Newspaper Page Text
2
For tht Chronicle If Sentinel.
Floyd Sfrisos, Floyd Co., Ga., July 31.
Tb« convention of delegates to nominate a
Union candidate for the 47 ih Senatorial Dis
trict, composed of Floyd, Gordon and Cais
counties, and for Representatives of Floyd and
Gordon counties, assembled here to-day. Jo
seph Waters, of Floyd, was the choice of the
convention for Senator, and Wm. T. Price, of
Floyd, and Thomas Byrd, of Gordon, for Rep
resentatives. It being understood that Mr.
Chastain would address his fallow-citizen. here,
some 500 persons assembled to hear him.
Agreeab'e to appointment, Mr. Chastain took
the stand and consumed about one hour and a
half in defining the respective positions of the
two parties in Georgia upon the Compromise
Measures, and in review of the measures them
selves. As a friend of the Union, he sustained
those compromises—as its enemies, the seces
sionists oppose them. I did not hear the whole
of Mr. Chastain’s speech, but from whst I did
hear, and from the expressed opinions of olh
ers, I have no he-itaecy in pronounc ng n
clear, forcible and convincing. If Mr Stile?
expects to overwhelm his opponent in thi
canvass, he has sadly miscalculated the strength
of his adversary. Colonel Chastain is gaining
ground everywhere he speaks, and will beat
the ex Miniater to Austria so bad that he will
have to resort to his favorite expedient—pro
ving an olibi — o show that he was " abroad ”
during the election of 1851 in Georgia.
The Fire-eaters having circulated a report
that free discussions would not be permitted,
Mr. Hood, of Calhouu, roe at the conclusion
of Mr. Chastain's speech and invited the oppo
sition to encounter in debate; whereupon, J.
M Spuliock, Esq , accep’ed the “banter.”—
Hp started off right, for he began with a pro
testation that he was "unprepared” for the
discussion, and the end proved the correctness
of his assertion. His ignorance must be co
extensive with his vatii y. if Mr. Spuliock does
no' acknowledge himself p ilitically annihila
ted in he debates of V-e day. A worse whip
ped man I never saw. He denounced Mr
Cobb for his vote on the Oregon bill; for his
support of the Compromise; for his •• deter
filiation with Northern Xtroh |
lion ists! He denied that he had ever done any
thing for the S ath, (notwithstanding he sap
ported him until withm the last twelve months)
and asked the qieslion—“ Where was Mr
Cobb when Quitman, D-ivis A (he did not
•ay /vote) were fighting the battles of their coun
try in Mexico!” Mr. S. then pounced upon
the Compromise Measures, and gave them
44 jeesie.” They were everything that was op
pressive and fraudulent—a wholesale robbery
of the South—California, Utah, New Mexico
and Texas— 4 bought by S lutheru blood and
treasure ’’——all gone—a dead swindle, and that,
too, by the Congress of the United S’ates! —
Degradation to Georgia—degradation to the
South, says Mr. Spuilock, the Uatow man, the
Georgia Platform manl Bu he did quote
from the Georgia P.stform; h >d he done so, he
would have read, •• Georgia may consistently
with her honor, ab de by the general scheme ol
pacification, (compromise acts of the late Con
gress ) 1’ made hi “ blood boil to hear men
say that the State of Georgia must obey the
laws of the General Government!”
He was luminous on the docrine of ssces
sion. The right was clear as mud! What
would the Sta»es be without it 7 Perfect sub
jests—abject slaves. Who would live under a
Governme »t having he power to enforce ns
laws! A q ieer notion indeed, that a S<a.e
may not d he original compact, nullity
a law of Congre ». and kick up a muss gene
rally, whenever she sees proper! A prel'y
doctrine this, to preach to “sovereigns !” S<>
thinks this exponent of “Southern Kights”
opinions. 1 forgot lossy that Mr. Spuliock
alipu'ated so; his own terms, aico rime, Ac.,
in speaking which were conceded.
E. D. Chisolm, E;q , of Paulding county,
replied to Mr. S.
Item No. 1 —Mr. Cobb’s vote on the Ore on
Bill, he proved to have been approbated by
Mr. Spuliock by bis voe, in the Legislature
for John 11. Lumpkin, who also voted for the
Oregon Bill with Mr. Cobb; and the only
reason why Mr S did not vote so H »weil
Cobb was, that he did not reside in his dis r.c .
Item No. 2— The Compromise Measures
and the Missouri Line. Mr. Chisolm not only
proved that the Compromises were favorable to
the South,but that they were bettirlhan the Mis
souri Compromise Line against which Mr.
Spuilock voted in the last Legislature, and for
which be is now contending! Mr. C. also show
ed wherein Mr. S. and his Nashville Conven
tion associates attempted to impose upon the
people by asserting the ultim turn of that body
to be identical with the Missouri Compromise.
It waa not so. It was a positive violation ol
th 'onstitution, iuasm*'ch as it demanded
direct legislation by Congress upon the slave
question— establish■ ng slavery South, and tn
AuUtng it Nur-.h ol 36° 30 7 . The Missouri
Compromise neither established nor prohibited
it.
Item No. 3.—“ Whig Trick.”—Mr Spul
lock’s attempt to prove jhat the Union organi
cation was a “Whig trick,” to deceive the
old Democrats, and destroy their partv organi
zation, was triumphantly refuted by Mr. Chis
olm, and Mr 8 himself proven to have de
sorted the Democratic principles. The evi
dence was clear There, in ihd presence of
his fellow citizens, he had declared himself a
Jackson and a Polk Democrat; and there, too.
on the very same d?y, in presence of the very
same audience, he had repudiated the doctrine*
of Jackson and Polk! Unfortunate Mr, Bpul
lock! Methinks I sea that “ghast’y gnu”
now—it reminds me of the equanimity with
which a po He gentlemau suffers the crushing
of his corns—“ Bng pardon, sir—l fear 1 hurt
you.” “ Not at all, sir—not at ail—ha, ha ha!”
Poor Mr. Spuilock I —lt must have hurt “or
fuUg"
Item, No 4.—Kight of Secession. Mr. S.
was certainly right upon this subject. How
could he be otherwise? Had he not averted
that four Staies exoress’y reserved the right in
their CGmritulions, among which four Sia es
was Pi-ginial Mr. Ch.solm had “the pa-
Rers,” and read the following extract from Mr.
tadison’s letter, written ajtsr the adoption of
the Virginia Constitution:
“Ttieidttaof rasa nag a right to withdraw
from the Uuion, was started at Richmond, and
considered as a ceaditional ratification which
was itaell abandumzu as worse th in a r/jee
tion" (ol the Constitution of lhe United Sis es.)
Then, if Mr. Sjulock was wrong in asserting
Virginia to have reserved the right to secede
from tna Union, might he n*'t be wrong as to
the other tnree States? asks Mr. Chisolm.
1 eiu. No. 5 —Mr. Spuilock a«ks—“ Where
was Cobb when Quitman, Davis Ac., were
fighting the battles of their o'uutry in Mexico?”
Mr. Chisolm asks—“ Where was J. M. Spui
lock Esqr.
Noble, indeed, were the dosing remarks of
Mr. Chisolm In this issue ho kn*w no
Whig no Democratic party The ques'ion
was not whether parties should exist; but
whether we should have a country ! He was
proud of America—the greatest, ihe best, the
happiest country upon the face of the globe ’
When he visited Bunker 11til, he wanted to
feel that be, too, was an American—the des
cendant of immortal patriots there entombed ’
At Vernon, ov r the grave of Wis ingt<>n
as an Am ri an he wished to identify himself
with the proud history of that departed great
man !
istayed to bear but little of Mr Spuilock's
reply to the argument ol Mr. Chisolm What
1 did heir, sau-tied me that be was rapidly
progressing from bad to wur»e, and I al’er
wards learned that W. T Wofford, Esq .of
Cassville, who had the closing argument,
“picked mm to the bone.” an 1 left the gentle
man a naked skeleton—neither a Democrat
• Missouri Co.noromise man, a Southern
Rights man. or a Union man—but a srrsMton
iff—a McDonaldre!
N. B. Ju*ige McDonald is rapidly seceding
from his “dignity.” I understand that he has
been in Chattooga and Walker counties, mak
ing stump speeches against stump speikmg !
1 have not learned whether bis South Carolina
ally, Mr. Gregg, delegate to the Southern
Rights Con ention in Charleston, Ac., ha»
yet come up with ihe Judge, but presume he
has. as he was jisrticator/y uaitoas to see him.
The prospec s in Cherokee are highly favor
able. Cobb. Cass, Cherokee, Floyd. Gordon,
and other counties will give fine majorities for
Cobb. Yours, Ac Union.
bYom ths Georgia Banner.
To J MS, M. Smythe. Kdttor of the Re
public.
I have read with great care your explana
lion el the sentiments which were deliverer
by you in a speech at Forsyth in lhe year 1843
upon the doctrine of Null fica.ion. As will be
seen from the extracts which I made from e
printed copy of that speech, and which were
published «n die “Newnan Banner.” and sub
sequenJy copied in the “Chronicle A Semi
neyou asserted the right of the Genera
Government to enforce the execution of it*
laws, if necessary, “al the point of the bayo
net.’ You also asserted tn tha’ speech that ik
State had a right to declare an unconstitutioua
act of Congress null and void, for the reason
that sovereignty resided not tn the people o:
the Stole, but in the people of the United
S ates. You asserted also that in our system
of Government a majority must rule. These
sentiments, to my m nd, wete utterly antsgo
mstical to those you now enter a:n and urge
in reference to State secession. But you
make a distinction between the right of a Srate
to secede from the Union and the right of a
State to nullify an act of Congnss and remain
in the Union. The right of a biate to secede
you assert, and maintain that ihe prmripl »
Con'ained in your speech at Forsyth iu no way
contra enrsthis ngtt. Now wi'hout entering
mto the argument to show that there ready is
no difference m these two positions I must
beg farther light upon some other passages cl
tui» same speech You say that vou have al
ways maintained the right of a State to secede
from the Union 1 a»aert that in the year 1834
you denounced .hi. doctrine as wild and vision
ary. lhe question therefore beiweeo us io—
W hat were yo «r odumom in the year 1834 up
od <h» .abject t To pro., , h „ W( . re o £
oo«d to tb. docttioeof State •.*„ on j f
from be wa>. speech, page 17 and l 8 fo|
lowing pas.age.:
“ lune ha. co permit ed ras to touch upon
th. groa’ Mlbjoet of allegiance, or to notice the
w>M theory of thow who contend that ans
B:at. ean accede at pkaaure from the L'nioii
So wide a dwcunioo would hare tre.pas.sed uo
long up, n your p site nee and that indulgent at
tention whKln you has. eo kindly bestowed
and perbap. would have been considered iu
cocaiism with lhe dutiea of th, occanun
Pwcap. n would be f or mt . hf , re -estate
(ha. our aaroetaOoo. and pan. ge Cenil | v ho , d
that »a pre me .lie*.awe i, ,l a , ;ho Untied
Blate.— hnlhe ( awa u laie.dcd to b. w.„.
sms'. aaW (Aar a. & s«i caa u. fm tA,
ateyonews st u ssader to ■«. -ul bat b, lu ynu
•<Oea aatf caasMl U. partw to see cn
tower.'
1 bar. womsmm Uto above word, la in. paw
.age quitted, as fully sustaining the assertion I
that iu “the year 1834 you were opposed to
the doctrine ol secession.’’ No distinction is
taken there between lhe doc rine of nullities- (
tion and secession, but both are denounced by
you in unuieatured termi. But 1 suppose this
last passage is but another “loose remark
which you would not make again.
I will not preteud to advise you, sir, in the
premises, though 1 will venture io give my
opinion as to the best course io get out ol this
ditficuby, which vou can probt by or not as
you like, and that'is to plead minonty to the
whole speech, for men ought noito be held o
too .trim an accountability lor polmcal senti
msnt. uttered wbil.so young and inexpenenc
necedod from your young ideas of State seces
sion, and having said all that I deem material
or necessary upon the subject, I must bid you
a final adieu. Statz Rights.
THE “PIG OR PUP” PARTY.
NO. 2.
Fellow-Citizens of Oglethorpe :—ln my
last address I promised to show you some of the
mconsis encies of Judge xMcDonald, who is now
is you know, the standard-bearer of this “Pig
>r Pup” party. This, I shall certainly do ; and
I wish to put it to the candor o f every unprejudic
ed voter, whether such a min with so many in
consistencies of which we must believe he is
guilty, with a view to his own personal promo
ion, is worthy of the support of honest men
.vho are honestly governed by principles. 1
think not; especially so, when his opponent for
the Gubernatorial chair, by his frankness and
manly boldness, regardless of a vote that he
might here gain or there lose, has so completely
exposed him, the standard bearer of the aforesaid
Pigs or Pups,” to the contempt of those who
tesplse trickery or tricksters, in declaring again
md again to his fellow citizens his political opin
ions, thus enabling them to form a just concep
tion of his merits as a politician and his preten
tions to office. I have heard an old saying
that attributes some thirds to the fate of certain
dispositions, which is, tnat tome folks will lie
when the truth would better answer their ends.
Apply this to the Judge with a view to show that
it is the fate of his disposition to hate minorities
with a deadly hatred, and that thus hating them
tie turns and turns again, regardless of principle
to keep with the majority, and I am correctly
understood.
One word right here, before I proceed with the
Judge, relative to secession. The two parties
rs - ab ? ut [ biß doctrine, and aa
for its exercise, it is attempted to be forced upon
the people as an issue by the “Pigs or Pups.”
either with a view to rush Carolina into the gulf
of Disunion, whereby Georgia may be drawn in,
being tc stupid to see her wrongs, or seeing
them, not having the courage to uo that which
she would permit a mrsZress to do for i.er, or it is
done with a view tn divert the mind of the public
from the real issue, thus enabling them to obtain
power by which the former can be accomplished.
Then, beware fellow citizens, rest in following
up their deceptive issues a’ d leaders, you may
be made to assume the responsibility of an act
which, for existing causes, you would detest. It
was thus that William the Conqueror, at the
world renowned battle of Hastings, entrapped
the unsuspecting Harold from hisadvan ageous
position, by pretending a retreat, which his enc
niy too sure of success and 100 conscious of his
own strength followed up, and who was thus led
into the plains, where the position of lhe inva
der was as good as his own, a victory over him
was easily a compH-hed ; not, however, before
a second resort was had to this same trick, m hich
makes the coincidence between his generalship
and that of ihe “Pigs or Pups,” very striking.
An issue upon toe right of Secession would
confuse the ranks of both parties; for there an
■ en in both, who believe that a btate has the
right to secede, resulting from the original com
pact, upon the violation of that compact; there
arc men in both who believe that a State has the
right to secede at pleasure, whether the original
compact has been violated or not; there are a few
in both who believe that a State has a conslitu
tional right to secede; and there are men in both
who believe that the Union is pe petucl and
shou'd until it fails, owing to the
fallibility of human understanding in the devi
sing of government, to answer the ends for
wh ch it was created, and then, and n?t till then,
thit it should bo reformtd —revolutionized, and
a better government built upon the ruins of the
old one, which experience might enable us to do.
The doctrine of secession is viewed by the peo
ple in the&e four aspects, irrespective of party—
either under the old or new organization—and
cannot be made an issue until the time comes
for its exercise, when lhe necessary division ol
parries will tase place. Under the last view ol
thisdoctrine, I plant myself.and am proud to refer
to Geneial Jackson as one of its earliest advo
cales. But to the Judge..
in 1934, he was in ihe Senate of Georgia, and
on the committee on the State of the Republic.
During the session i tbecame necessary for this
committee to report oa the case of James Graves,
an Indian, who had been condemned to be hang
ed by the Superior Courtof Murray county,
which execution the supreme Court of the
United States, by citation served upon the Gov
ernor (Lumpkin) attempted to p>event. There
was a repoit made by a majority of the Commit*
»ee, eimply recommending tiiat the Indian be
executed, and a counter report made by a minor
ity of the committee —asserting the
of the States, for which Judge McDonald refused
to vote. The following extracts horn this re
port of the minority, will suffice to establish its
character :
“Tnat this Legislature doth explicitly and pe
remptorily (lhe language of authority and deter
mination tnat would have suited the mouth of
an absolute monarch.) declare that it views the
powers oI the Federal Hoven;m mt as resuiting
from the compact to which the States are parties,
as limited by the plain sense and intention ol lhe
instrument constituting that compact; and in
case of a deliberate and palpa de and dangerous
exercise of other powers not granted by tne said
compact, lhe States who are parties thereto,
have the right and are in duty bound to interpose
for arrts ing the progress ol the evil, and for
maintaining within their respective limits, iheau
thouties, tights and liberties appertaining to
them ♦ • • That the Government created
by th’s compact was not made the exclusive and
final Judge of rhe extent cf the powers delega
ted to itself, * • • but each pirty his a
right to j idge for itself as wed of infractions as
the mode a.id measure of redress ”
This Judge McDonald, as before stated, re
fused to vote for, and now he is the candidate of
a party, whose ret ffutjoris in convention asseit
the ri. ht of recession as one of the attributes oi
State Sovereignly, and which he cordially ap
proves. Besides, he says himself:
“The rixhtot a State, in virtue of itsindep< n
denceand sovereign ty to secede from the Union,
&c., flows necessarily Irom the naiure of our
Governmental orgamz.i tion.”
Besides, both he and h:s Convention, make
the States, each tor herself, “ final and exclu
sive” judges, “as well of infractions as the
mode ami measure of redress,” in the very terms
of ihe report in question.
He was also, about this time, an open and
avowed advocate of the Proclamation of Gene
eral Jackson, in which 1 find the following lan
guage :
“ To say that a State may at pleasure secede
from lhe Union, is to say that this is not a nation.
♦ ♦ ♦ Secession, like any o'her revolutionary
act, d-c.
Now can this position be reconciled to the
present position of the gentleman under review ?
Phen, he refused to assert the sovereignty oi
the States, to the extent of exercising tins right
of secession; now he recognizes it. "j'/ien he
looked upon such an act as revolutionary; now,
as a legal right, resulting from the original com
pact. Ihe positions are irreconcilable and the
Judge is not the only gentleman, whois involv
ed in lhe change. Every General Jackton
Democrat in tne State, who is not now for Cobb
and the Union is involved. I am sorry to add,
that the venerable Governor Lumpkin, who hue
all his life done so much good, until he has got
to doiiix so much harm ot lete, and who has a
hold upon my affections, which you, fellow-citi
zens, as you d > not know me by the name I
have assumed, know not of, is also involved in
the change. Peace to his poli icii ashes!
It is also well known, that in addition to his
justification of ihe Proclamation and Force Bill,
Hie Judge vindicated the Tariff'of 1828, advo
cated the United States Bank, and declared the
Supreme Court to be the proper tribunal to ad
judicate all questions arising under the Consti
tution and laws of Congress, it is also welt
known, that he now bcl eves a protective Tariff
and the Un tedstans Bank to be
at, and dectar es oach "late the proper adjudica
tor ot Constitutional questions, instead of the
Supreme Court.
it is also well known that last fail, when it
was uncertain which wu d be the big s de, he
was for “ restoring tht (supposed] tost rightsof
the South, or preparing tor ter independence.
Now, although those ruhis have not been re
stored, an I the Const tution sifft remains viola
ted, he is not lor independence, but abject sub r.is
sian ! In compliment to his cow age. 1 must be
live him insincere and a Disunionist. Other
wise, 1 will apply th • language of the Colum
bj» Sent nel, oue of his own organs, to him and
leave him :
“ We have no patience with men who believe
that the Coi.sti’ution has been violated, that
Georgia is disgraced, and ye» say 4 we submit;
we are willing to get upon the Georgia Plat
form.* Such su mission would do discredit
to a slave,' 1
Nancy Hart, Junior.
That Rxsolctios Those who heard the
discussion the ether day between iMessrs
Stiles and Chastain, will reco lect thatthe form
er charged the latter with basing changed, and
referred to a certain recolution said to have
been drawn up and presented by Mr Chastain
at the meeting in Gilmer. We hud this reso
lution arrayed against him in the last Dalton
Times, and if our readers will promise not to
be frightened, we will give it to them.
Ruo'rcd, That we heartily concur in the action of
oiir lais Legislature, in reference toihe receiuuienda*
con lor the call of a Coavenlion of the people ol Ibis
Stale, in case our Congressional righ t are violated
bv the Fede at Government; and in the course pur
sued, making provuri ns for having this Stale repre
sented in the Southern Cenvention to t-e held at Nash
ville on the first Monday in June next.*’
Here then is the resolution by which ourop
ponents hope to establish Mr Chastain’s ter
giversvion, and fix upon h.tn lite charge of al
one time being a fire-eater. Mr. Chastain and
every otner Georgian was willing, we doubt
no', that a Convention of the Stile should be
called in case the constitutional rights were
vio ated. But he has never contended thai
those rights were violated iu '.tie Compromise
measures.
As to the Nashville Conven’ion, until 'he
mischievous designs of its originators and abet
tors were discliwed. but little nnpor.ance was
a tached to its meeting. It was viewed by
many as a harmless convocation of Southern
men for the interchange of sentinien s and feel
ings upon the condition and policy of the
South. So soon, however, as its real object
was understood—so soon as it presented the
"ceffin ultimatum. ’Judge Sharkey, Mr. Chas
tain, and scores of others denounced it at de
served, aoc set themselves zealously to work to
defeat its nefarious designs Tins is the true
state of the case, and our opponents are wel
come to make the most of it— Saau Cow.
Tst CortPKOMisk Messi ats AT th« North.
tits now (says the Troy IWug) about ten
mon. s sauce he comoromise measures went
; !ou 3“ * p!l * of ‘ be <reat effor,s a!
the North to render them odious, popular sen
umen: has settled down into genera! and hearty
acquiescence in them. anu( tlale and expert
enve shal. dem, mst-ats the necessity for further
egiJltiou to prevent evas on or abus-. ’
I'hey have eome to be regarded by far the
? B er ponton of tn© Amer can people as a
ana) •eulemeot. Tne cry of repeal nu been
raiaed tn vain, tb« atrourf men'of ail paruea
•iTaagag Umsomlvm on tfita coauaongcoßAd.
To Mr. Smythe, Editor of the Republic.
Sih In your reply to my article you have
seen fit to attribute my exposure of your frauds
and falsehoods, to malico against yourself.
This is too old a trick to deceive any one in
this enlightened day. The cry of persecution
shall not ava’l you. If it be persecution to lay
open and expose your efforts to deceive the peo
ple, you may rest assured I shall continue to
persecute you *• to the bitter end.” The people
shall be thejudge between us. If I cannot sus
tain my charges against you, I am a slanderer,
and let me wear the brand. If I can sustain
them, you will richly deserve what you will get —
the exectatiou of all honorable men. I aver
then, that as a journalist you have willfully mis
stated facts, for the base purpose of destroying
the confidence of the people in faithful public
servants ; you have been guilty ot the most
shameful inconsistencies for the purpose of sus
taining your party, and I shall e istain these
charges by evidence so clear and convincing
that no other plea or defence will be left to you
but insanity. You are either insane or you are
guilty as charged. I am actuated by no malice,
nor do I make any attack on your private char
acter as you would fain have t ie public believe,
li is with you, as a public journalist only, I
have to deal Your private character, so far as I
know, or believe is unexceptionable. But while
it is doubtless true, th<>t as a man no earthly
consideration could induce you to defraud your
neighbor out of a single dollar, it is equally true,
for one vole lor your party you would publish a
thousand falsehoods in your paper. And you
are not the first illustration ot this strange in
consistency. Bonapsrte was a murderer, Wm.
Pitt sanctioned the buying of votes in parlia
ment. Clive, the very impersonation of British
chivalry, brave daring, unselfish, committed for
gery, and I shall show yoa there is something
closer than a parable between Clive and your
self. All these justified themselves, and were
excused in their day and ge leration on the score
of policy. No such plea will avail you. The
people of this day fully assent to. and under
stand the maxim, “ honesty is the best policy.”
One word more befoie 1 en.er into the case
against you. You say in your reply, speaking
of myself, “ let him show his face or acknow
ledge his name it he dare ” Now sir, you must
have felt mean when you wrote this \our
talents and your energy, though in a bad cause,
would win at least that respec. which ability
always commands, it such braggart airs did not
make you contemptible. You would have your
readers believe y u are attacked by some secret
foe whose name you could not ascertain, and
upon whom you *oald wreak some terrible ven
geance. could you but find it out. You know
please,upon complying
These conditions are simple and easy, and it
would not consume five minutes of your pre
cious time to gratify your wish if you want to
know who I am. You tell me “ Beware. 11 Be
ware of what ? It you know anything, tell it—
if you dare to do anything, do it. lam respon
sible for everything I have said or shall say, in
any manner it shall suit you to hold me re
sponsible.
And now to the questions between us. You
say you do not complain that the Mexican law
exists and is of force in the Territories. Then
what “impediments” do ycu allude to in the
sth resolution of the Southern Rights Conven
tion? Your answer to this, can settle this
branch of our discussion. Will you answer?
the “ impediment” k, lhe impression on the
public mind that the Mexican law is still in
force. 1 presume from certain passages in your
reply, that such will be the pitiful evasion by
which y<>u will attempt to sustain your consis
tency. in this however, you shall not succeed.
You say in your reply—
“ All the Aboliti mists. Free soilers and ene
mies of lhe South in Congress and out, said we
had no such right, that we were excluded by
the ( Mexican ana-slavery laws.”—
Attain you s iy—
“ The majority decided in favor of the exis
tence of lhe law ; that majority acting in con
formity with tneir judgment, not ours, should
repeal the law.”
Again in your letter of Ist Nov. 1850, accept
ing lhe Southern Rights nomination for the
Convention, you say—
“slavery is practically excluded from them,
(Utah and New Mexico,) by the unanimious de
claration of the Northern members that its ex
clusion by lhe Wilmot Proviso was rendered
unnecessary by lhe existence of Mexican anti
slavery laws.”
The consistency with which you have adhered
to this fol.-ehood, thus stated three times, shows
under what cover you intend to hide, but it will
not avail you. You have deliberately repeated
three times what you must have known to be
untrue
When did all the Abolitionists and Free-soilers
in Congress and out, say we of ihe South were
excluded by the Mexican law. When and on
what occasion did Giddings, Tuck, Julian, Ho
race Mann, Wilmot, Hale, Durkee, or any other
abolitionist in Congress say by word or deed, that
the Mexican law excluded slavery ? Your asser
tion is, all there said so. Sustain it by proof pos
itive or presumptive, what becomes of your
character ? You have harped upon this false
hood month after month and year after yea*-,
and yet never will be able to bring proof to ex
cuse you for uttering it: You have made it lhe
foundation for Instilling into the minds of your
readers dissatisfaction with the Compromise, and
yet the wnole lime you knew it to be untrue. If
the northern members were unanimous in the
opinion that the Wilmot Proviso was unnecessa
ry, as you say in your letter of acceptance, why
did a majority of them vote against the bil.s or
ganizing territorial governments for Utah and
New Mexico ? Can you give any other reason
except that in their judgment the Wilmot Pro
viso was necessary to exclude slavery? If the
Wilmot Proviso was unnecessary in their opin
ions, why did sixty-nine of them vote for it, on
the 7th September, 1350, when offered by Mr.
Wentworth, the Utah bill being under considera
tion. These questions utterly confound you, and
you will remain silent, like any other man de
lected in a fraud on the public.
Os the same tissue of sophistry and falsehood
is your excuse for auprovingon the ISth of May,
1850, the abolition of ihe slave trade in the Dis
trict of Columbia Sir, I feel something akin
10 pity, when 1 approach this part of your reply.
11 is hard to believe such absurd and glaring
lalschjods would be put forth to the world by a
sane man. But the public good demands your
exposure. Pay must be hushed, and truth vin
dicated. The substance of your defence rnay be
brit fly stated thus. When you approved the
abolition of the slave trade, in the District of Co
lumbia, you were misled by Mr. Clay/s Report
as to the true nature of the bill effecting that
end. That report induced you to believe the
law of Maryland was extended overthe District.
1 will allow you, however, to speak for yourself.
“ihe R port said in leferenee to the bill abol
ishing (he slav.i trade in the District of Colum
bia, ‘ a The Bi I has been 1 rained after lhe model
of what the law of Maryland was, when the
General Government was removed to Washing
ton.” Under these circumstances we u ed the
above language.”
This is your whole defence, and “these circum
stances” being true, you must adhere to “the
above language.” and your defence falls to rhe
ground. Here is tim law oi Maryland, as 1 find
it in the Chronicle and bentinel of last week.
This statement o ,by a responsible editor, 1
take to be suflicu-nt to put you to proof of the
contrary if you d ay its co redness.
''Be it enacted by tha Gzneral Assembly of
Maryland, That it shall not be lawful frum and
after the passing of this act to import or bring
Info this State by land or waler, any negro, mu
latto or other slave for sale or to reside withir
thia State; and any person brought into this
State as a slave contrary to this act, if a slave
before, shall thereupon immediately cease to be
the property of the person or persons so import
ing ur bringing such slave within the State, and
shall be free.”
Now, sir. what becomes of your excuse for ap
proving the abolition of the slave trade in the
District of Colombia? You pleaded that you
approved it, because you thought it was like the
Maryland taw, and it turns out to be the Maiy
lan law exactly, so for as emancipating the
slave is concerned. What shill wifi you resort
to now’, to screen yourself from lhe contempt of
honest men ?
Again you say,
‘•We cannot at this time lay our han’s upon
a copy of the bill introduced by Mr. Clay, but we
are certain it imposed a fine upon a violation of
the law.”
You could not tell the truth even about th»a
eimpie matter, but following the bent of your
mmd, you must perpetrate a fraud upon some
of your credulous readers, by inis-siuting this
historical fact, not yet two years old. Let us see
how the iecord comports with your as-ertiun.
Here is a literal extract from Mr. day’s bill:
“Be it enacted, due., Th it from and alter the
- day of next it shall not be lawful
to bring into the District ot Columbia any
slave w hatever for the purpose of being sold or
for the purpose of being placed in depot to be
subsequently transported to any other State or
place. And if any shall be brought into the said
District by its owner,or by the authority and con
sent of its owner, contrary to the provisions of
thia act, such slave shall thereupon become lib
erated and tree.”
Where, sir, is the tine which you wet e certain
this law imposed for its violation ? Was it ignorance,
insanity, or premeditated falsehood which induced
you thus to disgrace yourself by p 'blishing an un
truth, and endorsing rt as a “ certain ” fact ? It
may be foolish to expect you to hang yourself, but if
yoa had halt (he conscience of Judas, you would fol
low his example.
In your defence you have gone out of your way,
to in iu ge your impotent spite against Messrs.
Toombs and Stephens. Like the adder, your venom
make* you blind, and ynucould not even name these
gentlemen without, immediately in connection with
attempting another freud on ycur readers
Pace the follow*rtr*rt frecu yv<«r *a»ply,
mark what a palpable falsehood it contains :
“ We stated that, while we differed so widely with
them (Messrs. Team ba and Stephens) about the ex
istence of the Mexican law, still, we did not hold
their opinion to be icconsistent with a due fidelity to
the South, if thev would eee to it that the law or im
peliment was removed. Many of our readers will
remember that we had a controversy with one Dem
ocratic paper on thia very subject of our defence of
Messrs. Toomba and Stephens. But they went back
to Congress and made no tjfort to nave the Jlerican
Law repealed.'*
Mark the words I have put in italics. They con
tain a statement which the longeet rtretch of charity
could not in luce the public to believe you did nut
know to be false. Mr. Toombs endeavored to have
the Mexican Ltw repealed by every means which a
legislator is at bberty to use—by speeches, mo;ions
and voles; and 'he public records prove (he het.—
Have you forgotten h s speech of the 27th February,
ISSO, which has been the staple of your editorials fur
the last t<n months? In th s speech, as you well
know, be oistioctly took the position that the remo
val of the Mexican Law was the proper measure of
our rights, and vindicated it by a powerful argument.
On the 5 h September, ISSO, be moved the fallowing
amendment to the Bill • rgan sing a Territorial Go
vernment for Mew Mexico and settling the Texas
boundary :
“Sec. —. And be it further enacted, That no citi
zen of the Unued Stales shall be deprived of his
life, liberty, or property in said Territory, except
by the judgment of his peers and the laws of the
land; and that the Constitution of the United States,
and such statutes thereof as may not be locally in
applicable, and tne common law. as it existed in the
British colonies of America until the 4th day of
Julv, 1776, shall be the exclusive laws of said Ter
ritory, upon the subject of African slavery, until
a’, ©redby the proper authority.”
You certainly were not ignorant of ihe fact that
your Representative offered ihis amendment. Call
you this “no effort” to have tne law repealed?
What excuse can you give the honest, fair dealing
portion of ycur readers'for thus wilfully m srepre
senting veur Representative in Congress to h s con
stituents? To tell a falsehood toone man for the vile
par| >se of irjurinj another you bate, tor the retarn
simplv he is so far above you, would damn you to
everiastirg infamy in any right-minted community.
If id’s be true, wba* ought yea to suffer tor dehbe*
rately writing if down, priu’ing it, correcting the
iodf-sbeets, and seudirg it to year forty-five han
died M opinion is, the pillory would
be mercitai tar so black a crime against truth. Mr.
Toom?# stood by bts a aendment until be obtained a
dirt.t voce of Hou® on .t the same day. The
ore. cianve was adopted wuboat a dinwon. The aa.
cond clause wag rejected, yens 64, nays I‘jl, end
his vote will be found recorded in support of the last
clause on the journal of that day. These facts were
notorious at the time, throughout thii State and the
Union, and yet you are sbamelesa enough to publish
that lie mode no effort to repeal the Mexican law
I promised to show there was somsthing closer
than a parallel between Lord Clive and yourselfi
Last fall you published in your paper something
substantially as follows:
“ If the people ol Georgia understood this slavery
question as well as 1 do, they would not stay in the
Union five minu’ea.”
I have not the paper by me, but by referring to
your files you will find lain substantially correct,
ihis you put forth to your readers as an extract from
one of Mr. Toombs’s speeches. About the same
time, and I believe in lhe same paper and column,
you interpolated ihe word “Caldoruia” in another
extract from a speech by >he same gentlemen, which
interpolation entirely changed <he meaning and
made Mr. Toombs say what he never intended should
be understood as his meaning. Refer to your own
files tor the truth of this charge. Will you say, by
way of defence, that you were misled by extracts
from other papers? You gave no such qualified en
dorsement when you publ-shed them, and it is no
defence tc say you were misled by other papers. As
the conductor of a public journal, the authentic
speeches were sent to vou, and you had no right t
take the file statements of another pa; er for your
guide when you had the true speech in your pocket.
Don’t you begin to see som-thing closer than a p.ai -
aiiel betweea yourse.’f and Lord Clive? Wi>l you
say iu mitigation of your high essence against truth
and honesty, that you aft-rwards did Mr Toombs
theju-ti e to correct these mis-ttitemenis through
your columns. This urdy reparation I believe you
made But when did you make it? Voluntarily
and of ycur cwn motion ? Ao. You made it after
the extracts had been denounced as fal-ehoodß or lor
geries to your face, end in the fire of five hun Ired
people at Lexington. And in th.a manner you re
pent of ail your editorial sins. When you are hem
med and cornered, and fraud and falsehood can
suggest no 1 op-holeto escape, then you cry pccc&vi,
and promise lustily, restitution and repentan e. And
now, sir, I am dene withyau for the present, though
1 shall continue to cornmeal on and expos?, when I
think proper, your course as conductor of a public
lournal. Idon <t pretend to despise your powers as
a politician, if it will do you any cood, I freely ac
knowledge ycur ability to do miscmef, and it is to
neutralize an i correct the evils i your unfair and
dishonest politieal course that 1 have undertaken the
disagreeable task of detecting and exp s.ng y«>ur
frauds on the people. You are conect in ycur sur
mise that 1 witch you closely. I believe 1 have
read every editorial (at lea:t the leading ones) you
ever wrote, and 1 have paid you two dollars in ad
vance annually for the privilege. You need not
count therefore on escaping my vigilance, and I
warn you to keepslric’ly in the narrow path of truth,
how- ver in enveuient such a restraint may prove.
July 29, 1851. Doctor.
P. 8. To the Editor.—An error occurs in printing
UW WOT'TS, ....h ,!L-
guat” in my former article. It should have been
,: tny self-impeded task,” <Jfrc. D.
1 tiß W JuJUxLia I
CHRO^I t’LE & sRVGNEL
BY WILLIAM S. JONBr.
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
DAILY, TRI-WEEKLY A WEEKLY.
Officein Raitroad Bank Buildings.
DAI LY PAPER,pentniium (sentby mail,) ©7 00
TRIWEEKLY " “ 400
WEEKLX PAPER “ 2ot
AUGUSTA, GA.:
Wednesday morning., august g.
Constitutional Union Nomination.
FOR GOVERNOR.
HON- HOW EIA. COBB-
CONGRESS.
For Representative from Sill District :
HON. ROBERT TOOMBS.
THE CHROWE AND SEMI
FOR
THE CAMPAIGN.
As we are disposed tu contribute all in our
power to the establisriiuent of «ound principles
in the success of “The Constitutional Union
Party,” we propose to send the
WEEKLY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL,
till the 15th of October, on the following
TERMS j
For 100 copies, (each mailed to the address
designated) 25 Dollars.
“50 “ “ “ ....15 “
“ 30 4 4 44 “ ....10 44
44 lo “ 44 4 4 .... 5 44
“ 9 “ “ 44 .... 3 44
44 3 44 44 44 .... 1 44
44 Single copies 50 Cents.
13F* The Cash must always accompany lhe
order.
This will afford our friends throughout the
State an opportunity to place the papei in the
hands of thousands of voters, who would not
otherwise probably road a paper. And if they
estimate, as we do, lhe importance of the pre
sent canvass, they will promptly adopt the ne
cessary measures to aid us in our effort to en
lighten the voters of Georgia as to hodangars
which threaten the Constitution and Union.
To our Friends.
In the prosecution of our purpose to ren
der the Chronicle A Sentinel capable of
giving lhe most efficient ‘‘aid and comfort” to
lhe measuies and men. to whose cause it is de
voted, wo have ’ho high gratification of an
nouncing tj our friends the connection of
Samuel Barnett, Esq , of Washington,
Wilkes county, with lhe editor al department
of this paper. Mr. B. is an accomplished,
ready and able writer, thoroughly versed iu the
politics of the day and the principles and or
ganization of parties of which our columns
bear ample testimony through hi^conirihniions.
A democrat of lhe old school, earnestly devo
ted to ths cause of a Constitutional Uuion.
ho brings to the discharge of his arduous and
responsible duties, an energy and zeal whicn
knows no flagging.
Wi h t is brief commendation, we beg to
introduce him to our friends, and let him speak
for himself.
“The Union Banner.’*
This is the title of a weekly campaign pa
per just issued from the office of the Journal
X Messenger, Macon, edited by a company
of gendemen not connected with the press.
The first is a spirited number and promises to
do good service in the cause of the Uuion and
the Constitution, it is ra'her laiger than the
Tri-Weeky Chronicle A Sentinel, and is
offered at the aauie price as (he Weekly
Chronicle A Sentinel for ihe campaign. It
merits a very general circulation.
“ What a pity these repub icin paper.-’, be'ore cir
culating such charges (Abuli ion) against Mr. Fish
er, should not have called to mind that the Southern
Press, <'f which he is editor, wa« citablishe t un for
the auspices of Hon Robei; Toombs, a» present oue
of the leaders of the Unfon parly and, il our inform
ation is correct, not on'y a signer of the prospectus
of that psper, but one of its patrons, whilst the
aforesaid Ellwood—“an abolitionist of the meanest
kin I,” as is charge I—was its editor.
But it seems th it the Southern Press is in favor of
“a dissolution of ihe Union.’* An I pray what eor:
of a Union man was Mr Toombs when he uttered
the following:
“ If the people of Georgia understood this slave
ry question as wel’ as I do, they would no! remain,
in fils Union jive minutes.' 1
The above extract from the Savannah Geor
gian,is a specimen of the desperate means
to which the dis'inionists of tha South are
driven, to sustain the itumacula e Elwood
Fhhxr. the Editor of the Southern Press at
Washing on, whose abolition principles were
so deeply insti led into him. that ne would not
ea; sugar or wear cotton, the produce of slave
labor. Verily, he is a most appropriate organ
ist for the Soathern Disunion'ists.
Mr. Toombs, a though he united with other
Southern men to establish a paper at Wash
ington to vindicate Southern rights and insti
tutions. had nothing to do with Mr. F»«wvr*s
connexion therewith, sad as soon as he found
that Elwood Fishkr, an Ohio abolitionist,
was selecred as the most fit and proper man
to vindicate Southern institutions, he washed
his hands of the concern, and, unless we are
incorrectly informed, i.fused to take the paper.
So much for Mr. Toombs* agency in the
matter.
By the way, we will thank the “Georgian. ’’
which seems to be so fond of quoting Mr.
Toombs as authority, to inform us when and
where andon what occasion Mr. Toombs ut
tered thia sentiment :
“ If the people of Georgia understood this slav
ery question as well as I do. they wcu d not remain
in this Union fits minutes. 11
We have heard of individuals who had ut
ter, d the most absird stories until they actual
ly believed them true. Give us your authori
ty, Mr. Georgian, for lhe extraot. we have some
curios'ty to know iu Your readers might be
enlightened by the information and perchance
your own eyes opened, unless they were
dreviously.
Correction.—ln the address cf Judge Ax
drews, published last Wednesday, the follow
ing paiograpn near the close, was erroneous
ly printed. We republish it io correct form:
Let those who believe in the Na bville platform
retire with the clan McDonald, übose bugie, it
seems, is sot to be sounded til’ the flag of the Union
is to be attacked. But for the Union column —if it
shall consist only ot the Geo.gia plate n—it will
march, under that flag, to that parr of me held in
which the abolition ranks are to be foacd. We shall
not inquire whether our leader be Whig or Demo
crat, but wh ther he will be willing aad able to de
feat the enemies of Southern Rights.
A Fire occurred m the Post Office at Mem
phis, on the 26 b iust , which entirely destroyed
about 300 letters, and partishy consumed as
many more.
Sjrow in June.—On the morning of the 4th
alb, the mountains of Cumberland and West
moreland, England, were white with snow
which had fade a daring the night.
To tlie Public.
Ths uii lerrigned will be, for a brief time,
connected with ihe Editorial department of
this paper. To support lhe principles of the
Union party oi Georgia, is with him, a labor
of love. Heartily approving of these princi
ples, believ ni that there is no present incon
sistency between the claims of the Union and
the claims of the South; his own deep con
victions unite him firmly with that party, which,
under ihe name of tha ° Constitutional Union
pany,” pledges i aelf t 0 the maintenance of
the Union, eo long as the Union reinsius con
sistent with the Constitutional rights and
equality of the South, and to its disruption
upon certain well defined contingeuc cs, which
it regards as violative of those rights and that
equality.
It shdl be his aim not to forget that the
Union has enemies in both oi its extremes
The Georgia Convent!of December, 1859,
bore that important fact in mind. With tha
inori. marked wi«dotn and moderation, it wa»
not driven from its o*n proper line of policy
by the taunts of its Sou hern opponen h, or by
ihe threats of the Nor h. Its love was for a
Union, not yet the instrument of oppression,
but which in the hands of bad men threa’ened
to become so. Its policy was wisely chosen
to keep it off from that rock to which it had
been tending; and should it be driven upon
it in spite of their efforts, then to sive lhe
South from degradation by dissolution.
The main conies! must now be in the
State. Cur party stands properly pledged to
wards lhe North. Tha contest between the
North and South mmt be fought on another
arena, and in a different campaign. The
present campaign is one in which the South
alone is engaged the combatants on lhe one
side being the avowed friends of lhe Un’on,
on the other side, those who either are, or
ought (with their declaration of wrongs,) to be
its enemies. Wo distrust the sincerity of
those who profess friendsh’p to a Government
which degrades them. We think it a higher
compliment to them, (bad as tho alternative
is,) sty their sincerity
than to believe them submivrioniits? Toone
of these afternativee they have reduced them
selves. The State of Georgia, we believe,
never held a submission party. Disreputable
as are lhe means by which it seeks to accom
plish i s ends, we are forced to believe that the
so called Southern Rights party has no ulti
mate object iu view, except by gradual ad
vances, under delusive professions of attach
ment to the Union, to effect the overturn of
the Union itself.
The übu°s now before the country, are is
sues between the Southern friends of the
Union, and its Southern enemies. In the
National campaign, the issue will be between
the Southern and Northern friends of the
Union,and its Southern and Northern
mies. When th it issue omes, the contest w ill
boa closer and nicer one. The duty of the
friends of the Union at the South, will be to
occupy firmly rhe ground they now hold, yield
ing none of the rights of the South to propi
tiate Northern votes : nothing of their iegard
to the Uninn, as a sacrifice to sectional feeling.
The Union party believes the rights and honor
o! the South, consistent with the maintenance
of the Union. Upon the latter point will be
their contest with the Smrhern Rights parly,
uoen the former, with the Abolition pa;,y.
The Union party of Georgia, has deceived
nobody, Its position has done more to open
he eyes of the Northern foes of the South,
(and foes of the Union, as of a league with
slavery,) than all the vaporing of the Nashville
Conven ion, and all (he pointless grumbling
of the Southern Righ.a party of this State.
Not less successfully has it met the tide of dis
union at the South. In the present contest it
fices the lat er. It will not be recreant to its
duty, who the former are to be met.
There is one feature of the present cam*
paign on which the undersigned deams it pro
per to offer a few words. He has ever been
connected with the Democratic party of Geor
gia. Since the formation of parties upon new
lines, there has been a strong effort made to
impress the public mind with the belief that the
Southern Rights party holds the principles of
the Democratic party. This effort has in some
quarters, been persevenngly continued, not
withstanding the distinct repudiation of old
party lines by the Southern Rights convention,
and their candidate for Governor. The Union
party does not claim to be the Democratic
party. It is composed, like the Southern
-Lights party, of Whigs and Democrats. But
wh expect to show in the course of this cim
paign, by evidence ns clear a> light, that of the
two divisions into which the party has been
sundered by the naw onrin-za'.ioa*. that divis
ion which acts with the Union party, has s oed
and now stan Is upon the principles avowed
by the Democratic patty prior to the division,
while the Democrats who have united with the
Southern Rights party, have betrayed and de
sorted them. We expect to show also, that
the once Democratic, now Southern Righs
presses of Georgia, hive wheeled in o a posi
tion diametrically opposite to that sustained by
them for years, and never abandoned iint.l
their principles wore triumphant. The tri
umph was a test. Those who wore sincere,
still abide by the same principles. Those
who hated the Government than, and hate it
now, have bidden farewell to their ancient
principles rather than cease to attack it. The
Union wing intended in policy to ba medics
nal. The Disunion wing of the Democratic
parly, hoped it might prove fatal. Ai that
policy did cot serve tneir end, they have
adopted another. With no avowed opposition
to the Un on, they are endeavoring to break
down its true friends, and subs»i:ute as leaders
in the State, those whose former position was
known t» be inimical, and whose present posi
tion is, to say ths least of it, equivocal.
Bringing into its service the heartiest con
v.ctions of his judgemnt, the undersigned
enters upon the task before him, with good
will, and will prosecute it with the seal, if not
with the ability, worthy of the cause.
Samvel Barnett.
Thi Columbus Times, seems I* be quite
concerned that Cobb, Chappell, Chastain,
Hillyer, Murphy, &c., Ac., all Union demo
crats. should be nominated by the Consiitu
tional Union party, instead of Union Whigs
We are not surprised at the concern of the
Times upon th a subject—it is rather a severe
thrust at the v raci y of those disunion jour
nals and leaders, who so industriously sought
to make the impression upon the minds of the
old Democratic party, that the Constimional
Union party was a mere “Whig trap to catch
Democrats in.” Now that the falsehood of
that charge is established, we imagine that the
Times, and its disunion colaborers, will be
quite as unfortunate in their efforts to make
capital by their attempts to produce a schism
in the ranks of the Constitutional Union party
because of the nomination of Union Demo
crats instead ol Whigs. The trick is shallow,
exceedingly shallow, too shallow to impose
upon any one.
Senatorial Nomination.
The delegates appointed to meet in Senato
rial Convention, from the counties of Newton
and Henry, for the purpose of nominating a
Constitutional Union candidate for the State
Senate, met at Oak Hill, on the 23th in st, and
organized By calling Jorn T Uently to the
Chair, and requesting Wm. Davis to act as
Secretary.
Ou motion of John Harris, of Newton, the
Hon. William Mosely, of Henry, was nomi
nated by acclamation, as the candidate for the
Senatorial District composed of Newton and
Henry counties,
Messrs. R G. Harper, John Harrris. J. A.
Thrash-rand L. H Turner, were appointed
a committee to notify the Hon. Wm. Mosely
ofhisttomina ion, and to request his accep
ance of the same.
R G Harper, Esq., offered the following
resolutions wbici were unanimously adopted:
Risoleed, That we will support the Hon.
Wm. Mosely, who has been unanimously nom
inated by this convention, as the candidate of
the Constitutional Union prrly of the Senato
rial District composed of Newton and Henry
counties and will use our utmost efforts to
secure his election.
Knotted, That this Convention cordially
approve the nomination of the Hon. Howell
Cobb, as the candidate of the Constitutional
Union party for Governor of the State of
Georgia : and reaffirm our approval of, and
fi-m adnerence to. the jreat principles set forth
in the Preamble and Resdlutions of the Geor
gia Convention of 1850, and reasserted bv
the Guberna'oriai Convention of ’‘June last.'
Resolvtd, That the Convention tender their
sincere thanks to the President for the able and
impartial manner, in which he has presided
over its deliberations, and to our Secretary
for his faithful services. And that the proceed
ings of this Convention, with these resolu
tions be forwarded to the Southern Recorder,
American Union and Chronicle de Sentinel
for publication.
R. G. Harper and John Harris, Esqrs , be
ng severally called upon, addressed the Con
vention forcibly and eloquently ; ably sus
taining the principles and positions of the
Constitutional Union prrty of Georgia, pre
senting the true political issues whieh are now
before the country, and urging each one in
v ew of their weighty importance, to do his
duty—his whole duty.
On motion the Convention adjouraed.
Jous T. B«»ti.t, Ch’n.
Wm. F. Davis, Secy.
Tiie Slave Trade in the District.
With a view to show that all the clamor
made bv the disunicniats in Georgia and
throughout the South, in reference to the abo- t
lition of tho elave trade in the District of Co
lumbia, was the result of a culpab’e and base
purpose to poison the minds of the peop'e
against the Government, or the consequence of
gross ignorance of the question, we some days
since devoted an article to the elucidation of
the question. Ai our leisure, however, on
that occasion, did not permit us to go as tally
into the question as we desired, at the risk of
beii g regarded prolix and repeating some facie
then stated, we propose to renew the investi
gation, and to expose the ignoranco or the
hollow pretences of the disunionists in all their
deformity, to the public gaze.
The t n miles square of the Dis'rict ol Co
lumbia is formed of territory ceded by Virginia
(on the south side of the Potomac) and Mary
land, (on the north sice) in tho year 1790.
In 1801, Congress enacted the following law
for the government of die institution ofedarery
within the District:
Re it enacted by the Senate and House of Re
presentatives us the United Stales of America in
Congress assembled) That the laws of the State ol
Maryland us they n,w exist, shall be, and cin’inue
io force i<i that p• rt of (he District of Coiutnbii.
which was ceded by the Slate to the United States,
and by them accepted for the pe.uiJ.nent seat ol
government; and that the la *s of the State of Mary
land, as they now exist, shall be and continue io
forae in that part of the ?>ai«l Di.-trict which was ce
ded by that Stat-* to (he United States, u d by them
accepted as aforesaid.
The second section of the act of Congress
made it lawful for “citizens of tho United
States” moving into the district to carry slaves
belonging to them, and the third section pro
hibited their sale, or other disposition than
by will or by law for bona fide debts for “three
whole years
The principle was therefore established
that the southern side of the river was to be
governed by the laws of Virginia on the sub
ject, while tho northern back was subject to
the jaws of Maryland. la order therefore to
a correct understanding of the question, it is
proper to ascertain what these laws of Mary
land, and Virginia were, which had thus been
enact ed byTTo vqriimeHT~dT~
slavery in the District. This we shall pro
ceed to do, a."d that we may not do injustice
to Virginia, we mike (he following extract
from the speech o; Mr. Mason, of Virginia,
in the United States Senate. And as he be
longs to that class whose highest ambition
seemed to have been to constitute a part of
the tail of Mr. Calhoun, we presume the
disunion-sts will regard him as good authority.
Here is what Mr Mason says:
“ Sir. it was at one time the policy of Virginia to
prohibit the’acreasrt of the e'a-e population within
her territory. It was a policy which was adop ed
in the spirit which Viiginia then entertained of
preventing as far as pn. tieubie the increase of that
popu atiun. That policy *he has tin- e been obliged
to change. Virginia. I th.nk, was among the ear
liest Sta’es, after the present Constiition was
formed, which, in advance of the law of the United
States prohibiting the im ortatlen of claves lr m
abroad, prohibited the importation within its limits
of slaves of that de.'Ciipiron. In 1792 was passed
be earliest act which 1 find ulf cling this subject.
That law declared that ‘ slaves winch shall here
after be brought into this Common wealth and kept
therein one who e year together, or so long a’ diffe
rent * imes as shall amount to one year, be free.”
Tire third section of the law of 1792 imposes a tine
of s2oo*tor importing slaves contrary to that act,
and « fine of SIOO for buying or selling slaves so im
ported. The fjurth sect ten of that law. however,
relieved from the penalties imposed by it, a-1 p.-rsons
who removed into the Mae with the fide iu
tendon cf becoming citizens and brought their naves
with them.”
Bo intent was Virginia on excluding the in
troduction of this class of population, .hat in
1806 she increased the penalty to 400 dollars,
besides freeing the Negroes so introduced.
In 1796, Maryland enacted the following
law :
Be it enacted by the General Assembly of
Maryland, I hat it shall not be lawful from and
after the patting of this act to imp rt or bring into
this Slate, by land or water, any neero, mulatto, or
other slave, for s de, or to reside withia this State ;
and any person brought into this State as a slave
c ntrary to this ait, if a eiaie before, eha 1 there
upon immediately cease to be th’ property of the
person or persons so importing or bring.ng such slave
within the State, and suall be free.
Thus then the liw of Virginia, passed in
1792, which not only freed the slave, but im
posed a fine of 200 dollars for intro lucing him
and 100 dollars for "’buying or selling him '*
was the law enacted by Congress to govern
that portion of the District oh aired from Vir
ginia, and the law of Maryland passed in
1706, wuich freed the Negro if carried into
the Slate for tale, or to reside, was the law
for that portion obtained of Maryland. And
this law ol Congress pissed in 1801, adop ing
the law sos Vi’gin.a and Maryland, not only
has never been repealed but was in force al
the :ime of the passage of the late act of Con
gress aid is in force note, except such amend
merits a* have been made by Congress. So
fifty years th® penally for introducing
Negroes into the District of Columbia, was
freedom, of the slave, beside other penalties.
Nor is this all. It waa found that under the
operations of this law, Negroes would be de
clared free, who were carried from the Vir
ginia side to the Miry land side of the District,
and v ce versa, although their masters resided
within the District, and hence, Congress in
1812 passed the f< flowing amendment, by
which the owners cau'd send their Negroes
to any point of the Di. trie: with impunity.
“That hereafter it shall be lawful f>r any inhabi
tant o iuhubi’autfe in either of the said counties;
owning anil poss'&sing any slave or staves therein, to
remove the same from «ne county to the other, and
to exercise free.y and fully all the righ.s of pr per’y
in and over the said *>lave <:r slaves therein, which
would be exercised over him, her, or the n in the
countv from whence the removal was made, any
hing in the legislative acts in force at this time in
either of the said counties to the contrary notwith
standing.”
It was not, therefore, until this act was pass
ed, that citizens could transfer their Negroes
from one side of the R ver to the other with
out their becoming free, and so the Courts de
c ded.
We have said that this law of Congress
adopting the laws of Virginia and Maryland
was in force a* the lime of the passage of the
late act of Congress abolishing the slave
trade in the District. It continued in force in
that part ceded by Virginia until it wa? retro
ceded to that Slate by Congress, and ii in
force in the re tn under of the District, the por
t’on obtained from Maryland, now.
Under this law of Congress, the Supreme
Court of the United States at the January
Tenn. 13?4. in the ca-e of Samuel Lek and
Barbary Lee, ur. Elizabeth Lee. (*ee Pe
ter’s Report, 8h vol. page 44) declared the
Plaintiffs, who had been brought irro the Dis
trict from Virginia, fr*e. Judge Thomson de
livered the unanimous opinion of the court, in
which, he says:
By the law of Maryland of 1796, it is declared that
it snail notte 'awful to import orbvin* into this State
by land or water, any negro, mulatto or other thvc,*
for ei’e, or to reside wi.hin this Sfa*», and any per-
il brought into this State a* a stave, contrary to this
act, if a slave before, sha’i thereupon cease to be the
property of the person vo importing, and ahall be free,
A> a by the act of Cf tgress, of 27th February
ISOI. it is provided that the laws of the St. te of
Maryland, as they then exHd, should bean.’ con
time in for 3 in that peri of »he District which was
< eded by that S-'te to the United Stages. The Ma
ry’ nd law if 1796 i* ’’ wfo 9 n force, and the pe
ftiorera if brought directly from the State of Virgi
«ia, into ‘be county < f Washington, (in rhe District )
would under rhe provisions of that law be entitled to
their freed urn.”
The question is therefore narrowed down
and confined exclusively to Maryland, and
always was since 1801 confined to Virginia
a”d Maryland, for no person from any other
State could introduce Slaves there for sale.
The State of Maryland, therefore, is and was
the only State, and people directly interested
in thia question, and the only people whose
slaves are excluded from being introduced in
to the District for sale by the la e act of Con
gress. And that the penalty freeing the slide
is no new feature, but has been the law for
fifty years, we have shown you by the law it
self.
What then, we ask, in conclusion most be
the verdict of an intelligent patriotic people
against those advocates cf Disunion who have
just now discovered the enormities of an act
of Congress that has been in force half a cen
tury ? will they let them escipe on the
score of ignorance, or will they denounce
them as corrupt and intriguing demagogues
actuated by a treasonable purpose to dissolve
and destroy the Government? They mus:
take one horn or the other of the dilemma ar.d
we are confidient many of the leaders cannot
in just ce be impaled on the first.
These facts are all fully developed by the
history of the transaction, and we challenge a
denial of any part of it.
Congressional Nomination.
The Convention of ths Constitutional Union
Party of the second Congressional District has
nominated James Johnsob, Esq , of Columbus
as their candidate for Congress, in opposition
to Hznrx L. Benninu, Esq , the disunion can
didate.
Tnis is a good nomination, and we are grati
fied to learn that Mr. J. has accepted, lie will
unfurl the standard of Union liberty, the Con
stitution, and bear it nob'y through the canvass.
The equal, if not superior of Benning, in every
respect, be is perf-etly familiar with his disunion
sentiments, as avowed on o-ery field last year,
and he will not fail to hold him to hs then de
ciared opinions, and expose him to the world
as unworthy the support of ■ patriotic and
Union loving constituency.
Government Expenditure*.
The subjoined condense J taieuient, of tho
enormous expenditures of some of the
European Governments, is rather a severe
commentary upon the ssserti n wo quoted
a day or two since from a South Carolina dis
unionist; that “a more extravagant govern
ment than the American, never existed on
earth ” This was indeed a bold assertion, an i
certainly boldly made. Yet it is by such reck
ess assertions, not only wholly unsustained
by proof, but J rectly in :he lace of positive
proof to the conrary, that the disunionista
hope to inflame the pub ic mind and incite it
o acts of treason. Head the following, and
then judge cf the character of the declaration
made by this disunionist:
“The aggregate of the average yearly expendi
turesol the German Governments, bes re the revo
lution of March 1818 wls sl*4 097,9(8; since
(hut revolution it has been $216,?62 819. These '
expenditures were fitting before the revolution ; and,
taking the last three to live years, the ncrease j
amounts to 41 per cent. Since the revolution tho i
bh.irc of Prussia ( n 185!) fe $37,466,783, io u popu
lation of sixteen millions ; and that of the <icrnitin
pi ivinces of A us-ria, (in 1850) $70,80 ,000, to a
population of twelve millions. * ♦ *
“ The annual cost of the Court osta! Ashments
alone before the revolution was $10,919,975 ; since
•In n thia item has averaged 10,5*0,Itib, showing a
decrease of 3 2 3 per cent.
******
“The armies of Germany coat yearly, before
March, 1318. $4 ’ 379 874 ; since thou this item has
been $-02,572,973.
‘ The total amount of the national debts was.
belbr- the revo.ution, $-45 147,752 ; it now is
$1,174 1 °38 981, and is increasing as fast as it can be
filled up. The iociease io the last three to five
years has been 39 per cent. The debt cf Prussia is
n 25 1861’ 3181.544, 316 ; that of German Austria
19*0 $764,000 OUO. We can accordingly assume
that at (tie pre-us ;t day the entire debt ol Germany
is twelve hundred millions of dollars.*’
Mr. Cii«eves-«‘> Secession 1* lie volution. 9 ’
The Hon. Linodon Cheev-s. tho great gun
of tho Secessionists, in a recent latter to the
Anti-. Separate St te action m.eurig in Charles
ton, uses the ft flowing language:
“ I have, several times, within tho last twenty
years, entered pubi cly my protect against separate
State action. Os the right of a Stale t secede from
the Union, I have never had a s-adow of doubt. —
That right is the right of a sovereign State. A right
of which a soveieign State cannot be divested ; and
the only real question is, are the States of the Union
sovereign States, of wuich, I suppose, no Southern
~***P n wi'l TCTLUini_tq_jupx;da -aahmbt. But, I think
separate on, an undoubted, io-at kuq
public right, is scarcely a moral end rojialone, on
the part ol one Southern State, in reference to her sis
ter States of the South.”
Mr. Cheevks then proceeds to urge the pro
priety of waiting for the Union of the South
with a view to the formation of a Southern
Confederacy, and after remarking that “the
precise qiealion (secession) under discussion
i* not a year old,” proceeds thus :
“ But, I should think it nevertheless, a short time,
within which, for •• peo ; ie to be req lir d to decide on
a question so m aneutoua as a great K F.VOLU IT’ >N-
AttY change of government: fore-ich, vsdouitxd-
LT, SECESSION MXBT BE CONSIDERED.”
Here then, we hare the “ Ne>tor of the se
cession party,” their chiof organ in the Nash
ville Convention proclaiming to his followers
in Carolina, that “xt is undoubtedly a revolu
tionary me a sure while his admirers, sympa
thisers arid followers in Georgia, are virulent
in their denunciations ol all Georgians who
express a similar opinion. Verily the j eces
sion doctors, find it difficult to agree upon
any given prescription ; hence they adopt the
lotion io the locality of the patient. Like a
patent nostrum, it is a sovereign remedy for
all the diseases of the b.dy politic, but unlike
it, it must ba changed, and turned, sod twisted
according to the meridian in which it is to be
admiiiisierpd. Long live humbtigvery.
iMississiPPt—The Um ion Cause —The Edi
tor of the Memphis Eagle, who recently at
tended a large meeting of the citizens of Mis
sissippi, at Hernando, at which Messrs. Foote
and Quitman made speeches- -furnishes the
following evidence of the progress of the
cause of th l Union, Liberty and the Constitu
tion, in that Slate:
“On this occasion, we were happy to find afar
greater nudiberef our friends than we
bad been led to suppose, standing up manfully for
Foote and thj Union. Thank Heaven! the Union
of our forefathe s b-o« not ye lo&teveu among mem
bers ol the Southern Right £ party itself, the sicred
cbaim winch they imbibed with their mother s
milk ; although many of them, led on by designing
politicians, are madly venturiag on u road that
atautadiy leads to a dissolution cf toe Union
2ND TUB RUIN OF TUB SOU'H. TllC dem HlStralio.l
at Hernando on Monday eb iwe } this ; ami its ow
ed, too, tha a mighty rerotion cariying with it a
large proportion of the democratic party, has been
begun in Mississippi, which will save that Slate
from the h rrots of secession. Gen. Quitman is a
gallant watrior; —he has done the State some service ;
but lie cannot lead the cbiva rows people of Missis
sippi out cf the Union! Washington himself
could nut do it I”
Thomasville.-—Th® following eketch of
ThotnasVile, i*hom is County, and its rapid
advancement, we find in the Florida Sentinel,
whose editor has recently visited that beautiful
and interesting village :
Thoma - ville —Our neighboring town is certain
ly g’»’«g tiad, and will continue in the same if she
don’t secede; otherwise, wh< teve .ay be the ab
stract beauties of «*ece*< iou, it won!.! certainly ia
e<«r rentcnCFowr r Fhom«« to It"
up to’ ’olumbi i for p asp>rt ,in order to biing their
cotton down to the gulf. Thomasville is now adorned
with a good man* elegant and sub tanlial bnci
buildings. The Court House ta a very fine edifice.
The Co tage buildings and g. ounds are pretl and
susceptible of much beauty. There are several
brick stores and work shops in town, and mechanical
industry mad a mi ch Letter an- more active dis
play than in Tallahassee or Qiin:y. In sb rt ii ia
a flouiisbing p 1 ce and we have no doubt that in a
little t me’l will become a very beautiful one. lie
i-iiuation is fivortble so improvement. The Fe
male College was represeutel to u- as successful
beyo; d antieipa ioo. The number of students is
large and con Lindy in reading; and byway ot
iilustnit'ng the solvent and debt paying character of
the vicinity, one < f ihe professors told us that it hid
yet L> lose the first cent of tuiii n fees. Such a
ftatemeiit is well caiculited to make our subscrip
tion list turn pde.
The Mechanics’ Cgnventiun of Georgia,
Tonus the tubjcct for a leading ediu rial of that
infamous sheet, the New York Tribune, from
whi hwe cull tha foliowi g extract for the in
formation of th *»e who participated in the pro
ceedings of that Convsntion, not less th tn the
m chanics genet al v :
“ When the vote came to be taken on the adoption
of this platform an Rticm >t was made to strikeout
all relating to negro mechanics, but it t«as defeated
by a large m-j >rity. A supplementary resolt tion
was then adopted declaring the firm adherence of the
Convention to slavery ns it is, ami their utter detes
tation of Northern abolitionists and f natica.
“While we have no ad-mration for the curious
aotifmio ; of (ruth and error contained in the decla
rations of this co? vent? n, we hail ii as an encourag
ing sign. It shows (hat the essential an J ineradi a
hie antagonism between s’ave and Tree labor is felt
< ▼ “ i‘» ’h; central slave Spates, and that t'-o-e who
f *1 it first an I irr'at keenly are moving lor relief.—
Their movement ay be a tni.-'ak- n one in .-•voe re
-pe- - s, but it is a movement. It provoke* rtflection
it. . nggeststbe exisience of more evds than it pro
claims, an i will bar* an effect on uuny minds far
beyond the intention of thoas who hive set it on
fooc.”
Something fjr tCeilocti >n«
The Atlanta /n!«’ ig.jncer, of Tnursday, con
airis the folio ing noiice, which wo desire io
commend to the di-pateionaie consideration of
the voters of Georgia :
Hsnry Lo-.q Again.—This negro, whose recov
ery in New York, by his master, not long ago, cens
ed s» much excitement tboughout the country,
seems to have mide some advancement in the arts
un i science-of Free Neg. >i.<m in New York, durir g
bis • ourn there. The other day a gentleman in
thit» city was relieved o the sum of six y five dol
lars, and circumstances immediately threw auspi
cienonLinj. Heat first stoutly denied the theft,
but alter h tving been taken to the guard bouse, and
receiving u sound whipping at the hands of the
Deputy Marshal, confessed the crime, and thirty
five dollar* of the moo.y were recovered. He is
now in Jail in Decatur.
The Allan a Rifiuhlican has the following
version of the same affair:
We understand that the notorious Henry Long,
the Fugitive, is to be tried to-day fir m iking in>ur
reclionarv speeches to negroes. Others are also to
be tri rd for like offences.
Moat of our readers will recollect that at
the time this negro was introduced into the
State, we took occasion to condemn the act
and to dennounce the last Legislature for’the
repeal of the law prohibiting the introduction
of slaves for sale. It matters no», therefore,
for >ur present purpos-, whether the intelli
genre' or Rtpublic/in’a version of the offence
committed by Lose be correct. Wo desire to
invite public attention to the necessity of pro
hibiting the introduction of this class of popu
lation a together into the State, except when
brought in by bcna fide settlers. F r to long
as thi.ir introduction -s allowed, the Slate will
be made a sort of Botany B.y or colony for
the scoundrels of Virginia, Maryland, North
end South Carolina. If there'ore the people
of Georgia would correct the evil, they must
demand of the Legisia ura ihe enactment of
the necessary law, to prevent their introduc
tion.
“The leading organs of the self-styled Union par
ty, finding their e.oakiag and const! nt cry of Union,
will not help their sinking cause, are now resor ing to
low personal abuse of chose who have presented /acts
which they cannot meet, and arguments which they
cannot answer?’— Fed Union.
It those only who state ■> facte," are assailed
by low personal abuse, we are quite sure the
Federal Union Editor wi'j never be even re
motely alluded to or thought of by any as
sailant.
New Post Offices is Georgia —The Post
master General has established the following
new Post Offices in this State:
Big Wanhoo, Hall county ; John F. Rives, P. M
Cedar w i '-'e, Murray ex; F. V/. M.Curdy. P. M.
Port Buffington, Chsrokee county; John K.
Mcore, P. M.
Marthasville. Macon, co.; John R. Cook. P. M.
Fatal Casoaltt. —We regret to learn that
a man by the name of Fbench, employed in
the Augusta Cotton Factory, in attempting to
adjust a band on some of the Machinery, was
caught and drawn up around the shaft, and be
fore he could be released, was so horribly
mangled that be died about an hour after.
Meeting In Charleston.
In obedience to a call very numerously
signed, (over one thousand, we believe,) a j
great anti-separate State action or anti-secer |,
sion meeting was held in Charleston Tuesday i
night, which notwithstanding the prevalence
of a storm of rain, was very largely attended,
filling the spaci >us Hull to overflowing. The
meetiug was organized by calling John Rut
ledge, E«q.,to the chair and appointing some
sixty Vice P residents end mx Secretaries,
Leiters were road approving tho proposed
action of tho meeting and opposed to separate
Stale action, from the Hon. Langdon Cheves,
Hon. Jas. L. Orr aud James Chesnut, Jr.
The Hon. A. P. Butler and the Hon Robt.
W. Barnwell, were present and addressed
the meeting, deprecating in strong and decided
terms the folly of separate Stale action. We
quote from the official report I
“ The meeting addressed by Hon. A. P. But
ler, inoppositi nto separate State action. Although
evidently labeling under severe indisposition, he
spoke with animation and great effect. As we hope
to be able to publish his remarks in lull, we forbear
fur th-r comment at present.
‘■Tho Hon. Robert W. Barnwell, followed in an
address of considerable length, addressed to the
point of nubility of the State to sustain herself alone,
and the fully of looking to Great Britain far coun
tenance and aid. He exposed fully the abolition
pjhcy of that nation, a< exemplified by her acts f r
many years. Ha referred to the great sacrifice at
which she had abolished slavery in her own domin
ions, and to the fact that in her offer to Texas, the
abolition of slavery was one of the conditions.
“Both speakers studiously refrained from any
uppe ilsto the p:iß.-;ons or f ars of the audience, and
tu-laincd their views of this g'eat question in calm
and forcible argument.
The resolutions a looted on the occasion,
“ with great unanimity,” declare that “they be
lieve the time has coma when this Union
should be dissolved, and a new Government
organized on the b:;-in of a Southern Confed
eracy. But while such is our deliberate opin
iofi as to our wrongs and cur remedy, we
would still ba willing to give a trial, fairly, and
in good faith, to any plan, short of dittsolviog
the Union, which our sister States of the
South may propose, for re-instating us in the
possession of our Equal Righthand providing
us with adequate guaranties for our future
security.”
Such sentiments as these, will find no cor
dial response in Georgia, except with Gov.
McDonald and his disunion Tofibworg,- for it
will be recollected that this resolution accords
admirably with tne recommendation of Gov.
McDonald, in his letter to the people of Geor
gia as er his return from the Nashville Con
ven ion.
The fourth resolution condemns Separate
State ac.ion aud adduces a number of reasons
m Bupportsof position.
The sixth and last resolution is in the follow
ing larigtiige:
6. Respired, That asour hep-? of del’ver.ance at
this cnsii rests on the form alien of a S a hern Con
federacy —a conclusion which we believe to be ea
tertained by u large m j irny of the people of South
Carolina —we would earoegily invoke the early ac
tion of our State Convention, whenever it shall be
ut sembled. tj device and adopt u6h measures as in
h ir wisdom shall see n most effectual to bring
about a system of concert ami co-operation among
the slave Uul<>ing States in the aggression**
of the Federal Government; and afeo ns re; resenting
(he Sovereignly of South Carolina to determine by a
solemn ordinance what re ation to that Guvernment it
saali meanwhile become us to occupy ;enl at the
same time to prescrib.? to the constituted authorities ol
(he State, such a course of action as will enable them
to take advantage of ail emergencies, and to be pre
pired for a 1 results.
The people cf Georgia should Dot fail to
scan carefully the action of thia mee iug, and
we hope they will not forget that while Air
Rhett claims Gov. McDonald as Ais “Dugle
man. ,f trie advocates of the policy indicated
by the action of this meeting, claim him with
equal confidence as a supporter of their
measures. Nor should they forget that both
the parties, the seperate State action men and
the Southern confederacy men, of South
Carolina, sympathise with McDonald and his
party m Georgia, and they with them. If,
therefore, the adage be true that “a man is
known by his companions,” there i 8 no diffi
culty in identifying Gov. McDonald and hie
supporters iu Georgia with disunion.
Disunion —The following resolution was
recently adapted by a meeting in Edgefield
District, S«uih Carolina:
Rcto'ccd, That this meeting feds no sympathy
witu any press or party in South Carolina which is
opposed to a dissolution of the Union, or deaica die
light cf secession.
Il occur? to us as among ith® most remarka
ble learnro of tho times, that Georgians who
so warmly sympathised with the authors of the
sentiment of the above resolution, are not only
very arerse to disunion, according tv tho:r pro
fesß ons, but have the impudence to proclaim
themselvcß “the only true friends of tho
Union.” Very remarkable th : s, very remar
kable indeed ! but these are remarkable times,
so re n irkablo that people will be apt to judge
the so cslied “Southern Rights party,” (a party
composed of so man/ factions and various
.- k-o ''-f lOia t.i ! M ntf wji
"dom of their conve7]in)h'~cou!l
name suificiently comprehensive to embrace
the various wings,) by their past acta and deeds,
rather than by ih”ir present professions
Ilow these Apples Swim.
We recently laid before out readers the
following ex ract from a regular and thorough
Diaumoniat of South Carolina:
“A more unuist, dishonest, *xtruvßgant, and tyran
nical Government never existed oa earth than that
under which we live.”
This is a very common sentiment among the
DisuniGnists of the South. Let us see how
•hey accord with the opinions cf the fanatics ol
the Nor h, as very recently expressed by one
of their leaders ( Filsbcrv,) who said:
“The F art 1 ; c f J uly ia the most cursed day in a’!
the calendar. The day when Judus Iscariot betray
ed his master ; (he d iy when Jesus Christ was nailed
to the cros-, is more to be honored and celebrated
wim the firing cf canum and waving of the hateful
buntiny, than the Fourth ol July. On the morning
of the Fourth of July we si mid clothe ourselves in
s<:ck cloth, anti sil in atbes during the d iy.
“G.’orne Washington waded iu blc.id through an
eight years’ war; ho then went homo, and grew rich
in selling hi* neighbor and stealing their bard Gain
ings.
“ There h n t a sterile bill top in Austria, but that
it is more saried to free lom than Bunker Hill, and
the plain* ol Lexington and Concord. The vilest
mud ecow th it fl jats on (he T’anube is a nobler craft
than the proud frigate Constitution.”
Resolved, That the stipulation in the Constitution
for the surrender of fugi ives from service, is an
agreement among the States, and depend* on
faith in (be States alone, for its execution. The Fed
et a! Govarrifiient hrs nothing to do in that businees,
xcept through the suj: 2rv»sory jurisdiction of the
Supreme Court over State laws.
The above resolution was adopted by a
Democratic Free soil Convention in lowa
and is worthy to bn noted by the South,
ern people, because of the remarkable coin
cidence between the positions it assumes,
and the argument of Mr. Rhett in the
Unite! States Senate; who, it will be recol
lected declared the fugiiive elave law uncon
Bti‘utwnal; because he argued that it was the
duty of the Bfa‘es, as separate sovereignties,
to carry out that provision of tho Cons itution
requiring the restoration of fugi.ives from
labor. The lowa freesoilers and Mr. Rhett
therefore entertain the same opinions and
occupy the same platform in relation to the
Constitutionally of the Fugitive Slave Law.
Gov. .McDonald's Denial.
Having published tho notice taken of Mr.
Cobb’s speech at 1 homasville by the Florida
Sentinel, in which Mr. Cobb was reported to
have said that "he had invited Gov. McDon
ald to travel with him and address the people
in any order he might desire; or, if he did not
wish to do this, to name any one of his friends,
taking bin choice n thn State o represent him,
which was declined," it is duo to Governor
McDonald that we should publish tbo follow
ing letter fr u m him contradicting the statement,
wh ch appeared in the Constitutionalist yes
terday :
Binggold, 31st July, 1851.
AZy Dear Sir:— l have just heard that some re
porter ol Mr. Cobb’s speech et Thomasville, has made
him say, that before he left home, he proposed to me
that ho would meet me, or any friend 1 might select,
in debate before the people, cn the political suljects
involved in the election. Ido not believe that Mr.
Co b ever made a statement so utterly destitute cf
troth. I have never icc'ived from Mr. Cobb any
pro;>oJlion, verbal or written, d irectly or indirectly,
on that or any other subject, since my ncmiaation, or
befi-re.
As soon as I can get hold cf the Chronicle & Sen
tinel, I shall drop a line, to the Editors; but, in the
mean'ime, yoj may give the thing the most unquali
fied denial. Yours, truly.
Chables J. Moßosald.
James Gardner, Jr., Esq.
A Profitable Trade.—The New York
Herald says t “The profits which the North
now make from Southern trade, is equal lo at
least a hundred u iitions of dollars a year.’’
This we should think was quite a profitable
trade, but the most amusing fact connected
wi h it is. that a correspondent of the Charles
ton Mercury, affects to believe it true, and
adduces it iu support of the extravagant decla
rations of Mr Rhett about the plundering
of the South.
The conclusion is irresistible that some
credulous dupes or designing Knaves have ac
cess to the columns of some journals.
The whole number of immigrants landed at
New York from sailing vessels during the late
month of July was 33 034. During the month
twenty five steamers arrived from Liverpool,
Bremen, California, New Orleans, Savannah
and Charleston, bringing 3820 passengers,
which makes the total immigration for th®
month 33 854.
IirFAWT Giahtxss —There is in f’CtooN. 3
a girl not five years of age, whose heig it is
fuel 8 inches, snd «h= weighs overonebnndred
lbs. She is well proportioned, and appears to
have no mal-formation.—She is accompanied
by her mother, wno is a woman of small size.,.
FixerlliCy Condensed.
The following specimen of highly conoen
trated puerility, we find in the Savannah Geor
gian :
Effect of thb Gborgia Election cn
Course of South Carcllna. —Wo have Bai i
we believed that (he only thing likely to prevent i
South Carolina, is the cf tho
Southern Ri ho cause in other Southern States, es
pecially i n Georgia. We have given reas'-ns for
that opinion—we need not repeat them. We find
confirmation of our views, in the following extract
from a private letter received by a gentleman of this
city, from one of the wealthiest, and moat influential
uiercbauta of Charleston. Its author is a native of
that c ; ty, an ' has repeatedly held public office. He
writes as follows:
“You are aware, I presume, that I do not belong
to the Rhett or i nihedinte secession party. ♦ ♦
♦ * ♦ 1 have faith yet in Georgia’ when I
hear that McDonald is likely to be elected. If
Cobb is elected over him, (conwrtatiee as I am in
the present state of polities in South Carolina.) I
shall then go in fer stcc-ision, and for drawing the
lines, as was done iu the Revolution.”
The advocates of the election of McDonald,
must indeed be bard pressed for arguments to
sustain their sinking cause, and calculate large,
ly upon the childlike simplicity of the voters
of Georgia, to hope :o gain support by such
an appeal as the above, which we can only de
nominate highly concentrated puerility. Has
it come to thi?, that the independent, intelligent
voters of Georgia must adapt their principles
and direct their elections to suit the whims ca
prices and ult r aisms of the people of South
Carolina 7 Must elect a man, Charles J.
McDonald, distinguished through a career of
more than a quarter of acentary for his Ultra
Federal Notions—a Federalist of the old
School, who opposed the action of the Sta’e
in the case of George Tassels—vindicated the
Proclamation and Force Biil, and the right of
the government to coerce a State, to prevent
South Carolina from seceding from the Union 7
Verily the State of Georgia and her people, a
community distinguished for their enterprise,
industry ar»d intelligence, will have attained a
high dea iny when they snail have thus sacri
ficed their independence to stay the madness
of Carolina.
Let us analyse tbi< argument, if argument
it can be called. If the people of Georgia
elect Howell Cobb Governor, a man distin
guished for his opposition to South Carolina
heresies, that State, say the disunion organs,
will accede from the Union J but ifethey elect
Charles J. McDonald, who has recently
become so thorough a convert to thote here
sies, that he maintains the right of a State to
secede whenever she pleases, with or without
a violation of the Constitution, then she will
not secede. So, people of Georgia, if yon
would prevent such an act of madness and
folly, you must give your support to McDon
ald, who sympathises with h r and her dis
unionists. Ergo, the proper mode to arrest
such a catastrophe, to that State, is to
elect a man Governor of Georgia who
not orly vindicates the right, but whose ef
forts have been directed to the establishing of
a Southern Confederacy, aud the
dissolution of the Union. But if you wish to
see South Carolina secede, ai d involve herself
and her people in inextricable diffi .ulties, why
then for.ooth, you should vote for Cobb, who
is opposed to her course and be ieves ehe has
no just cause for secession. Which, being
simplified, means if you are in favor of spccb
lion, you should op ose it to accomplish it,
and if you are opposed to it, you must favor it
to prevent it.
One word as to that distinguished '‘native
of the city of Charleston, one of her wealth
iest and most influential merchants, who has
repeatedly held public cilice ”! Can it be pos
sible that the intelligent voters of Gsorgia will
refuss to repudiate their principles, to prevent
such a distinguished ciiizen !—a native, too ! ’
i —“ a conservative ”at that—from becoming
an open advocate of secession 7 They cer
tainly cannot; the consideration is too great;
i the prize too valuable. Only think of it.
“ One of the wealthiest and most influential
i merchants of Charleston, a native of the city,
who has repeatedly held public oflic?,’’will jos
itioely turn secessionist if Cobb is elected
’ Governor of Georgia ! People of Georgia,
1 how can you resist such a powerful and con
clusive argument in favor of the election of
McDonald?
Did Gen. Jackson Explain ?
The Disunion organs and orators—among
the latter we have heard Mr. Stiles included—
in their desperate e(Toris to escape from the
dilemma of having vindicated Gen. Jackson’s
Proclamation in 1832-*3 and their vehement
denunciation and repudiation of its principles
now, have been driven to the necessity, of
asserting that “ Old Hickory” afterwards
modified and explained the views contained
in the Proclamation in rotation to the ight of
Secession, so as to make them conform to
the principles they now advocate. In other
words, that the “ Old Hero,” virtually repu
diated his own proclamation and message and
became a 8 •cessnrtriwt ’
VVe confess that, to our mind, such an asser
tion on the part of any intelligent, well in
formed man, exhibits some little boldness, not
tossy a reckless disregard of truth. If Gen.
Jackson ever miide any such explanation,
where i* it and what is it ? If made, it must
have been an official document and is there
fore accessible. L°t it be produced. Tn®
truth is, no such explanaiion was ever made
or ever designed to be made. The archieves
of the Executive Department furnish no evi
dence of tho existence of any such document,
or that it ever did exi*t, end the story tramped
up by the Disuriionistfl that such explanation was
ever made is a sheer fabrication “c t from
whole cloth,” to deceive and mislead the peo
ple. And those leaders who make it, know it,
but they find it *■ ecessary to try and shield
themselves agnins*. their own gro e s and shame
-1 less inconsistencies on this question.
We hive searched the records of tie time to
find some evidence ol the explana'ion, and we
have been unable to find the sligheat trace of
it. Besides, wo havo the testimony of Andrew
Jackson Donalsun, the nephew and private
Secretary of Gen. Jackson, and the present
editor of the Washington Union, who nails
tho story to the counter as base coin; a
mere trick of the Disunions s to mislead
aud deceive the old and Hied friends of
* Old Hickokt.” Tho Union of the 3rd
July contains along article on the subject of
Secession, giving his views of the opinions
of Jefferson, Madison and the Republicans
of their day, and tdds ;
‘‘Equally unfounded is the ineinuat’nn that
Gen. Jackson’s proclamation was the composi
tion of federal minds, and was aferwards
amended in order lo sa'iafy the scruples of an
offended democracy. General Jackson never,
by any act of his life, explain-d away the mean
ii.g of his proclamation. Tire publica'ion au
thorized by him coniams the fullest proof that
a I asaeriions to ibis effect were gratuitous and
unfounded. Indeed, the very pas-ages of that
document which were represented as being too
federal were approved by that portion of hie
cabinet which were never suspected of a federal
affinity. There is not a sentiment in that docu
ment which militates againsttie Virginia resolu
tions ; there is not a word in it which General
Jackson ever consented to modify or to
change; not one ’hat any meu.ber of his
cabinet desired to c;a- go, either than or
since, that ever we have heard cf. Nor
is it true to say that Mr. Livingston was
the author of that document. Il was put
into form chiefly by him because it wai
a document to be recorded in the State
Department; but its essential features ware
drawn up immedia’elv under the direc
fan and dictation of the General himself.
Indeed, when presented lo the cabinet it un
derwent important chances, and panicularlyin
those features which refer to the mariner in
which the constitution was formed, and the
mode in which it bound all the peop'e under
one common and united government.”
Vigilant Fire Co. So. 3—-Tribute ot Re
aped.
At a called meeting of Vigilant Fire Com
pany No 3. held at their Hall on Saturday
evening, August 2nd, 1851 —
The death of Robust N. Hot.Tzer.Aw being
announced as having transpired at Union
Point, on Friday morning, Anguat Ist, the
following resolutions were unantmouslyadopt
ed :
Resolved, That the membirs of thie com
pany have learned with sincere regret, of the
death ol the r fellow member, RobertN. Holts
claw.
Resolvei, That we will long cherish the
memory of ourdeceaeed companion as an hon
or to our company and as an ornament to
society, and deeply regret the event which
strikes from our roll the name of one whom
we so highly esteem.
Resolved, That we respectfully tender to the
family of tbo deceised our sympathy and con
dolence, and beg leave to mingle oor sorrow
with theirs at this afll cling bereavmi-nt.
Resolved, Tha the Secretary of this company
forward to the family of the deceased a copy
of these resolutions. '
Resolve <, Tha: a copy of these resolutions be
enteedon the »inutes of th., company, and
the same be published in too city papers.
A true eatrac from the minutes.
__ 1- C. Bkiduks.
Femalb SaaiManr- —It will be seen by ref.
erence to his advertisement, that the Rev.
J P Rise, will on the Ist of October neat
openiu this city a Female deninary, tn wnich
will be taught ail the branches ol'a finished ed
ucation. With Mr. Ke. capacity and repu
tation as a Teacher, our citizens have had am
ple opportunity to become lam.liar, as he has
oeen for more than ten years in our midst.
Poetised, Ne, Aug. I.—This morning about
fifty casks of liquor were stezed under tbenew
law, on board a steamboat and at a store house
They were directed to all parts of the country.