sir jent are worthy of being treasured iu the memory of every one wh t is desirous of appreciating the true worth of lhe Un ten iu all its bearings, what we owe to it, and h ;w strenuously we ought to defend it. He shows conclusively that to the establishment of our commercial system—which could not have been established without the assentol lheSouth, and which assent she most magnaniuiou tly granted, though against what sba conceived to be her own best inte rests—the North and East owe, to a very great ex ■ent, the r present inetcantile pre erninenee and gen eral prosperity. He proves that 0/ this system, whi.b is by no menus essential to the welfare of the South ern States, but even as they believe, iu a measure letrimental lo them, New York and New England engross nearly the whole coasting and carrying trade ! on both s,.ies of the continent; that by it our great ; Allan tic cities have been fostered and sustained until f tbey already vie with the proudest commercial marts . in the Old World, and our people have become | wealthy and independent with a rapidity beyond all s example in ancient and modern times. Past aud Present. , It is now apparent to every reflecting man t that tbs disunion party of ibis State intend to . make a dn.ape/.te ral y the 000.101 eontost, and gairi if possible tbs political phwer and control of Georgia. In order to efleet this, nothing will be left unsaid or undona that can advance the prospects of desperate men or brighten tho fortunes of an alm.st hopeless combination of defeated malcontents. Beaten 1 from every position formerly assumed, and maddeaed by an overthrow as complete as it was unexpected, the leaders in the contemp tible crusade against tha Government have been compelled to pause in their career of folly, and look out for some new path which may peradveuture lead to future success. Where to Cud that path, however, seems to be tho great difficulty. How to deceive the people into the belief that nothing of mis chief was aver intended, and that the former plotters will, if promoted to office, prove lhe future patriots ot the Suite, is now the great ditflcutiy. The past history of the enemies of the Union cannot be obliterated. Tha people will not forge; the Nishvillo Conven tion, nor will oblivion rest very soon on the movemeuts of certain men in Georgia during the past year. Aithnugti it may be unpleasant to the feel ings of some, it mav nevertheless be profltable to all to recur occasionally to tne past in or der lo judge what may be looked for hereafter. A short year ago and the sentiment of dis union apparently pervaded the entire heart of the boasting, bragging and intolerant disjuion ists of tne State. Under the plausible guise of protecting the rights of the South, they attempted, and in soma sections did rally ail the elements which when successfully putin motion resuit in revolution, civil war aud na'iooal dissolution Tna penalties of treason were threatened against any man who would not Join in the unholy crusade. Tue terrors of the halter, the disgrace which attaches to a felon’s baniabmeut. the loss of property by confiscation, wore all spoken of as if it were treason for a man to love his whole country, and criminal for him to eling with hope and reverence to the altars erected by his immor tal ancestors. We do not, of course, know what may ba the feelings of onr frien Is towards iho instiga tors and prime movers in the concerted plan of di-solution tu which wo have referred, and to which every man's mind will in a women recur. But this we think wu may safely assert, that no man who thinks or ever thought that the Union ought to be dissolved for existing causes or that Georgia should secede from her 58 er States for any thing yet d ine by th n Government is fit to cooirol the destines of thin people. /Are we mistaken in this opinion a* io the senrimente of our fellow citizens ? M it true that the madmen of the last rear can deceive the people of ih s. and in.rice them be iieve that the danger is passed and that it is time to fall back on old, obsolete and worn out issues? However pressing end profitable such infatuation might be to our opponents, it wou’d nevertheless argue a want of com mon sense on the par: of cor friends, which their p*.srt conduct has not exhibited. These remarks bring us to the present. &c tnal, existing state of things. The past is remarkable The inuvememsof tho disunion isl, when they thought they were strong enough to ctunli all opnosition. is yet fresh in the minds of all. Then they were for immediate dieoluiioD* the government was a curse, the friends of the Union were traitors, and all the 'errors inssperable from the crime of treason were to be vi.rited on the Submis sionists How changed the tone now ? How have there valiant champions of £ontheru R'ghts, these exclusive guardians of this rumed section lowered their tune and hauled down their lolly flag of defiance! They were brave enough when they imagined the people were with them. N ithing then wai 100 desperate to be adventured, nothing then was too perilous to be undertaken. The Union was to be rent arunder, a Southern Confederacy was to be formed, the stars and tripes were to be pulled down arid trampled under tho feet of these sprigs of modern chivalry. How standstie matter now? A conven tion of -hese fiery patri ts assembled a week or i*o since, in convention, to nominate a can didate so» governor, and lay down a new plat lor n. Did »hoy venture to re-feffi-m any of their doctrines of last summer? Did they dare speak of Disunion, and Banishment, and CONFISCATION, words and threa s former ly belched forth like < tea in from a boning furnace ? Oh no! The resolutions of ’9B, moderate abuse of the compromise, and a few other tender-footed ideas were enough. Even the far famed 36.30 or fight, by which every man s political orthodoxy was last year tried, was kicked out of the platform with un ceremonious ha:dheartedneiis. Well, th* ques tion now comes directly before the people of the 8 ate, can they be deceived by such stuff? Can the intelligent voters of Georgia men who love the government of the country, and who are determined to eave it if p« ssibie from the ru n which evil men are preparing for it, can such men, we say, be humbugged by any such fellows ? Whv, what does the ricke ty and disjointed concern amount to 1 Simply to this. The fire-eaters want toe political power of the State, and are willing to adopt any creed, and stand go any platform that will ► ecure them the desired object. Is this not as plain as the light of the son ? But we ceme a step nearer tha reality of things and proofs as they are presented in the movements of our opponents. Who were delegates tn the convention alluded to above? D-d you ever no ice, tnst (he most furious fire eators of the past year were s-iected from every county to nominate a candidate for Go vernor? And have you discovered that ibey selected the min whose every feeling, and every wish, and every principle, is in conso nance with theirs? Why did they not mike choice of some moierate mart of the party, if there bn any such. H«w is it that the head of >he Na»hv>ile couven’ionis a is selected to lead on the forlorn troop* of the late disnnio'iisis ? Why is the man whopresidsd ov«r the Macon Convention ia>t summer, when ;he al'usimi to the glorious stripe* and *:ars was drowned in the loud clamor for disunion, picked up now ks the special champion of our opponents? It is to in«ult th.a friends of the Union by an effort to place in the Executive Chair a man who is ready and anxiuusto carry out a'l the plans of the fire ea’ers h can be for nothing else Well, this brings ns to the can they eke: him 7 Surelv they can if •ur friends fold iheir arms in fiinc.ed security and live and act in the belief that a>i will be r’ght without en effort. Here lies the whole and only danger «u the contest of la«t year the Constitutional Union Party triumphed Oy au overwhelming majori y, the disuni'miats wore bea’.en into a pretended abandonment cf their principles, and int-.D’ions, end tney come forward now as !>uiu ng their old political garment* ant? dis gaisitxg their real purpose* in fu:nre Tbev must be met now, as formerly, with an active, z-.a’ous and united deiarminauon io defeat them again. friend of »be comoidu country, every man who fee’s that the goveru ment and constitution are worth piuserving, t every treemao who dreads the horrors of civil f .ommotioo. intestine war, an J ruin snonld 2 buckle on his armor and come into the ecutaa with ’he spirit which can alor© m.-ora success. Tr o Hea that there is i.o danger, that we are strong enough o win thedsy without an eiiort, oiuat be discarded at once. We have to Gcal witn opponeu a ever ac’ive and enterpn-mg, always willing to work even iu a bnd cause, and w.jo are smarting under the recoliecuon o past events. Tney will fight with desperation as well as diligence, and must be tn*-: wi»b an energy, a fineness, and zeal com me osu rate with their own. Oar triumph last fail waa not worth achieving, if now *e lie d’wn in fan cied security and lose by defeat all the honor, and g'orj, Mid benefit, which resulted from i’. W’e placed our State m a p’oud. secure, and coajmantimg attitude ; let us k-_-ep her there by iearietsly sustaining oar principles and tri umphantly elec ing uur men — ColunJ/ue E*q Influx of Gold—lt is fortunate for the Uni’ed Suites that the mines of California coatinne to y eld immense quantities of the precious metal, for otherwise we should be speedily diained of specie by the large expor tauons whicn are iak ng place weekly from New York ’o pay for goods imported from Europe. This drain mu?’, continue so long es our impora’ions of goods shall so greatly exceed our txpor’a'.ions of domestic produces. The d ff-rence hie heretofore been paid off by the transfer of stocks ; but must be here- I al’er me: with specie. Indeed, it is a pre vai inr opinion that our sole reliance to pre vent a monetary panic is m the mines of Cali fornia, or such a change in the rates of duties as buaii cneck importations and promote do- ■ mesuc manufactures.—Ja&aiera Clipper. V UL.LXV —NEW SERIES VOL.XV-NO. 25- “ Thk Namkleo CosviNTiotr.—We last weet a published, without c ‘tnmsnt, says tho Journal !r Mtomngor, the pt < teediogs of a Conven i ■ tion of persons who assured aud professed no principles, except thore of hostility to the • ' national Union. It appears the delegates represented so many factions rofessiogso 1 many shades ofopinion, that it was impossible 1 to fix upon any common appellation. Some of them insisted that the party should ’ be known as the Democratic party, some as the Republican Southern Rights party. Oth era possessing more facile consciences were willing to ba knows as the Democratic South ern Rights party, or the Republican Southern Rights party. A majority of the Convention were willing to assume the latter name, but the minority were unyielding ; so that after hours of discussion, it was agreed that they should assume no name, or rather any, name that was best calculated to deceive and delude the people. We may safely conclude that the new party will be known in one county as the Dem ocratie party j in anot her, as the Southern Rights parly, and ao on to the end of the chap ter. It is a kind of nultius filius— nobody’s child, in other words the child of many father!, d and therrfore entitled to take the name of each, s or a'ithe guilty parents. A young and talen'e.l 0 friend from Augusta, with whom we met at Mil 11 ledgeville, amused us exceedingly by tracing out the genealogy of the nameless bantling. He contended that it was beneath the dignity and did not deserve the consideration due to a > nuUiut filiuf, that it was not a Democratic • child, nor a Southam Rights child, but the • slippery spawn of a midnight eascus, a kind • of Siamese twin concern, the join product of • South Carolina and he Nashville Convention 1 on the one hand, and of nullification and the r Bulfrog Regency oa the other. He argued that ’ it was a political mouatrosity, hat ought to be 1 crossed with the Fejea mermaid or the woolly ' horse, and should be turned over by the people to Ba’num on the earliest possible occasion. Our friend was more than half right, there was mere truth than poetry in his description A party without a name, and of course without principles, except those of hostility to the government, cannot expoct to meet with either the favor or respect of the people. It is a kind or piratical concern, “a lang, law, black rak ish looking schooner,'’that runs under every flag and that is steady only in “ one unalter able purpose,” and that is the destruction of tho gallant ship of the Union, the indbenm:- nate murder of its crew, and the seizure of its valuable cargo. In regard to such a party it is useless to mince words. It h-:s not the manliness or the hones y to throw out the plain flag of disunion actuowleilged by South Carolina. It disp ays lake colors, and therefore is eutitled to the pro lection only of the laws whioa govern the bucca neer. We warn lhe people of Georgia against its purposes and luachina ions—weadjuro them to place no confidence in its promises or pro Tensions—to shun it as they would shun de struction itself ; and to give neither “ aid nor comfort to any who sympathize with its objects or its aims. It has confessed itself unworthy of public confidence and therefore dosetve* nothing short of public condemnation.— Jour. iMexs. Diplomatic Salaries.— The British Govern ment lias reduced tho salary of its Minister at Peris from £IO,OOO to £B,OOO, leaving it still nearly twice as large as the salary of the Presi dent of the United States. Lord Palmerston, in announcing this reduction to the House oi Commons, took occasion to say, in justice to his noble friend now occupying the post of Ambas sador at Paris, that English travellers who go to Paris must not expect to receive from him, with his reduced salary, that very large extent of hospitality which hitherto has been exercised as a right on their part, and as a duty on his. In the continua-ion of his remarks on this subject, Lord Palmerston said : The honuraMe gentleman says wo have an ex ample in the United States. As they give only £2OOO a year to their minister, 1 presume he implies that something like that same scale would be sufficient lor us. It is true that 1 have staled to thv honorable gentleman that when an American Envoy came into my room at the Foreign Office to transact business, I never measured the deference due to him or tne weight to be attached to what he has to s.*»y, bv the amount of salary be receives. | Hoar, hear.] But you cann »t ask any impartial American citizen whether the public service does not suffer from the small allowance of salary assigned to the minister, who will not tell you that they are inconveniently low and that they ought to be increased. [Hear, hear ] We happen to have a mo»tdistinguished citizen of the U. States, who has an ample fortune of hi* own, and who lives in a manner honorable to himself and the coun try which he represents. But there have been at former times, representatives of the United States in this country, whose position has b :en painful to their own feelings. [Hear.] It has been impossible for them to return those social courtesies which every person in this country was happy to manifest towards them ; and I think it would not be satisfaciory to the feelings of Englishmen, that their representa’-ives in for eign countries should be compelled to be differ ent from gentlemen residing in this country. [Hear, hear J Thia allusion to our country, remarks (he Baltimore American, conveys a lesson in rebuke. No man can hold the position of American Am bassador to England or France, andriive accord ing to the rank of his posit! m, unless he has a private fortune of his own. The beggarly allowance from the Government would not suffice for a third rate grade of diplomatic liv ing. This subject was discussed in the Senate to wards the close of the first session of the last Congress, and without the intermingling of any partizan prejudices or views it was agreed on all hands, according to emphatic statements by Mr. Webster and Mr. King, of Alabama, that the dignity of the American Republic required that its diplomatic representatives at the Courts of great foreign nations should be more liberally endowed with the means of hospitality and re spectability of style than under the present sys tem. The rational idea was advanced that in steal of a uniform rate of allowance to all Min iates of a certain grade it would be better to regulate the salary according to the expenses of living at particular capitals’. The Ambassador to the English Court should receive more than the Ambassador to France, the latter more than the Ainb issador to Russia—and soon. This is the English system, and it seems to be a veiy proper one. There is a prevailing notion, however, among some who pretend to the extreme of economy, that salaries paid to public functionaries are after all nothing more than contributions of plunder, and that the recipient ditlersfrorn e rob ber only because he has been fortunate enough to get hia hands into the public treasury under the sanction of law. Uuiver.-al distrust: sus picion blended with perpetual jealousy ; the un dying grudge of a vindictive and a malignant temper—these are the unsuitable characteristics of that school which, judging mankind by the standard ©fits own wretched m Hives and ideas, can recognise nothing nobler or elevated in hu man nature, but delights in perverting ail that is relined, and pu/e, and excellent, and mag nanimous, by the imputations of sordid, or sel fish, or other mean considerations. A nation never yet manifested a judicious economy by stinting the salaries of its ambassa d is or its judges. Profusion would save more thin parsimony in both of these cases. The services required are of the highest—not to be appreciated or measured by a money vaiuation; the men to discharge these great functions a right should be superior mtn, worthy to be cn trusted with the guardianship of a nation’s honor and a nation’s justice. Their duties well performed cannot be overpaid ; and the high of their position ought to deter or Jin ry aod inferior aspirants from the presumption of looking even at a distance to the possibility of their eter possessing such an elevated and re sponsible station. Another Sign in Mississippi. The evidences that tho s of Mis sissippi are doomed to an overwhelming de feat, are almost daily accumulating. A few days «ince we noriced the backing out o‘ Gen Quitman from the recorded opinions of his own message to the Legislature of that Stale— a consequence, no doubt, of the force of public opinion—and his purpose to yield thereto rath er than longer attempt to enforce his treasona ble views upon the consideration of an inteili r gent, reflecting and patriotic people. I This has been followed ny a strong and for i cible le*ter from Gen. Robert Stanton, a disringuifihed D3tn r crat of Adams county, ad dressed “ to the President and members of the Siaie Rights Associttion of that county,” de dining the office of Vice-President, which had been conferred on him by the Association which is so characteristic of a bold, indepen dent, intelligent and conservarive patriot, that we subjoin an extract: “ I ha»c duly considered the questions in eontro versy, asd although a slrtsuou-* opp.scr of some of the seat jres of tne while open for resist auce. now that they hare tecoine the law of the land I tin >n frvor of acquieseeing in its proruion?. W e can gain nothin? by agitation, but, on the co. trary, hazard much. Our domestic institution, wbica ha been the “lone ot contention” eince the forma tion of the Government, is must secure wh-jn furthest removed trora ttets or National excitement. I shall regard ihe da. s of slavery as oeing numbered when ever it is made the basis of party organization. Ii our eueles are determined to press u < to that point, from wnich there can oe no retreat, tne entire South, moved by a common feeling and a common interest, w li meet the emergency iu a manly and becoming manner. Tberef.re, let ub act njoderateiy. Be sides, there is a war most extraordinary in its char acter go ng on al th.B lime between these of our Sort hern bre-.hren who reverence tbc Constitotioe and tho«e who are anxious to sacrifice al! that is g*es* ini sacred upon the altar of th-.ir fanatical desig ■ If law and order should triumph over mistaken phi lanthropy, a long uxiioierrupted peace will ba ri‘ f happy result; it not, the odium ot disunion will real waere n properly belongs; and whatever course ®< pol’ey may characterize our actions, we w 11 bejusti I ford in the eves of Gad and mm. 1 speaK to J*'* ■ gencteiuen, f/snkiy. I >e?l it!t» or honor of U>a »uie eq*uly mlße . 1 4. *-ave inherited ail the prejudices of toy native South. 1 appeal to you not as a stranger, but as a MtaiMipl plan to forbear Utt your preclp.tancy mvy bring j. about all -he evils tha« must necessarily follow a d disruption of our Government. I regard the seces sion of a State as the last resort. e «itis no justified by the Constitution jit finds its g right alone in revolution; and, whenever there is sufficient cause for revolution, I will go hand in band ® with you in favor of secession. I would have the » States resist every movement that tends to consolida tion. Yet, so iongas there remains a hope that a sense of retributive Justice will cause our Northern I friends to (( render unto Cwta the things ihat are , Cmaar’s/’ let us preserve the Federal compact. It has not yet been determined that the will of the ma jority is the will of the whole; that Congress is the j idge of the extant of its own powers, and that a ■’tMte in its sovereign capacity has no right to resist tho exercise of authority on the part of the General Government not clearly warranted by the Constitu tion. Until this is done, the rights of the minority stand protected against the arbitrary will of the ma jority, and that which constitutes the real beauty and true greatness of our Republic is preserved in its original purity.” In publishing the letter of Gen. R., the Natch ez Courier remarks: “ It is one of the severest blows that the secession cause has yet received. We need hardly say that Gen. Stanton has hitherto been looked up to by that party as one of their surest, firmest friends; and hie withdrawal from their mad and revolutionary schemes is but tho prelude to that of hundreds and thousands of the honest-hearted Democracy of the State. We wish to indulge in no special eulogy of Gen. Stanton. He has acted in an independent manner and doubtless desires no thanks more than the BeiLs>itiefactioQ which he must feel in caving acted riphtiy. The regret that he evidently indulges in in having to port with old associates, and his man ly appeal to them even now to forbear, leH their precipitancy should bring about all the evils certain to follow a disruption of the Government, is honpra? bie to him in every point of view. <( Gen. Stanton defines his position clearly. Though opposed strenuouvly to some - f the features of the Compromise, before they became taw, he is now in favor of acquiescence. Being the law of the 1m i, they aro no longer open for reai«ta<ieo. Agita t»on will gain us nothing, but hazard mneh. Se cession he regards as not justifieil by tho Constitu tion. It finds its right alone io revolution. When there is sufficient cause for revolution, and not. be fore, he will be for State resistance to the Federal Government. “ This letter of Gen, Stanton is an important sign of the times, and shows conclusively that the De mocracy do not intend to be saddled and loaded with the burden of nullification and secession. If they are so indicted by their leaders, they will spurn par ty trommels, throw off the oppressive load, and show •he late Executive and Leg 1 stature that they neither own nor can dragoon thorn.” ' The Growth es the Republic* The remarkable increase of population in the United States, as indicated by the late cen sus, has called forth some significant comments in the English journals. The London Albe rt mum thus alludes to it: The American census is not yet comp’ete; but the returns already received point to conclusions far beyond hope or expectation. Look at New York, -or instance. In 1820 it had a population of 123,- 009; in 1830, 203,000; in 1840, 312,009. This rate of increase was unparalleled in the history ot statistics. But the population is now as id to have risen to the astonishing number of 750,0*101 [This includes the suburbs of Brooklyn, &c.J There art but two larger cities in Europe ; in ten years mnre, st the same rate of progress, it will be larger than Paris. In thirty years from thia date New York will, on the same terms, be forger than London. And it must be considered that the commercial capital of America is not fed, like our Manchester and Liverpool, at the expense cf the country; its advance is the type of that of an entire continent. In 1810 the population of St, Louis was 1,600; in 1830. 6,600; in 1810,16,400; in 1850 it numbered 90,090 ! So for a* the general nature of the returns can be inferred from the data at hand, the popula tion of th* Uni .n will be about 25,000,000. From the year 18UO when th9 number was a little more th n 5 000,000, to 1840 when it had advanced to 17,- 000,0 0. the decimal rate of increase was about 33 percent. This rate would have given for 1850 a population o r 22.000,000 only. Material power his been developed, equally with population. Great Britain alone excepted, no State in Europe could now maintain equal armaments in the field for any length of lime. This maivellous f growth is deringine all tne old tradition of ‘bal , aneea of power.’ America is not only a first-class wla i e —i n a f vw years, if no internal disorder shall 1 occur, she will be the greatest of all. Should the * IStO-bO rate of increase be maintained for fifty years the population will then amount t* more riun 100.030 DUO I German ware and French revolnliana sink into comp'etc insignificance by , the r ide of considerations like these ” With ; uch a comment, how well we may under , stand the'roars of laughter* with which the Ameri can Senate recently received the menaces of Aus tria 1 When ibe United States shook off the yoke or E'-ghnd, their people numbered no more than 3,- OOU.tOO ; when they were last measured against a European power, they were not more than 8.000,- I 000. Ten years hence »liey will be equal to France ' or Austria. There hardly seems to be a limit to « their growth. The valley of the Misaireippi would alone support the whole population of Europe. In it* ' vast basin, nations are now growing up as if at the bidding of enchantment.” Tbe phenomoron which if presented to tho i observation of tho European world, in the steady and s ately progress of this country, i under ita republican institurions. ia well calcu ’ laed(eayß the Baltimore At,.eric»n,) to itupira , wonder and in some ca.es aiartn. No imped -1 iment retards our onward march; we seem to ’ have tsken a bond of fate to make the aestir i ante of our great destiny doubly sure. Al . together the spectacle is without precedent or parallel. Nor only in popula'ion have we advanced in a most astoniehing manner, but our increase > also in power and resources has gone on in a commensurate degree Our mercantile ma rine, second only to that of England, ranks above hers, if we include our internal and ' coasting trade. For speed and capacity, onr 3 ateatners on the ocean hove no superiors, and I their number increases rapidly. The next ten t years may witness the acknowledged suprema cy of the stars and tlte stripes _>ver the two great oceans of tho world—a supremacy inevi table, and so clearly so that it may not involve -a contest t With this imperial sway, which is our des j tined I eritage, there must be of course aecom i paniments of responsibility too grave and mo men ous to be regarded o herwi.e than wi<h r anxious and serious refleot'ons. Ase f-gov ' erring people ruling over a continent and con- I trolling a hemisphere, and pos-esred with a i vital unergy never before equalled—how can it beppen but that the who e world must feel tho powerful influence of such a presence I Historv will be obliged to enlarge her pages to admit the record of our greatness, which must soon transcend all that has been told of Boman , giaudeur. We may hope that the conscions f ness of strength will keep us peaceful—for what enemy is near us that need cause any i apprehension ;of danger ? A domain large i enough to satisfy the most capacious ambition i is our. already, and it abounds in resources r which centuries cannot exhaust, which an in definite progress in civilization will find work in developing and improving. , Ocean Steam Nxvisxtion.—The New York Journal of Commerce of Friday says: The years 1850 and 1851 will form an impor tant era in the history of ocean s'eam naviga tion in the Un t.d Sta'es. Beginning with the launch of the Washiugion, 1847, a fleet of not less than seven'y esa-going steamers has been created, averaging something more than 1000 tons each, and forming an aggregate of about 75 000 tons. [.Thia does not in dude those in ths naval service. J Near a dozen more will ba added in the course ot the present season, six of which—the Pioneer and city of Pitts burgh, for tbe Liverpool trade ; the Gordon and Calhoun, owned in Savannah, to run on tbe Southern Coast; and two others, for As pinwall’s Pacific Line—are nearly ready for sea. Os the stea ■ era employed on the Atlantic, 9 are running between the United States and foreign ports; 10 between New York and Chagree ; 13 between domestic ports on the Atlantic coast, or on the Gulf of Mexico; 1 between New Orleans and Vera Cruz; and 1 between ChariesUn and Havana. Total, 34 On tho Pacific, 13 are running between San Francisco and Panama, "exclusive of the Sarah Sauds (foreign built ;) 4 between Ban Francisco, Gold Blutf and Trinity Bay ; and 4 ■ on the Sacra memo River. 10 o hers are either . at or on their way to San Francisco, and 1 is at New Orleatn. Total 36. Fur speed, strength and elegance of medel and finish, tome of these steamers are nnsur- ■ passed to the wide world. The outward pas sage of tbe Pacific to Liverpool, in nine dnM, nineteen h lure and twenty five minutes, aji 5 her homeward trip, in nine days, twenty - and fifteen mind es, have never been equal<B . notwithstanding the gallant achie.ements of the Asia, of the Conard line. Seven-eights of the American sea going steamers are the re sult of private enterprise, without the aid of the Government. i Great Flood nr tub Ur.'xn Mississippi , ASD ITS I'Kinel AHIES. — The S'. Loma Rcpub lxa» oflhe3l»t uit. and Ist inst. states that me accounis from the upper rivers were I gloomy enough. The water was spreading over vast sections of country, and the great damage had been done all along the borders of the river. 1 Tao Mississippi had reached the high-water mark of 1814, and was still rising. The tewn of C .urcbville, and the country back of it for f eight or ten miles, presented the appearance of a vast lake of water, with here and there 1 a patch of trees or a building. The farms were almost ruined. At Farmington, on the Lies Moines, the river was four feet higher than it had ever before been known, and a letter states that it was still rising with great ra- i pidity. The towns of Bonaparte, Beotonsport, lowaville, O tumwa, and probably others, were completely submerged. Part cf the new dam at Bonaparte had been washed away, and a house was lodged a few miles above Farming* too, which came frem some point above. The Mad ftiver Valley (Ohio) Gazette re cords the particulars of a great hail storm which swept ever that region recently. Stones ilia size of the common mineral door knoh, -ome spheroidal others bid the appearance of jagged ice. Lames and poultry were killed wnerever exposed. Tne cattle ran around frantic and belluwinr, their bides being se »ereb lacerated by tbe bail stones. O-.s hail .tone which was found weighed lour and one half ounces.