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2 pj rial decisions in future the wotds, “alt ' hearing of my council,” instead of “on m lion of my council” are io be used. Frakz Joskphe. Scbonnbninn, 20th August, 1851. Another letter to the Baron Von Kubeck.in which a copy of the above is cm' sed states, that in future the Reichsra h (Council of Em pire) is to be considered only as the council of tho cro-vn. and in consequence of this all propositions oi lasts, &c., . must no*, bo .mt:: th.- Minie'ry to the R-tciun h, bi* di rect to the E uperor. Ami i - --»J h r letur to the Prince r-'cl; • Zcnburg. !. ot • m him to siimmou the council to T.'.-. a.e up in the ex istence and the pos y ci the execution of the Constitution of 4 h March 1849. And that in the consideration of this mailer and all others the principal of the monarchical form and the unity oftheem ire must be constantly kept in view, and tnus be considered as the immoveable fbundationi oi all proceeding Ch. Cour From lit ail Territory* The St. Louis Republican has news from the Great 6al; Lake City to •* :-i An election for members of die Territorial Council was to be held on ‘ l,e brst Monday of Aujuil Under a census oi the inhabitants, the Terriiory is divided into seven counties. Toe election for delegate to Congress was to be held on the same day as ’.hat for members of the Council. In Iron county, at a meeting of the peoj 10, Dr. John M. Bernhisel was nominated as th r candidate for delegate in Congress, and as there did not seem to be much opposition, if any, if is p cbable hat he was elected. Dr. Bernhisel iiaa been very serviceable as an agent of the Territory, having obtained many favors for them. A. W. Babbitt, Dr. Bernhisel. Judge Snow Secretary Harris, and Messrs Rose and Day, Hub-lnuian agents, arrived at Great Salt Lake City on the 19ih of July. Gov. Young had issued his proclamation di viding the Territory under his jurisdiction in o three agencies. Henry R Day is assigned to one, and Stephen B. Rose to Che other sub agency. Rain fell in torrents on the 13tb of July, th torsi in sixty-three days. After that time it was cooler. The Republican publishes the following let ter: Utah Tbreftobt, Psroan county, June 31. By a teamster, whom I am tending after a load of mill fixtme**, I send this letter to the nearest post of fice, two hundred and sixty miles. Our eettiem mt is flourishing rapidly. . s there was but little suuw feil on the mountain last winter, wat r is sca.ce for irrigation; and there has been no rain this spring, yet our crops look well. The scarcity of water La subjected the settlement to the necess ty of making a canal seven miles in length to bring the walers of Rail Creek on to our farms, which has been a very heavy job in thia advanced season of the year. Our town contains about seventy bouses, about four more in progress, a saw mill in operation, and a flouring mill in progress, to be completed by har vest. This place is situated two hundred and sixty miles from Great Salt Lak*. Valley, five hundred from the Calhoun Pass, on the route to Southern California. Our nearest white neighbors are two hundred miles off. Red men are nearer, and more plenty than we like, as they make too free with our cattle and hordes to suit our convenience We have petitioned Gov ernment for a mail route and post established on Big Muddy, one hundred and eighty miles south of here, which, if done, would make the route comparatively safe to San Diego. As it now is every traveliinj company must have a fight with Old Ta'kquant, the Pon Utah chiet, Il we could get a newspaper, or a friendly letter from a distance, v e s.iould esteem it a great privilege. As it is, we are well satisfied if we can only save our hair from ornamenting some Indian lodge, without enjoying the knowledge of the changes ol Cabinet, or the fluctuations oi political policy in the United States. Our county has rare facilities, such as great des arts, mountains of magnetic iron ore and native load stone, salt of a me quality, viens of stone coal, alum, saltpetre, gray mtrbic, limestone, plaster, arge bo dies of pine limber on the top of high and rugged mountains, a few pure mountain streams which will serve on y to irrigate one two-thou>andth part of the land, which is all that can be cultivated. The sod is very productive, m ich of the land bearing grass, short and very nutritious. Two doctors have seitled in our county, but as they have no tad a patient, they have given up prac tice an t gone to farming. By a more recent arrival al St. Louis we have still later luteliigence from the Gr at Sall Lak,, (to the 3d uh. j but there is nothing of in terest in addi ion to the above. From the Savannah Republican. Q Arrival of the Brother Jonathan. The steamship Brother Jonaihan, Cnpt. Mills arrived hers yesterday from Chag res, which place she left on the Sih inst., stopping at Kingston. Jamaica. She brings 250 passer* gers, and S3OO,(HJO in gold dust, mostly hek liv ing to passeneger The Brother Jonathan b bound to New York, and put into this poll for a supply of coal, having experienced very heavy gales from the northeast, commence ng on Tuesday morning, the 16th inst, and lasting from that time until she got into the vicinity of the Savannah bar. Cap’.. M states that the £ which he encountered was the severest o bo ever experienced. ijy this arrival we are in possession of Pa nama and San Francisco paper* 1 , for which Capt. Mills will accept our thanks. The steamship Illinois left Chagres for New York the same day the Bro:her Jonathan sailed. We learn from a passenger that Mr. M. H McAlister <& Sons formerly of this oily, are in excellent health, and are dung a fine business in San Francisco in the legal profession. The Bro her Jonathan's are most ly from California, and arrived al Panama in the California and Republic. Items from California Papers* From Sam Diego.—By the California we received a copy of t e San Diego Herald of the 31st alt. We learn that tho command of Major Heint sei man arrived at San Diego on the 27th uh. Two companies are at present stationed at the Playa and oue at New Town. The officers of year ago to take pvat at the mouth of the Glia river, and in the execution ot which order, more than a hundred thousand dollars bad been expended, baa now been compelled to return, because of the inability of the Quar ter Master’s Department to forward supplies, from ihehtDilt d appropriations lor sue > pur poses, by Congress. Capt. Hardcastle was to have left on the steam-r of the Ist inst. for the Atlantic States. The Sacramento 'I imes says that an incredi ble quantity ot dr baled oats is arriving from down a'.r’am daily, and nearly as much huy on scows from above. The market is pretty much overstocked forth * time being, but a large supply is needed fill the next crop is ready. Several adventures in the business have proved ratnar disastrous from the low prices now ruling, hose engaged not being very large capitalists, or perhaps disinclined io wait lor the future rise, and wisely prefer ring to have their fingers burnt now, to get Ung their foot in deeper.— 7As Hottest Day of the Seaton.— We have not heard for the las*, two yenrx such distres sing and doleful complaints of the intense heat ol the weather, as on Saturday. Our citizens almost without exception, were completely en ervated and entire y uuab'e to do active busi ness. The meicurv, on Front street, ran np to 110, and on J g reet, to lt-6 which places Saturday, beyond the shade of a doubt, the hottest day of l e season limes, Aug 4. The splendid and fast sidi- • He uiier North America, Capt. J. G. Blethen, arrive ' here on Sunday evening, in txty ser-.n days from New York, ma Falparaito tn ten d.ys and one hour being the quickest voyage ever male. She sailed from New Yotko 24th June.— Fuwamn Star, 2nd inst. Small Pox in Oglsitiorpe. The following report of the Committee, presents a mu-it favorable account ol the con dilion of the infected district in Oglethorpe : ProCKKMIRCS OF THE COMMITTEE—The Committee appointed by the c.t.zens of the county to prevent the extension of the Smell PuX, understand from the practising Physicians and others c< iiversani wnh the facts, that h» disease has been contired t a few families in the Southern side of the county, and one in Lexington ; that no new cases have occurreJ for severs weeks, and that the last has been con vale.-cent lor tome time. The Committee are ot the. opinion, that there is little or nocau«e to tear the turiher spreading of the disease, and that business and intercourse may be resumed without appre hension; they have therefore withdrawn all restrictions upon ihe people coming into Lex ingtou. ordered the ropes to be taken from across the roads and have dismiss dthe guard. The Commitfe earnestly request those who have been diseased, or in any wav in contact with the infectious mat er, not to come to Lexington or mix with others elsewhere, until all alarm about the d sesse rhnli have passed away: That thd hou-es in whicn the sick have been confined be cleansed by the u#e ol Chloride ol Lime or other disinfecting agents : That all clothes which have tseeu m contact with the diseased persons be carefullv cleansed by washing in soap and water, and ex posed to the atmosphere for some time before they are worn, and that those wh ch cannot be so cleansed be burnt. The Committee further urge upon the fami lies among whom the the Sidhl Pox has been, to prevent their negroes from leaving ihe;r plantatior, except from necessity and upon their own business; and if they should be obliged to send them eLewhere, that they give them notes stating tho places to which they art to go The fear ot contagion and t e in*< rmptioc of business art such great evils, that the Com mittee cotuider it of importance to prevent them by every precaution. For this purpo-e. (be Patrol whicn now guards Lexington to prevent negroes coming mio it from the intec*- ed families, will be continued ia the service f the countv for some -ime longer. No negro from ihe county is permitted to come into the village at night, or on Sundays except for n Physician or other pressing neces sity, or who has a wife in town and a specia’ pa* from his owner until the end of the inon h of September Tne negroes ot the village are forbidden to rfo beyond Town or Long Cieek, or to have any intercourse wth ne groes bel ngmg to m tec ted fam.he-, or with person* wh u have been infected. All other re strictions upon th« sex roes tu Lexington are withdrawn. ° < It i* wdvrsd. Thston,- hundred copiesof this 1 Report be putnuaed. ba eJ |0 ![m , . different section* ol the county. Lxwis J. Dtcraaa. Chtn’r 1 LF* The Male and Femu Academ e* U j|| 1 bo re commenced on Monday tht 15 a I Lexington September 10ih, 1851. Dayton Sept. 18—The Cincinnati aid Day to i Railroad wtr -pen rd tv day, and th oceaiova h<- been one of great rejo-cmg The cars arrived here soon after !2 o'clock, from Ciucinnan wah a party 'f invi ed quests on board number.nc upwards of 30(M) and the event has baon ee eb rated w h unusual %•- nvity. Every thiag passed otT without acci dent. The road bs* been most subsiaotiidy eonsuacted, aud u m an excellent eoodinout the N O. Daily De'ti. Sept. 1316. History of the Kxpedition. By one cf the Prisoners Released by the Spanish Authorities. We had a conversation yesterday with Mr. Sammers, one of the late expedition to Cuba, who was the fourth prisoner released by the Captain General after Messrs Ilaynes, e y, and Van Vechten, and who arrived in i e yeiterday, per br>g Tehuantepec 1 f * coneemxion, we M»» whieh have no ' be "“ J P (( , ’“g S Spanish. was able Mr. Bommers, g to avail the Spanish soldiers at San S r’y rre ? Ue H.: was treated very kindly by them, . to Havana on the rail road. On aI l arrival at Havana, he received his pardon and passport, and left the next day (the 4th.) He represents that there were 195 prisoners in the Punta, who were well treated; that except those released, they would all be sent to Spain—and that but for the mob in New Orleans, the Captain General assured him, that ail would have been released. Mr. Summers states that when the Pampero went to Key West. Gen. Lopez met some Creoles, with whom he was engaged some time in consultation It was then communi cated to the men by Capt. Gotay, a Creole officer, that the people of the island w re ready to receive them on their landing. accordingly weighed anchor and set sai*. We infer from the spirit of Mr. Summer’s state ment ; that from the commencement the»e was some feeling of jea'uusy between the Creoles and Americans The steamer, how ever, left Key West, the men in good spirits, and bent on her way to Cuba. On the morn ing after, about eight o’clock, the tops of Sa i Blas were discernible in the dii'.ance ; the steamer steered to the eastward, until they coutd discover f om the mast head, the light house on Moro Castle. Thecoas* was spotted with vessels. A schooner was boarded, and a pilot taken from her, by Gen Lopez, wh » was required to pilot them in.o the port for which they were bound. The Pampero, under the direction of thii pilot, continued her course eastward. At one time they descried a large frigate, three leagues distant, which spread sail for them, but the swift stea cr soon left her out ©f -ught. Next, they saw the smoke of a steamer, right ahead, which caused them to turn about, ind take the track in an opposite direction. They next approached Purr o Cabanos, an I senla boat into the bay to reconnoitre Tho boat soon returned, and the officer who had charge of her. reported that the poet was manned, and that a signal gun had been fired. They then stood out again, and proceeded along the coast for an hour and a half, and then ran into Muirillo. Though they ran in care fully, die Pampero got aground in seven feet water. They then commenced their landing, he shore being two .r.iies distant. Capt. Gotaj was seat first with a detachment. On their auding, they were fired at by the Paisanos, returned the fire with cheers, and the Prisano: fled. Th«. detachment ‘hen secured the wharf, and some boats and launches, which were sent to the Pampero, and soon the whole uarty was landed. On landing piquet guard were thrown out, and the men bivouaced for ihe night. Early in the morning, the men were formed md addressed by Col. Downman. They con inued here until the cte ;mer got off, waich was about eight in the morning. Orders were »hen iven for Crittenden to remain with the extra arms and ammunition, and 114 men white' Lopez, with the balance of the com mand, would proceed to Las Pozas, and thence transmit wagons tint night, so tr.at Cr ttenden could come on early the nex Horning. Lopez arrive !at Las Pozas abcu twelve o’clock that day (August 12.) Th* General believed, and so assured his men tha hey would not be attacked fur two or three, day-, and the men commenced enjoying t em selv s, there being a plenty of everything in die town, for which the men paid dearly The store people continued in town, fend pretended to be friendly, shouting * Viva Lo pez!" The very same persons were the first to join in the purr-u.t on the retreat. The General havmg procured some carts, started them toward* Crittenden’s party; they were never heard of afterwards At night, senti nels were posted in every direction. A‘ daylight the next day, Col. Downman ’timed the men out for the battalion drill Many of the men we»e very green and hard ly knew he use of a gun After drilling them. Col. Downman informed the men that it had been charged that som) men of the command id broken into the store .4 one of the natives, and insisted that the} should hunt him up m ordei to ma\e an example of him, as he was an unfit person to be associated in an enter- F >rise of an honarable and patriotic character. But before this could be done, they discovered that the enemy was approaching them by the main road. At this time the men having been dismissed, were afl engaged in various occu pauons, and were separated and scattered through the village. 'Fhe enemy’s advance, about 150 men, ap proached by the main road. At first, they were though' to be of Crittenden's command, nid no order was given to oppose them Bome 50 or 60 of the Americans ran out to meet their supposed comrades, but when they got within fifty yards of them were fired npon by the Spaniards Fortunately, tho guns of the Cuba volunteers were stacked near, and the Americans seized them, returned the fire, and the Spaniards tell back io their main body, which was about 400 yards off, just under the hill. In their ro’reaf, they were pursued by the Americans, who kept up a destructive fire, and before they coul I rejoin the main body, wore nearly ail kil ed er wounded—only eleven, Mr. dumn'er- was informed by a Spanish officer, scaping unhurt. Lopez's men then assembled from various directions, i>nd were formed on the hills, just out-ide of the village, by Gen. Pragay—Capt Ellis’ com pany be ng on the righ', Capt. Saunder’s com pany next, and Gotay’s nex’- Col Down* man, with the rest of the men, held the road. The companies on the hills were exposed to ssa—iwUMUfc— uifli us -TTiffy approached by the road and through the corn fields. The Americans, however, reserved heir fire until the Hpaniards came uear—they then opened upon them a most destructive volley Jhe Spaniards s oud their ground well, bu’ the .Americans were better marks men, aid picked oft’ the officers as fast a« they appeared in sight—they being recognizi hie Porn their npaulettes. The slaughter in the Spanish ranks was great, but the Libera tors aho suffered greatly. Here Gen. Pragay fell mortally wounded—also. Captain Gutav. Labuzun was ki led, and Captain Ellis badly w< unded Several others also fell, whose names aro nut remembered* finally, the Spaniards retired into the road Ihr V were then p raurd by a party of the American*, led by Colonel Downman, who preHaed too c!os * upon the Spaniard*. The latter, perceiving that they were chased by a small force, instead of the whole command, whee ed and made a charge; the Americans then slowly retreated, Io ding and firing on their way—but Colonel Downman refused to retire, crying out. '*Cotne b.tck, boys!” He lefl fighting hand to hand with th* enemy, using the butt of h a musket. The enemy hal ed over hi* body, which was afterwards touiid pierced with bale and bayone’s. The AnvncaifH too, halted and formed, when the Spanisrdu concluded to retire from the field 4'he latter then sent small parties for their wounded, which were not disturbed by the America's Finally, they retrea’ed in the din ciion o! Crittenden's cornu.aud. in thin engag lueir, the men fought pretty much on their own hook But few order* were given. During the engagement. Genera! Lopez was in the thickest of the figh*, where the balls flew faxes:; but it wa* quite per ceptible that, though insensible to fear, he was depressed by the aspect of affairs The first order given by the General after the t» itt.e, was that ('apt Ellis's company and another should pursue the enemy, and go (trough to Crittenden. They accordingly proceeded, and soon overtook the rear guard ot theeuemv, who was slowly retiring, on account ot his wounded Believing it too haxardous to advance against such a force, the Americans determined to give up the effort to reach Crittenden, and returned to Las Poaae. Mr. Summer* thinks that if they had not done this. >hey would all have been cut off. as Lritterden, he thinks, w s attacked by three companies, at the same time that five co rps nice attacked Las Poxas. The Spanish com* panics are composed ot nearly two hundred men Ol Crittenden's party, all were rap tured or killed but the rear guard. under Capt .A. Kelly, forty in number, who cut their av through, and reached Li- Pnzas in ssfetv. On the return of Captain E’ is’s detachment, the men were employed in taking care of the wounded. Ten wounded Spaniards were found on the field, who were well at (ended by the Liberal rs The Spaniards adm tted that they ost in the engagements at Las Posaa23B k! le and wounded. .Mr. Summers counted 70 dead on tne road, and there must have been a good many in the cornfield* Th« Liberators ios 22 kited, wme IS or 20 h&dly wounded and 15 or 20 slightly. Among the killed, in addition to those mentioned, were the Captain of the Cuban company, (name not remember e«d,) and Lieut. Johnson. They remained at La> Posits until the arrival of Captain Kelly as sured them that it was vain to wait longer for CriitendenS command. They then took up the line of march to war Is the mouutaius, pro ceeding by a narrow path, and suffering mu h from fatigue exposure, and want of food, and cyuiinually watched and dogged by the enemy From ignorance of the country, or from trench ery • t her -ptes. they found them«t>lv«B. after a fatiguing march, in the vicinity of Bahn Honda, where the enemy were in large so ce. They again took to the mountains and final ly r< ached Capetai Del Frias, about one league from Candelaria Here they hal ed on a beau tiful eagar plantation which Gen. Lopez said once belonged to him, and were stationed »n a large £ rove of mingo trees, acd told to help themselves to anything io eat hey could finJ. They availed themselves of the invitation, and procured material for a fine dinner, which they were just about enjoying, when some cavalry were seen approaching. The men flew to their arms and commenced firing, when Gen. Lopez shouted—“ Don't fire—they are friend- they must be patriots ” so ’onfident was he that he would be joined at this plaee by a large force ot Cubans. The men, however, were not so sanguine, as there were two nun dree horsemen in the party, and ihev came dashing down the road in hosti’e array They accordn g'y opened fire upon them with great effect, the Libera.ora being protected by the tnan u -o frees. The horsemen galloped off in a great hurry, the riders cli- giug close to the necks of their horses. Had it not been for the Wk: of the G u. that tne\ were friends, the whole party would have been cut off. As it only fifteen were killed, audiwo captured. nn.i e <hi hor?e» kited. IQe Liberators were then formed, aud ® cteeo io lhe r9ar c h , >ose Suddenly r^. an < ‘ h ' a,s “ !r <” -"’powd to ihe fire < f t !n They on. however », hou; re . ur j,; hr. until th y reached a tdl.when thev ral ! e- and prepared t.. me.: the ene.r v _d e 'er. mi ng to save tneir ammunition, a» it wa« »et ÜB. scaree Here they were attacked t>, large Spanish force, butitwae diflicull for heir othcers lo bring ho mon near enough to the dreaded “rifles” of the Americana, (there was not a rifle in the party ) The officers ex pose I themselves ver/ much, and several <f them wore sini’i id out and killed. It was on this ccc eion that Gen. Enna was killed. Find ing it difficult to bring tho Spaniards to close quarters, the Liberators determined to charge, which they did, in impetuous and pell mell style, yelling terrifically, and driving the Spanirds before them, —Gen. Lopez al! the while crying out “Hurra for the brave Ameri cans ! Three cheers for the Sons of Liberty!” which were given in hearty style. Alter thi battle, which was on the 17th of August, (last ing two hours ) in wnich the Americans lost but three kiiled and wounded, the Spaniards retired and the Liberators again took up the marc > for the mountains. This was a most fatiguing march, the men being without food, any many of them being exhausted on the way. Those who stopped, were never heard of afterwards. Finally, they r ached a place in the mountains called the Old Castle which afforded an admirable natu ral fortification, where, if they had had ammu nition and provisions, they could have main tained themsel e-i in spile of the whole Span ish army. Here they found houses, in whica for the first time since they left New Orleans th 7 slept. The next day they took up the march in the direction where they were told a Patriot force wa< er.camped, but gor. lost, and reached a thick wood, near San Blas, wh’re they kiiled some beeves, had a comfortable meal, and a good night’s rest, which wa* th firstand last they had in the whole campaign The next day they resumed their march; a heavy rain came up, drenching their persons and their ammunition ; they k;pt onward, on ward, towards the mountains, the General all the while trying to console and cheer them with the hope, that they would soon reach a point where they would be joined by a large force of patriots They road was slippery and miry, and led through a precipitous country, ip steep mountains, and on the brink of deep valleys—the waler running down with such force, that the men could with difficulty keep their footing. Still they kepton in good spirits. Suddenly they emerged into the plains near San Cnristobal, where there was a large Span ish force. The Genera! then discovered that the guide had misled him, and proposed to re turn The men having become reckless and indifferent to life, positively refused; they got some corn and beef and I ivouaced on the mountain side, being nearly washed away at night by the rain. The next day they began *o retrace their steps. Arrived at Rosario the next day, the men de manded of tie General what pros pec’s of aid he bad, and not being satisfied with his assurances, determined to leave him and proceed towards the coast- The next day, whilst engaged in taking their breakfasts, the Spaniards sto e up on them through the corn fields, and fired a’, them. This was the first intimation they had of their being near. They were unable to re turn the fire, the greater part of their muskets being wet; they then fled up the mountains, firing a few shots at the enemy as they retreat ed. Several Spanish officer*, including a gen erate, were killed by the scattering shots of the Liberators. Fina ly, they gained the lop of the mountain whither the enemy did not follow them. They lost several men in this engage ment, which look place on the 21st, and was called the battle of Rosario. The rain contin ued to pour in torrents ; they marched on, and that night had a horrible time, baing exposed to a terrible tempest, wet, exhausted, and with out a paniele of food. Tney had to hold on to the branches and trees to prevent being wash ed away by the torrents that came down the mountain sides. The next day brought no abatement of the tempest As soon as there was a lull, they resumed their wearisome nurch, m til they stopped for th*? night, when they made a meal of the General's horse, having hid nothu g to eat for three days, Toe next morning 75 of them, the others having dispersed—found themselves in the neighborhood of Ban Cris obal where they came suddenly on a cavaJry force, whose fire they could find but two muskets in the whole party capabl of return ing They were then scattered, dispersed, and broken up into 3 all parties, deeming it unsafe to go in any number. Mr Burn mers and his companion wandered about in the mountains for two days, not knowing whither they were going. They at last reached an old saw mill, which the left six days before. They had thrown away their muskete, and here they obtained a couple of long knives Theo they proceeded towarls San Bia#, and entered the first house hey found. The inmates fled at their approach, for t u eir appearance was frightful enough. Here they found a piece of salt beef, which they divided and re raw. They resumed their march, and at evening reached another house, where they were kindly treated by the females, but ihe men fled. The proprietor of this establishment was a widow lady, who supplied them with coffee, meats and spirits, and told them to go into the mountains, and she would apprise them when the enemy approached, giving them a shepherd boy to direct them. The were directed into a thick mango grove, where they made them selves tolerably comfortable Here they remain ed all the next day, living un the green mango fruit. From the lops of the trees u ey saw over 500 soldiers pass and repass on the r<»ad to San Blas Ou the morning of the 25ih of August, >he shepherd boy was sent t>y the patriotic lady t > inform them that they had been discovered by the Paisanoa, who had informed the tnili ary. They then left, sending by the boy many thanks tn the kind widow who had befriended them. They now determined to givo them selves up, and about sundown took the high road to San Diego. They did not, however en er the town until th > next morning. They walked in about sunrise, and were immediately shown to the house of the commander. As they were waiting for him, they perceived a horseman in full gallop through the streets, waving a package over his head ! D smount ing before the house, the horseman dnlijia— lore it open, and then remarked to Mr. Sum mers and his companions—° You are in luck; had you arrived an hour earlier, you would have been shot. This is your pardon.” I hey had heard the reports of some guns as tiny were approaching the town, but a half hour previous; they proved to be the shoot ing of two of their companions, one ol whose names was Black. They afterwards saw the bodies of these moo, but could scarcely re cognise them. Ihe Commander at San Diego then gave thiin a good breakfast, and the people of the town treated them kindly. They were then sent to Gen. x oj&le’s camp, who requested M r Summers to go into the mountains and in form his countrymen of the proclamation, which h did persuading all that he could find •o avail themselve* ofit Having a pass from Gen. Rosales, he finally reached Bahia Honda, a here he waa Hndly treated, and then, pro ceeding io San Antonio look the road for Ha v..ru, w hich he reached ou ihe 4th Sept.— wt# presented to the C aptain General and kindly treated by him—receiving hi* passport, ai d left for the United States. Such are the leading facts of Mr. Summer’s narrative. Bespeaks in the most favorable terms of tie kindness of the Spanish soldiers after the proclamation was issued, and in the must contemptuous and unfavorable manner of Uie country people generally. Some of his views and opinions we omit, contenting ourselves for the present with hi. narritiva of 'he facts, which, as the firstone presented of ibis expedition, will no doubt possess great in erest to our readers. PosTorncx Law and Rxvxnos The cheap postage system is woiking admirably forth > people, we are given to understand, but not so well lor the revenue Tho ex penses for the fiscal year commencing July 1, 1851, will exceed six millioru of doilarc Tt e cheap postage law, so far from contempla t:ng any reductions of the mail service, rather makes provision for new post routes, and in creased expenditure. The exoenses for the last fiscal year were about $6 iSO 000, and if as much the present year, there will be a probable deficiency from postages oi about one million ■ and three gnartert. This however, was anticipated and estimated for by the Post master General, and in part provided for by Congress. Should the deficiency be §1750,000 for the present fiscal year, it will not be more than one million the next; and, in three or four years, the expectation is. that there will be a revenue from postage equal to the expen ditures of the Department for carrying the mans, when there may be still further reduc tion, as there ought now to be upon uewspa pars. J be new law, as I r as heard from, is greatly multiplying the correspondence of the coun try. and seems to be giving great satislacti n to the people We know ol no better way in which some of the surplus revenue of the Government could be expended then in this of facilitat r>g ihe w itten correspondence of the country, and in disseminating more widely the knowledge of the Periodical Press. The revenues of the Postotfice Denartment for the fiscal year ending June 20, llSl, were larger than < ver before For the Seal voar of 1850- 51, they were $5 499.984 ; for the next three quarters they were §4 728 388 ; and the whole year will bring the „ u? to $6,150 0(X): Tne Postmaster General dees not anticipate that the receipts, under the new law, will ex ceed §4,500 000. though it is as yet difficult, with no re urs in. to say what they may amount to. The foreign mail transportation, we are assured, is working more admirably than ever before. Las: year, the balance against the United Stales on account of foreign postages, and paid o the English Government, was $147 00 '. This year it will not exceed one half ot this amount, and for the most unfavor able six months was $43 1)00. Our foreign and domestic mail service, we are persuaded, was never more faithfully managed by the Government than at present. The Postmaster General devotes all his energies, toil, night and day. and wuh an example'and success that gives the greatest possible energy to the Department at Washington. .V. O BulieUn. \tv Orleane, Sept 15.—The steamer Yacht has arrived with Galveston dates of the Il h Maj Giles Purler came passenger, who has been ordered to Fort Columbus. New York Crops in general throughout Texas were goed, though it was though: that the Cotton had been injured by the worm Chas. Lawson, an American merchant, had been murdered above Brownsville, at the same phee where Lsvalle Captain Wilso: and others lost their lives. Wm. H. Harrison killed Wm G Clarke in a duel at Brownsville Tne Incians were committing drea iful outrages on the Mexican population in Tamaulpas. Gen Persifer Smith had arrived at Galveston, bound fur San Antonio There was some talk of an expedition to aid die Northern States of Mexico io their movement for nd, pend n-e. H race L. Kumey and F. L Brit ton were reported to be at the head of the expedition Many Texas Rangers and Cuban L'berators had enlisted. The alleged revolting States are Taumaiipas. Coahuilla sod diew L«on. The movement is sailed a Buffalo Hunt. The Mexican officers are named Carajaval and Canales, of notorious memory. cpTjp wprrT v 1 IlJu W JuJulxla I CHRONICLE & SENTINEL BY WILLIAM S. JONEP. TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE. DAILY, TRI-WEEKLY & WEEKLY. Officein Railroad Bank Building!. DAILY PAPER ,pe ran num (sent by mail,) St 00 TRI WEEKLY “ “ 400 WEEKLY PAPER ” 2 00 AUGUSTA, GA.: WEDNESDAY MORNING, ...SEPT. 24. SAMVEL BAHNF.TT, Associate Editor. Constitutional Union Nomination* FOR GOVERNOR. HON- HOWELL COBB For Representative from Sth District « HON. ROBERT TOOMBS. CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION. First Dist.—CHARLES H. HOPKINS, of Mclntosh.. Second District.—J AMES JO HNSON, of Muaeogee. Third Dist.—ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL, of Bibb. Fourth District. —CHARLES MURPHY, of DeKalb. Fifth District.-E. W. CHASTAIN, of Gilmer. Sixth District.—J UNI U S HI LLYER, of Wa'ton. Seventh District.—A. H. STEPHENS, o/ Talia ferro. Eighth District.—RO BERT TOOMBS, of Wilkea. For Senator from Richmond and Co lumbia. ANDREW J. MILLER. For Representatives from Richmond i JOHN MILLEDGE, ALEXANDER C. WALKER. DINNER IN JEFFERSON COUNTY. •g~V The Constitutional Union Party will give the Hon. Robert Toombs a Free Barbecue at Mt. Moriah Camp Ground, Jefferson county, on THURSDAY, the 25th of this month. Messrs. Cobb, Stephens, A. J. Miller, McDonald, and McMillan, are invited to be prestnt. Tae cit sans of Jefferson, and the adjoining coun ties, are respectfully invited. si6 By thb Cc mmittbe of Invitatiom. MR. STEPHENS INF OGLETHORPE Thio gentleman will address the people of Oglethorpe, and the adjoining counties, at Aniioch Depot, on the Athens Branch of the •eorgia Rail roid, fifteen miles abore Union Puint. on Thursday, aft. r the Fourth Monday in this month, (Sept. 25.) Mr. Lewis is expected to be present. s!4 Wm.P. Mbirk, 1 Geo. F. Platt, > Committee, Jos. H. Lumpkin, Jr J Mr. C'ubb'a Appointments* Mr. Jobb will ad fress the people at the following places at the time designated: Decatur, Thursday, “ 25. Newnan, Friday « 26. Franklin, Saturday, <« 27. Griffin, Monday, “ 29. Forsyth, Tuesday, “ 30. We are authorized by Mr. Cobb, to s.iy that Judge MoDonld is invited to attend these ap pointments, and (o participate in the discussion, upon equal terms. John 11. Howard alias “John Hancock. ’’ During the hist Congressional canvas in Georgia, in 1848, the districts of Messrs Toombs and Staphens, were flooded by a handbill, to which was attached the name of “John Hancock,” said to be from the pen of our very modest, retiring friend Col. John H Howard, of Columbus, Geo , who very mod estly assumed, perfectly in character to admon ish and instruct the intelligent constituents of Messrs. T. and S how they should vote, and assailed those gentlemen for their opposition tu the Clayton Compromise. Now, like his other co laborers in disunion, he is undertood to be endeavoring to persuade the people of Georgia that “they are degraded” by the late Compromise, because they are excluded from the Territories by the existence of the Mexican Anti-slavery laws. This brief explanation wid suffice to enable the reader to appreciate fully the communica tion of “Seventh District,” in thia -lay’s pa per. The position of John Hancodk, alias John H. Howard, is the same precis dy as the great mass of his partisans. In 1848, the Mexican laws were a mere hum bug, a perfect nullity; no *’ they are sufficiently potent to exclude Southern men from the territories. How pitiable ! Dr. Lieber’s Address. We call attention to the extracts from the address of this learned scholar and profound ■'mFr’rr Afl 7 y i store 6ouse 6T know- ledge, not less universal than his own “Ency clopaedia Americans,” and who is not more thoroughly versed in the facts than in the phi losophy of history. Abolition Outrage. A horrible aflray occurred iu Chester Coun ty, Pennsylvania, on the 10th inst, between a mob of abolitionists and negroes on the one side, and he United States Mar-hal, together with the owner of two fugitive slave#, and his friends, on the other. Mr. Gorsuch. the own er of the slaves, was killed, and several of his parly dangerously wounded. Three of the miscreants who made the attack upon the Marshal and his company were shot, and two havo since died. Fifty-one arres.s have been made of parlies implicated, and a reward of SIOOO offered for the apprehension and con viction of the murderers. We trust that the guilty will atone w ith their lives—»o far as atonement can be made— for this gross and diabolical outrage. It is a case in which feeling and judgement unites in demanding that tho terrors of the law should bo displayed, and its majesty vindicat ed The blood of the murdered man calls not more loudly for vengeance, than do the faith of the Government, and the provisions of the law. Singular Circumstance. VVa cannot but consider it a very singular and remarkable circumstance, that while en gaged in discussions with the Chronicle by name, on a variety of oih-r subjects, the Con stnutionalst & Republic has never had its attention called to our attacks on its course upou the territorial question,; nor indeed to our attacks on its general course in relation to the Compromise. Os what explanation does this fact admit? We wonder if that paper would take it upon itself to deny either of the two following pro positions : Ist. THAT THE SETTLEMENT OP THE NEW MEXICO AND UTAH QUESTIONS, (TWO OP the; grievances NOW COM PLAINED OP) WAS IN STRICT CONFORM ITT WITH THE DEMANDS OF THE DEMO. CRATIC PARTY OF GEORGIA, ANO MORE ESPECIALLY OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL IST ITSELF. 2d. THAT THE CONSTITUTIONALIST HAS SUPPORTED NOT THOSE MEASURES ONLY, HIT EACH AND EVERY SOLITARY MEASURE OF THE COMPROMISE. We shall be on the ijui owe for the denial; but fear that we shall look as long and vainly as we have for its reply to the question so often ask-d: “Does the Southern Rights party pro pose any redrers for the pas: grievances of the South; or any point of resistance to future aggressions I and if so, whet?” Cobb and trie Committees. Thb former editor of the Conthtutionalut, and the editor of the Republic. now co-editora of the Cr><utitutionalnt Jr Republic, are in a snarl on the point of Mr. Cobb’s appointment of the Committees. It is better to fight each other than for the ComiiMionotiit to fight itself. The arrangement now established between the two is admirable. Tired of making war upon bis own opinions, the Con- CMutwnalut lias engaged the services of the Republic to discharge that disagreeable duty The article in which Mr. Cobb was considered to have brought neither injury nor danger upon the South, by the appointment of < ne free soiler upon each of the Committees, was written by the Conctitutionalut. The article in which Mr. Cobb so arranged the commit, tees as to force those who would enlighten the public mind “to send the poison with the neees sary means of public enlightenment,” by ap pointing a majority of free eoilers on the Com mittee, was written by the Republic. A very pretty quarrel. Had not the eo-edi tore be ter spend a little time in consultation, and looking over each other a editorials before publication I Or have we hit upon the cor rect solution of their connection, tn consider ing i an arrangement by which each can war against the former heresies of the other —and say the writer of this was not the writer of tkalt Several of the Cuban “expeditionists” ar rived here in the Weiaka yesterday. Among the passengers we notice the names of several ot the olficers. We understand that the ex pedition has been entirely disbanded, and most of the men have returned to their homes.— das*. Rep. Gov. IVTcDonuld’a Views on Secession. We are glad to have the views of the South ern Rights candidal? for Governor, under hie own hand: n I maintained the right of secession for cause, of the existence and sufficiency cf which the people of a Slate in their sovereign capacity, were the exciu tive judges. In the exercise of it, they could not be contrdled by the judgment of others ; that it was absur 1 to say that a mm had the right to do a thing, and that another should say that he had no such right, and not permit him lo enjoy it. I illustrated by putting this cose : If Seward, Giddings, Wilmot, Hale, Chase & Co , acquire sufficient power to abolish slavery io the Stales, and raise negroes to an equality with white persons, and Georgia wcro to deem that sufficient cause to secede from the Union, for the purpose of taking care of her honor and her rights, and appeal to the same men to know if the wrong* they had inflicted justified the meas ures we had adopted, there could be little doubt about the judgment they would pronounce. They would decide against the sufficiency of the cause, for, by admitting it, they would condemn themselres. I maintained that a right was a perfect thing. That there was no right, if it could not be exercised but at the pleasure of others. As 1 have been forced to this statement, 1 will say additionally, that on the establishment of the right of secession for sufficient cause, of which tho people are to judge for themselves, independent of all con trol by other*, depends th3 rights of the people under our Government. Estab!ish the doctrine that the o.her States have the right to say that it shall not be exercised, and you deprive the States of all remedy for political wrongs end oppressions. They must submit to any aggression inflicted by a majority, or, if they wish to relieve themselves of it, it cannot be done but by an appeal to the God of battles. There will be an end of State sovereignty and State rights, if this doctrine prevails, and if the time should come that powers delegated, entrusted to the Government, for the protection of the people of each State dele gating it, and all the States, should be so used by a corrupt majority in the Government, as to inflict "the most insupportable wrongs on the people, and that the people cannot re-assume as peaceably as they delegated those powers abusively used, our Govern ment becomes a despotism at once, and the sun of political and constitutional liberty will go down in revolution and blood. Charlbs J. McDonald. Marietta, Ga., Sept. 8, 1851. This letter sets at rest the question of Gov. Me Dobald’s position on the exclusive right of judgment. He asserts and re-assarts it, as not only the truth, but essential, fundamental truth. The assertion of the right of the “other States” he considers fatal. In fact, there wi I, in his opinion, “be an end of State sovereign ty and State rights, if this doctrine prevails.” Gov. McDomald is therefore distinctly com mitted to the doctrine of the exclusive right of judgment. This doctrine we do not hesitate lo pro □ounce aa utterly repugnant to authority as it is to principle and to common sense. It is no more justified by the principles of the Repub lican party, than would the assumption of the right of repudiation of th*, public debt of a State. If nodisiin.t condemnation of the doctrine could be found in the resolutions of the Re publican party, it might be easily accounted for, on the ground that the claim is too pre posterous to have been advanced by any party less desperate than the present Southern Rights party of Georgia. Even the refuge of silence is denied them, however, by the Re publican party The K;ntucky resolutions of 1798, drawn by Mr. Jefferson, distinctly affirm the right of each party to judge for itself, noton.’y of infractions but of the mode and measure of redress. Toe very words “each party” indicates that there are two par ties. Who the other party in the controversy is, is distinctly laid down in the following quotation from those resolutions: “ That to this compact each Stele acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States form ik® AS TO ITSELF the OTHER PARTY. That the Government created by this co epact was not made the exclusive or final, jvdce of the extent of the l>owera delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution the measure of its powers ; but that as in all other cases ol compact atnoog parties having no common J«adge, bach party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and meas ure of redress.” The Virginia resolutions, and the report of ’99, explicitly regard the Stales es parties, and no where claim any exclusive right to any one State or number of Slates Coming lo the contest of 1832 and 3, it will be found that the positions of ihe most extreme State Rights men never reached the absurdity of cla ming the exclusive right. If Gov. McDonald’s doctrine be a test of State rights, then such men as Calhoun, Troup and Condy Rauuet, have no title to the name of Slate Rights men. Madisjn and Jefferson having already been expelled from the Repub lican party, and tho claims of Calhoun, Troup and a host of others, formerly consid ered almost too orthodox, and bending rather the other way, being rejected, what names and what company will be left for Gov Mc- Donald, the head of the new school ? It will sink beneath contempt. We have shown (August 30th, 1851,) that Calhoun held “(he resumption by a State of her delegated powers a breach of compact, for which the State as a community would be res ponsible, and not it)citizens.” Mr. Calhoun expressed himself also in the following strong language : “ He could not conseive of a division without giv ing an rq ial right to each to judge of the extent of the power allotted to each.” Gov. Troup held the equal right of judg ggnt^m^botjj»tjS and it tfk, M That a State, for ’he violation of the articles of compact, it responsible under the public law to the other States, and may as between sovereigns, be compelled to u aka reparation for any iej jry or damage which may ensue to them in consequence of such violation , and that this is rne of the great se curities against hasty and precipitate ae’ion on the part of tho Stales.” Extreme as ho was in some of his opinions, Gov. Troup held not only the right of the co-Slatet to judge for themselves, but to “de mand sub lac ion,’’ end to “go to war.” Gov Troup denied the right of tho General Gov ernment, but never the right of the other States. Cosoy Ragvut, iu tiia Ei.miner of Febru •ry 4'h, 1835, when opinion, had had an ample opportui ily to mature, after the moat searching investigation of the question, involved, by the ablest minds of the nation, discusses the ques tion of umpirage in the case ol '‘disputed power between a State and the Federal Gov ernment,” and arrives at the following couclu a ion: “Where thin should we look for an umpire ? Would any State of tho Union consent that her liber lies and rights should be placed at the arbitrament of any foreign power? We judge not, and as we can conceive of no other need of umpirage, we are forced to th. conclusion that the safest policy would be to Icivo Ihe quention open as it is at present. The right of ‘mulual eontrcl' appeals to us, to be the rcry conservative principle of our system.” Gov. McDonald has emerged from tin lowest depths of Federalism, to teach Gov. Taoup thit what he considered “one of the great securities against hasty and precipitate action on the part of the States,” is in reality “an end of State sovereignty and State Ri ghts.’ He has risen to rebuke Conor Raolkt, by assuring him that ha is mistaken in cons dering “the right of mututl control, the very conser vative principle of our system,” and that on the contrary, upon independence of all control ‘‘depend the rights of the people under our G overnment." He has purged himself of Federalism, by becoming an anarchist. Tho immense mo men um he acquired in his sudden leap has car ried hi it beyond all bounds,—he has overleap ed Republicanism and fallen on the oilier side—and finds himself now the advica'.e of anarchy and absurdity, and with the warmth ofa new convert, virtually accusing the most ex treme Slate Rights men of ignorance of the Right: of the States, and denying the doc trines of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolu tions. Not even the opinions of individual men of the extreme wing of the State Rights party —much lass the well considered positions of the Sta es above named, or of the State Righ's Convention of Georgia in 1833, sus tained the claim, preposterous on its face, of the ezc/wtiM right of either party to a contract, to judge of its infraction or of tne mode and measure of redress. Col. Jeffkkson Davis hat been nominated, by the Committee appointed to fill vacancies, the succes or of Gen. Quitmam, the disunion candidate for Governor of Mississippi. We are glad of thia, at the 'people of that State may accomplish two objects at one and the same time—repudiate him and his princi ples for Governor, and eject him from the U. S. Senate. That they will do it, we entertain not the least doubt. Elbctiom or Jcdgks.—The following resolu tion was adopted by the last Legislature relative to the election of Judges of the Superior Courts : Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Rep resenlativee of the St te of Georgia in General Assembly convened. That a: the next general election for Governor and Members of the Leg islature, the people of thia State be requested to express th ir wishes as to the manner in which the Judges of the Superior Courts shall be elected, by endorsing on their tickets, "By the Legislature/* or “By the people.” Assented to, December. 12th, 1851. Beware of Last Cards. The Jownal Jr Mewngev thus cautions the publ.c against the last Cards of the disunion is’s. Their for unes are desperate and they are ready to p’ay a desperate game : Rbwabb or Last Carbs. —Oar friends ia distant coant’ee are cautioned against tbe “Last Cards" of tbe fire eaters. We are informed, that they bare scores of these in coarse of preparation. Two dis unionists were heard conversion upon tbe subject a lew days since. It was agreed to keep the docu ments. whatever they were, out cf circulation about the large towns and Railroads ; and to send them :o distant a unties ; where their influence coul * nci be counteracted before the election. Oar Union friends, therefore, are req ested to been the look ut; as these documents will doubtless uake their appearance on the eve of tbe election. The very faet, that these papers are to be thua clandestinely circulated, proves that the men who are getting them up know that they contain in famous false hoods. Mr. Cobb.--Tlie Cent: al Bank. Hating heard upon reliable authority, that John F. Brown, of Burke County, the candi date for Senator from Burko and Jefferson counties, had and was circulating the report in both of those counties, “that Mr. Cobb was a debtor or defaulter to the Central Bank for eight or ten thousand dollars,” we promptly addressed Mr. Cobb a letter informing him of the fact and requested him to reply, giving us the facts of the case, which he has done in the following letter, dated at Canton, Cherokee County. Soon after writing Mr. Cobb, wo observed that the Federal Union, had also attempted to assail Mr. Cobb, by referring to the matter in such a manner as to make the worst possible impression on the public mind, without having the manliness or honesty to state the facts, that the public might be enabled to arrive at truth, and correct conclusions. To show in what manner that journal attempted to assail him, and to deceive the public by a vague and indefi nite reference to the ma ter, it is only necessa ry to remark, it simply stated that “Mr. Cobb had permitted executions against him to be re turned to the Bank, endorsed “so property.” without stating whether he was principal or security for the amount of the indebtedness. Why were not these facts stated in connection with the other? The public will determine this question, and deter n ine it correctly, tha the reason was, the story in that shape would fail to make a false impression, and the people would not be deceived. We have also observed that the Constitution* alist copied both the articles of the Federal Union in relation to this matter. Will it have the manliness to do Mr. Cobb the justice to publish his letter? that it may have the same circulation as the effort to make a false impres sion, had through it columns ? We shall see. Canton, Sept. 19th, 1851. DbabSib:—l have this moment received your letter, informing me that Mr. Brown was circulating a report, that I was indebted to the Central Bank, to the amount of ten thousand dollars or some other large amount. The report is utterly false. I am the security of Major Jackson, on a Cenral Bank debt of some four or five hundred dollare, which 1 thought was paid, until 1 received a letter from Mr. Campbell during the past, summer, informing me that it was unpaid. 1 agreed to pay it by the Ist, of December next, if Major Jackson did not settle it before. Which arrangement seemed to be satis factory to Mr. Campbell, as he has not since writ ten to me on the subject. Yours, dec., Howell Cobb. Thus it appears that Mr. Cobb, instead of owing the Central Bank eight or ten thousand dollars, according to Mr. Brown, or soma oth er indefinite sum. according to the Federal Union, only owes ooire four or five hundred dollars, besides interest, for which he became liable by endorsing the note of his friend, and the payment of which he had satisfactorily ne gotiated with Mr. Campbell, the director of that Bank— facts, in the history of the transac tion, which Mr. Brown and the Federal Union, if they knew, very carefully concealed from the public. Let the public judge of the motive for that concealment, and Mr. Brown and the Federal Union, vindicate themselves as beat they can. The Constitutionalist—The Commit . tees. It is eaid of a certain distinguished wit in Georgia, when asked for his opinion as to the character for veracity of an acquaintance, somewhat notorious for his want of that virtue* he replied, “ha wascertainly a very great econo* mist of truth.” Whether the Constitutionalist merits such a classification, the reader will determine after a brief expose of its misstate, ruents in an article on the appointment of the Committees by Mr. Cobb—with which the public should be familiar, as it may serve to show the desperate resorts to which that journ al is driven to sustain a sinking caus°. In a single paragraph in reference to the Ju diciary Committee, of a dozen lines or less, there are six distinct misstatements— one to eve ry two lines—pretty fair! Whether that print knew them to be such, we pretend not to say, but certain it is, the effect upon the coun ry is the same, if they remain uncontradicted. The misstatements are made, and by that journal. Here they are : Ist. That the Judiciary Committee is a favorite Committee with the Free Soilers.” To show that thia is not true it is only ne cessary to state that that committee in the House has little or no business connected with the slavery question. If so, the alisl may sustain its pesition by showing what that business is. 2d. “ That the Constitution of new States is re ferred to the Judiciary Committee?’ This is untrue. In the House they are always referred to the committee on Territo ries. 3d. “That a majority of the JuJiciary Com'nitteo were Free Soilera.” That is not true. There were four South ern men, and Miller, of Ohio, wh'f never gave a vote against the South in Congress— and Thompson of Pa., who voted with the South on the Compromise. .. u 4th,meiutercQuld.make Tnat is not true. Fora minority have no right to report. It is only by the courtesy of the House that they are permitted to submit a minority report. Fifth—“ That minority reports are always printed with the reports cf the majority?’ The reverse is the truth. They are almost invariably printed seperately, and the excep tions to the rule are when they are printed together. Sixth—“ That Southern members arc compelled to send out the minority with the majority reports.” Having shown that the fifth statement is untrue, of course the sixth and last is in the same category. Itisa little remarkable (perhaps not, how ever, for the Constitutionalist,) for a journal t iat makes some pretensions to respectability, should in a single paragraph make only six distinct statements, which it asserted as facts, and yet every single one should prove to be untrue. Every assertion in the paragraph is untrue! Great—very great economy of truth that, certainly ! What th : nk you, reads* t It is a strange fact, which we beg to refer to in conclusion, that the Disunion organs and leaders shruld, now that the committees have ceased to exis’, find so much r ault with them, when the fact is notorious that neither a major ity nor minority report was made against the by any committee appointed by Mr. Cobb! They must ha’e been very danger ous committees to the South, Southern rights at.d ins'i'utions ; and how exceedingly keen of scent these disunion organs must be to snuff treason in the breeze, tohavr just now discov ered it, long after the committees were defunct, and which while in existence, did noMi.ig— nothing against the South or to her prejudice. Gov. McDonald on the Stump, The following letter from a gentleman in Dahlonega, gives a brief account of the discus s<on between Messrs. Cobb,and McDonald in that place. It will be seen that McDonald repudiates the Georgia platform entirely, not withstanding the earnest efforts of many of his friends to make the people believe he had ta ken his nosition on it—said he, “ I am not on IT, NOR DO I WISH TO Bt." Dahlonega, Sept. 16. Dear Sirs : At the diicussion hel l here yester day, the important admisaijn was made by Governor McDonald that be was not oo the Georgia i latform, neilhei did he wsb to be. Or, to nee hie own lan guage, when interrogated by Mr. Cobb on this point, when asked if he stood on the Georgia platform “Ao, (said be,) I am no!, nor do I wish to be." Quite an important admission, when it is considered that bis friends claimed that he was on the Georgia platform, though it was not quite so good Union ground as be desired. It was a glorious day for Cobb, and an exceeding ly unfortunate one for bis opponent. Tbe efforts on the part of Mr. Cobb, we venture the assertion, has left fifty less foes to himself and the Union iti Ibis county. Very respectfully. Tbe latest in'elligence we have from different pans of the up country is, that Cobb will carry the State by at least fifteen thousand majority. We learn that the Disunioniets have entirely ceased betting on Mc- Donald, and are trying to set off whit they have al ready unwisely staked on bis election by betting on Cobb's majority. We think it decidedly safer to bet on his majority than to bet on McDonald’s elec tion, three to one.—She. Republican. Wt have heard of a zealous but very shrewd supporter of McDonald, who offers to be: on Cobb and give thousands. Notwithstanding rhe signs of the times, the Savannah Georgian has to bolster up the drooping spirits of its despairing partizans, by copying sueh stuff as 'he following from the New York Herald, which was possibly insert ed at tbe instance of someone who hoped to catch a green horn with it: ‘•Each party is sanguine of success, but appear ances are decidedly in faxor of Git. McDonald." The New York State Agricultural Fair was opened Tuesday at Rochester. A telegraphic despatch dated on Monday says: The preparations fur the Fair, are on the largest ard most magnificent scale. The greatest excite ment and bust e prerails. Railroad care from all points are so overloaded, that they are from two to lour hours behind time. The hotels are overflow ing. Fortunately the weather tas changed, else people would be suffoca ed. The price of tickets to the grand festival on Thursday evening is ten dol lars. The Committee have seat t> New York lor fifteen hundred dollars’ worth of silver ware. Ou Friday. Senator Douglas will deliver the address. Every kind of amusement is in requisition, includ ing concerts, shows, and magic performances. Seen a Gbttixg dows Ftaus.—The Vicks burg True Issue has been informed that Col. McWiliie has abandoned the contest with Gen. Freeman in the Third Congressional District of ilassUsippi. •• State Rights In 1833.” Under the above caption, the Constitution alist Sf Republic of the 14;h inst, states “in brief propositions, what were the doctrines of the State Kights party of Georgia iu 1833, (in its owu opinion,) and defies a contradiction of their truth.” We do contradict and utterly deny the truth of three of the ten propositions laid down as principles of the State Rights party of 1833. Positions so ut'erly absurd were not held by that par y. Let it be observed that this is a question of fact, in which the absolute truth or falsehood of the propositions is not invalved, but the point is whither or not the propositions j referred to were held by the State Rights party of 1833 ? The absolute falsehood of the proposition? was argued in the columns of this paper on the 26th and 30th of August last. Our present ■ object is to demonstrate, by reference to the recorded proceedings of the State Rights party of Georgia of 1833, that it held no such doc trines as those set forth in the 7th, 9th and lOth propositions of tli d Constitutionalist 8f Republic. We shall show that, the positions there assumed are alike unsustained by the authority appeal ed to, as by principle. It is a simple question of fact, to be established or refuted not by rant nor assertion, but by history. The Constitu t.onalist $ Republic says, ** If we could go to the graves of the mighty dead and call them up to life, they would sustain us in these declara tions. * Wo shall go to the records in whic i they left their opinions recorded—by which being dead they speak—to prove those decla rations utterly unfounded and unsustained. The doctrines contained in Gen. Jackson’s proclamation, against which the State Rights meeting of Georgia did in its own language, “solemnly pro.eat, a:d as solemnly deny, their legitimate deduction from the compact which established the Fedral Government,” denied the truth of the following position of the Proclamation: “That the States have no right to secede from the Union under any circumstances whatever, inas much as secession would destroy the unity of the nation. 9 9 Tne meet ng asserted the above doctrine to be contained in the proclamation, and denied its truth, and its legitimate deduction from the Federal Compact. The logical consequence of the foregoing denial is legitimately and accurately given in the following proposition The denial of the position of the Proclamation is precisely equiv alent to the asser ion : “ Thiit there arc circumstances in which the States woul t have a right to secede, notwithstanding the objection urged that secession would destroy the unity of the naticn.” The proposition asserts Ist, That there are circumstances in which the States would have a right to secede. 2d. That the object on urged as to the de struction of the unity of the nation, is invalid The truth of the latter clause of the propo sition is a nece-sary sequence from the de ial on the pari of the meeting, of the unity of the nation. The argument against secession, based on the ground that it would destroy the unity of the nation, falls, of course, with the denial that such unity exists. The result of a perfectly correct, fair and logical analysis of the proposition of the meet ing, is the assertion by it— -Ist. That under certain circumstances the States have a right to secede. 2d That the objection against this right urged by the proclamation, is invalid The above propositions contain, accurately, all that the Slate Rights party of Georgia as serted in relation io secession. The Constitutionalist & Republic contends teat, among the doctrines of that party in 1833, were the following: “7th. That each State had the right to secede from the Uoioo, without coercion, by virtue of its sovereignty.” “ 9th. That secession was a peaceable right, and any attempt to prevent its exercise by the General Government, would be a glaring infraction of State Rights, and a gross outrage upon the li . erties of the people.” “ 10th. That the right of secession was not the right of revolution, which implies the right of the party revolted against to maintain its power by the sword, but the right peaceably to withdraw from the Union, and assume an independent state and posi tion among the nations of the earth.” The seventh proposition has not even a color of support by the State Rights party of 1833. The assertion of the right to secede un der certain circumstances not named, is no as sertion of the right to secede “ without coer cion, by virtue of sovereignty.” If the meet ing had intended to assert so broad a right, it would have been much more explicit than sim ply to deny the doctrine of the proclamation. If a State has the right to secede without coer cion, simply by virtue of her sovereignty, then, as the State is always sovere’gn, it always has the right to secede, under any circumstances, with cause or without. Sovereignty is her’s a - without intervals, whether with cause of session or without. That, “by virtue of" which she secedes, perpetually exists, and gives a corresponding perpetual right of secassion. - Tha 2-h -^^nj QJQ ja jKer.i by the proceedings of the State Rights party. It is in fact the application of the denunciation of the force bill to an ent rely different subject matter. The party denounced the force bill. The Constitutionalist & Republic makes this denunciation apply to any attempt to prevent the exorcise of the light of secession Os the 10th proposition, which is substan tially cont *ined in the 7th and 9th, it need only be observed that the distinction it alludes to between the right of secession and that of rev olution, whether correct in principle or not, is not so much as hinted at by the meeting. Unless that paper ignores us on this subject, as it does upon non intervention, the Consti tutionalist & Republic will probably attempt t»o modes of rendering it muddy and vague. One method will be by asserting that ths right of secession, for cause, as we admit it, is a peaceable right. The other mode will be to fly from the resolutions of the State Rights party, passed in Milledgeville, Nov, 13 h, 1833, after ample consideration, and discussion and appeal to the vague, half formed opinions of individual men. Upon the former mode of mystificitiou, we may comment, ifit is revolted to. The latter will be equivo.ent to the abandonment by the Con titulionalist If Republic of its position, which asserts certain doctrines to be the doc trines of the State Rights party of Georgia in 1833, not the doctrine of a few southern men. That party gave a public expression of its views late in the year 1833, some of the lan,' guage of which is contained in the article of the Constitutionalist, though applied to a dif fered subject. Three of the propositions eo ingeniously (if not ingenuous!*) interwoven with the remain ing seven, we do deny and contradict to have been doctrines of the State Rights party of Georgia in 1833. These then are the only propositions, strange to say, on which the pre sent parties make an issue. We challenge the Constitutionalist Sf Republic to the proof. While the Union party has male no testa upon the right of secession, the doctrine on •hat subject declared by the State Rights party of Georg a in 1833, ha, never been denied by i’. Mr. Cobb expressly holds the right of seces sion for ‘just causes, to be determined by herself.” Neither he—nor the present Union party—nor tbe State Rights party of 1833, do hold, or hare held the positions attributed to the latter by the Constitutionalist Sf Republic. Secession Leaving the Field. A private letter from a friend in Mississippi, informs us that the Hon. Jacob Thompson, a disunion candidate for Congress in that State has promptly followed the example of Gen. Quitman, and retired from the field. His health was very suddenly (after tbe late elec tion) eo impaired, that he could not p rosecute the canvass. Verily, the thunder tones of an indignant and outraged people, has ex ercised a wonderful influence upon the ner vous systems of some aspirants. And there seems to be a very general disposition on the part of many in Mississippi, to avail them selves of an alternative in the shape of Union pills in connection with a strong potion of lincture of “acquiescence in the Compromise, in obedience to the sovereign will of the Slate.” Unfortunately, however, for many of the leaders, they did not percieve their desper ate condition until it was too late to be reliev ed, and the sextons have been compelled io perform the duties of their sad e ffices, and consign them to their last resting place, through the talismanic influence of the ballot box. Chasoxlcor Stecbes Cocks has been an nounced by the Vicksburg Sentinel, aa the “ democratic ” candidate lor Governor of Mississippi in opposition to Gen. Foots. Qcitman was the " democratic etats righti” Candida e, but failing nnder that designation to persuade the people to dissolve the Union, the haders hoped, by a new trick , to re estab lish old party I ines, which, a lew onths ago, they so indignantly repudiated. They must imagine that the people of that patriotic State are easily gulled by names. The Babsweu. Means— We learn from the Savannah Morning News of yesterday, that Wil iam G. Tobin, eccuaed with others, of the murder of John McDaniel in Barnwell District, was anested on Sunday atlernoon in that city. A reward of two hundred and fifty dollars has been offered by the Governor of South Carolina for iua delivery to the jailor of Barnwell District. “To Constitutional Union Men.” The Constitutionalist proposes to argue before you, the loss and gain of the South by the compromise measures. Out of its own mouth let it be judged. We shad not answer it, as we most fairly might, with a solitary ar gument, not its own. 1. CALIFORNIA. It is equally clear, if the Constitutionalist is to be believed, that the South lost nothing, for it says: “ Now it is well ascertained that no part, of California, north or south of any given line, will ever be s'ave terri tory. It cannot be slave territory. It cannot be made so against the inter ests and wishes of the people. They have de cided not to have slave ry there as a domestic institution. The Demo cratic doctrine is that the people are to be left free to decide that question for themselves.” Con stitutionalist, My 22, 1850. “ Well, it is clear that the South gained nothing t by the admission of Cal- I ifornia, with a provision ! of her Constitution for- t ever prohibiting slavery I within her limits. — Con* stituticnalist Sept, 10/A, 1850. 2. te: “ She gained nothing by cutting off from the slave State of Tex is, territory enough to make a State as large as Geor gia and South Carolina put together, and adding it to the territory of New Mexico.”— Const. t Sep, 10, 1850. 3. DISTRICT 0 (( She gained nothing I by the abolition of the | slave trade in the Dis trict of Columbia, with the provision declaring any slave to be a free man who shall be car ried into the District for sale, or to be transported from it far sale any where else.”—Const. t Sep. 10, 1850. 4th and sth. nbw “ She gained nothing by the Bills establishing governments for the terri tories of Utah and New Mexico, with provisions . subjecting the holders of ■ slaves to the test, in the . Courts of the territories in the first place—and t'.e Supreme Court of the ’ United States i n the se > cond, as to their right to hold iheir slaves as prop erty witbin their limits : we say the South gained nothing by these bills, especially, when amend ments to them to deciare 1 them open to slave hold ers as well as non-slave holders were rejected, I both in the National r Senate and House of . Representatives.” —Con 1 s/ifuZwnaZfet, Sept. 10, 1851. 1 THB 5 FOREGO “ So far we have a right to say that the South gains nothing. Do you ) not agree with us in opin ion 7 ~ Can you dispute its truth 7 if you cannot, t thus far the South has gained nothing. On hei part, it has been a clear and palpable sacrifice.” Const. Sept. 10,1850. s e 6tn. Tne Pugi e “These measure con stitute the entire scttle- J ment, called a Compro- I mise, with a sing e ex e ception, that of the fuei e tire slave law. To that you were entitled by the e Constitution. e “If then the enforce e ment of your right ea..- e not be called A GAIN, - what have you gained bythe COMPROMISE? Nothing, nothing, noth -1 iog.”— Const., Sept. 10, f 1850. I- THE e i “Are you right or are we wrong? If you are right -».• will go with you; ‘ i -‘ .i -.re right, will you ;♦ j s » with us? : ’ — -Const. ! Sept. 10, 1850. i “We appeal directly '• to you, ss men who are . willing to be guided by ( truth.”— Ibid. ,9 r, f 8 I. 1 t EXAB It is sufficient to re ply ; “As to the Texas boundary question, it is eufficie t to say, that it is a matter of free choice for Texas to decide to ac cept the terms, cr not, as she pleases, which are offered by the scheme of Compromise. “She is not required— she is not to be forced to part with any portion of her territory.”—Consti tutionalist, May 2 id, 1850. OF COLUMBIA. I Let the Constitutional ist nn’wer what she lost: “As regards the pro j-osed law in relation to the slave trade in the District of Columbia, it is the same that prevails in Maryland, and did prevail in Georgia until it was repealed at the last session. It is in fact the law of Maryland, a slave state, extended to the district of Columbia by author ty of Congress, which is competent for that purpose.”—Consti tutionalist, May 22d, 1860. V MEXICO AND UTAH. ; “By the compromise wo get Territorial gov- ■ ernti'cnts and non-inter r vention on the slavery i question for the territories. That is Something.”— Constitutionalist, May 19/A, 1850. i i i I f > OING MEASURES. a In which of your two i opinions do you desire us i to agree with you? With - last year’s opinions, or » this year’s? According , to last year’s opinion, the 3 3 first measures were no i losses, an-l by the 2 last, r we got something. This ’ year each measure, on . the part of the South, “has been a clear and palpable sacrifice.” Before abk ing “can you dispute its truth?” tell us which statement you refer to. itive Slavb Law. i- With this law, no fault isfiund. We need offer i- no amwer. While ex - pressing doubts as to its enforcement, the Consti it tutionalist did once pro e nounce the law li some thing ’ towards securing i- our rights. This was on - May 22d, 1850. i ? i- ), BANTER. e We have shown, by e no less evidence than i; your own, that by the u Ist measure (California) we lost nothing, for the 2d there weie y reasons to satisfy you— e the 3d was the mere ex y ercise of a power which, inyouropini n, Congress was competent to exert— the 4th and sth gave us our demand, and were « something” on our aide; the 6th, also, was “some thing” on our side. Can you tell us what ought to be the higher evidence of truth with you, than your own tes timony r "tl SO, endeavor to offer it. If not, then we answer your questions thus— We are right, and you are bound by your pledge to go with us. Tile Texas Boundary Bill. Or this bill it may be truly said, as of most of the Compromise measures, that if the South has any complaint to make, it is against herself. Passed by a majority of her own members, against a majority of Northern members, it arrays Southern mon against Southern, not Southern mon against Northern. Against the unanimous vote of the free toilers it was car ried by the unanimous vote of several Southern States, and a majority vote of the majority of Southern States. Both of the Senators, end a majority of tho Representatives of Georgia, voted for it The entire delegation from Texas voted for it. New York, New Jersey, Michi gan and Ohio gave majorities against it. The Southern majority for it was 31; the Northern majority against it 11. Tho origin of the question was a disputed boundary, at first between the State of Texas and New Mexico, then between Texas and the Uu.ted States. The title of Texas was techni cal and the course, both of Texas and of tbe United States, in relation to it, inconsistent. Texas had offered, from 1838 to 1841, to treat with New Mexico ns a foreign power The United Stales has alternately treated New Mexico as foreign territory, and as a portion of Texas. When the United States was subro gated by the event of the war to the claims of Mexico in this territory, the controversy was shifted into one between Texas and the United States. We believe the latter to have been estopped from a denial of the right of Texas, by the act of declaring war on the assumed title of Texas. Whatever the merits of the question of title, meritorious or technical, the United States had a right to propose the pur chase of the doubtful or .'he undoubted ti le. She did propose it, the members from Texas unan imously voting for the proposition. The character of the slave laws of the coun try is not affected by the transfer. Slaves can, beyond all question, be held in the ceded terri tory. The effect of the cession upon the remaining portion of the now organized terri tory of New Mexico, is to extend the law tole rating slavery (if it needed extension) over the uninhabited and uncivilised portion, in which, in the opinion of some, anti-slavery laws might otherwise have prevailed. If slavery tails to go there, it is the fault, not of the law, but of the soil. If that be the cause of failure, as it alone can be, then the failure would equally have occurred bad it remained a part of Texas; and the only effect of it would have been to build up in Texas a divided interest. The division was advantageous both to Texas and the ceded country. The inhabi tants of the latter were mostly of a different race, with different wishes and interests. To have compelled an unwilling connection with 1 Texas woulu have been unnecessary to the latter and prejudicial to both. The remo va! of internal dissensions is a blessing, not a curse. If the country would have been free, the ho! h aves it free; if slave, the bill leaves it liars I. ft has separated two incongruous , 9 their mutual gratification and interest. This measure, passed by the votes of South ern Representatives in the proportion of 5 to 3, is the act of Congress, by which the South ern Rights Convention declares that “the Southern States being a minority in federal number!, l ave been forced to surrender terri tory unquestionably and legitimately their own to the use and enjoyment of the hireling States." We are happy to be able to state that a very leading Southern Kights paper once entertain ed a d fferent opinion on the subject, and thus erpressed reasons sufficient in its judgment to justify the measure: “As to the Texas boundary question, it is suffi cient to say, that it isa matter of free choice for Texas to decide to accept the terma cr not, aa the pleases, which are offered by the scheme of Com premise. Sbe is not required, she is not to be voat so to part with any portion of her terrix ry,’’ Con B F. Hardeman of Oglethorpe has accepted the nomination of the Constitution al Union partv of the 37-h Senatorial district, as their candidate for Senator. The Milledgeville and Gordon Kailroad.it is said, will be in operation by the 35th Octo for the Chronicle Jr Sentinel. | Judge Colquitt's Vision* J The people of Georgia will remember that j when the “ Three Million Bill ” was under I discussion before Congress, a propositior was 1 made to the effect that the Government of the United States did not seek or desire the dis memberment of the Republic of Mexico, or ' he acquisition of any portion of her territory. Whether t ;e adoption of that proposition and its faithful execu ion, would have been wise, in not now open for discussion. The government pursued a different policy, and we must take things ns they are. But it will not be unprofit, able to refer to the opinions of those who are now so dissatisfied with their government, that . they are willing to sea South Carolina drag her into the whirlpool of disunion. Upon the occasion to which I refer, Judge Colquitt held a seat in the Senate of the United States, and on the 17th of February, 1847, made a speech on the “Three Million Bill,” the conclusion of which is in these words: “ I cannot think the amendment will serve a val uable purpose for the people of thia country. We sought to avoid a war with Mexico, and hence this is not a war of conquest. But lam in favor of reap ing all its legitimate results, as we must suffer the evils inflicted by its progress. If the country now in po session 'f ourarms had still been held by Mex ico, without a conflict, I should have been satisfied and yet we would have waged war, at any time, to have rescued its possession from mightier powers. Having it now in our possession, I shall abide a treaty* and insist cn its retention. 1 must confess I still mere deeply regret the petition assumed by my colleague in opposing the acquisition of territory for fear of the agitating question of slavery. I regret it as coming from a Southern mao, and still more deeply regret it, coming from Georgia. Sir, 1 cannot bel’evc it reflects cither (he spirit or the feeling 9 of the people of the State we represent. The fear of no question will induce them to retard the march of cur country in fulfilling its high destiny. Ours will, in titre, be an ocean-bound republic. Upon every hill will float the banner of freedom, and in every valley will be reared an altar to agriculture and to peace Not by war or conquest but by the lite al spirit of our free institutions, will this work be accomplished. It should be the part of wise and practical states men to guide with discretion this onward movement to its final completion. But he who hesitates end falters too long will be crushed by its progress. I have yet an abiding confidence in the p-triothm of the people. The question of slavery bears now a threatening aspect, bur I shall, with a patriot’s faith, discharge my duty to the country, and trust that the tempesi-cloud will pass eff without harm to the re public. I will not suffer myself to believe that we shall ever want men or mcney to prosecute success fully this war. Without money and without clothes, the sons of revolutionary fathers will march at the bidding cf their country, to battle for her honor and defend her rights. Nor will I shrink back at the frightful spectre of fanaticism, nor yield a right, to escape its foulest machinations. No, Sir, the God that guided and shielded the country, in its fearful struggle for independence, is still our God. Many a paltry, t:me-serving politician, who estimates his selfish purposes higher than the Constitution of his country, will be dead, and many o hers will be driv en from the councils of the nation, shrouded with that black and bloody mantle with which they threatened to observe the bright prospects of their country —I shall offer every proposition by which the progress of the war may be checked, by unnecessary or nis chievous anticipation. But 1 must say to these gen tlemen who slitter themselves that now or hereafter, the South will suffer herself to be degraded to pre serve friendly relations with the North, that they make a Bad miscalculation. I know the South and the feelings of her generous people. They will lay no burdens upon other sections of the Union. They will require no sacrifices—make no exactions. They love the Union, and will labor to preserve it so long as it c.n be preserved consistently with honor. But with all their devotion for the Union, there is not a man, woman er child among them but w uld sooner see the bright, sunn/South riven by an earthquake from the continent, and floating like an iceberg upon the ocea i, than see her sons submit to outrage and degradation.” “This lair land of ours should be the peaceful pat rimony of a band of brother*. The South earnestly and honestly desires to preserve and strengthen the golden chain that binds ls together; and when its links shall be severed by the ruthless folly of fanati cism. the blow will not be given by a southern arm, while she will receive its infliction with unflinching firmcees and unfeigned regret.” It seems that Judge Colquitt did not appre hend much danger from the acquisition of Territory, and though the aspect was threaten ing he had a “patriot’s faith,” that the “tempest cloud would pass off without harm to the Republic.” The policy of the Judge and his friends was carried out, and just two days after this speech, Mr. Calhoun introduced his resolutions, upon which bo asserted that the Somh could stand and “ever be a respectable portion of the community.” The Territory was acquired, and the principles of Mr. Cal houn and his friends, among whom was none more devoted than Judge Colquitt, were applied in the adjustment measures. The Wilmot proviso was abandoned, and the decla ration that no more slave States should here after ba admitted into the Union, was not only surrendered, but the affrmative actually received Congressional sanction. Judge Col quitt wss willing, in order to carry out this lav ‘rite policy of Mr. Calhoun, the acquisi tion of more Territory, to pledge the South in advance that she would “require no sacri fices—make no exactions.” And now that every thing has been done for which they con tended, the Government must be broken up and the altars that were reared in every valley to agriculture and to peace must be demolish ed—the Ocean-bound Republic must be re duced to the municipal! yof South Carolina, and the banner of freedom that was to float upon every hill must be torn down and des troyed. But the vision of the Judge is not altogether and entirely fanciful; one ray at least seems to have the impress of prophetic inspiration: “ Many a paltry, time-serving politician, who es timates his selfish purposes higher than the Consti tution of his country, will be dead, and many others will be driven from the councils of the nation, - shrouded with that black and bloody mantle with which they threatened to obscure the bright pros pects of their country?’ . - It is not necessary to designate those who already, or will soon, wear the black and bloody manth . ho indigna ion of the people wilieoonconsi.il them to a retiracy, which every interest demands. But there is another portion of this vision that deserves some notice—and that is what every man, woman and child in the South would do rather than see her sons submit to outrage and degradation. If, as Judge Col qii’tt and his friends contend, our rights have been outraged and we, as a State, degraded, we ought to be floating like an iceburg upon the Ocean, or if we cannot get up an earth quake to rive us, we ought certainly to be marchinir “with our Coffins upon cur backs” to the field of glory or the grave. But, instead of that, the party now seeking to be the custod an of the honor of a State they affect to believe is degraded, ask do higher exemption from this degradation, 'han the abstract right of South Carolina to secede from the Union—hey do not claim the right for themselves, for they avow they do not desire to see it exercised, and that they are Union men. The commentary npon all this, is plain and simple ; the people of Georga have either r >ot been outraged and degraded, or if they have, those men who have not th? courage to resent it, arc not entitled to their confidence. In every possible manner in which this contro versy can be viewed, but one conclusion irresistibly forces itself upon the public mind, and that is, the leaders of the Southern Rights party are seeking to over hrow the Govern ment by deluding the people. If they were engaged in a just they would have the manliness to assert their rights ; knowing and feeling the weakness of their position, they expect to accomplish by treachery, rather than courage, their hellish purposes. Does any man, in his senses, believe that men are sin cere in asserting that their State has been de graded and the rights of the people infringed, and yet advise them tamely to submit to such insults—ask no other remedy—i-eek no other sanative—and demand no other reparation, than the acknowledgment of the right of South Carolina to secede from the Union? Il cannot be, and I desire no higher evidence of the baseness of their desings than he fact that they seek their accomplishment through intr gu3 and misrepresentation. Justice. Scrlven County Meeting. Messrs. Editors: 1 attended, on Wednes day last, the great (I speak according to a«li cination and not reality) Union Meeting, at Stony Bluff. Ido not, by the phrase “ Union Meeting," mean a meeting of the Union Con. stitutional party, but a Union Meeting of the citixens of Carolina and Georgia—the Union Constitutional and Disunion, alias Southern Rights parties. I have italicised the word great for great it would unquestionably have bun, had the orators invited appeared ; but unfortu nately from some cause or other (whether the bugle did not sound or gave an uncertain note, I cannot say) they were, in tbe charts language of a witty friend of mine "non comatibus tn swampo." At one time it was the general impression that none of the invited speakers would he on the ground (in which event the "spiked team" must have led the “forlorn hope”) and the gray goose quill of “anonymous scribblers” coul 1 have had a season of repose; but to our great pleasure and surprise tbe jewel of Richmond county (Hon. A. J. Miller) ap- J peared, and soon after the Hon. Mr. Bellinger, ' ’■ of South Carolina, a disciple of the Rhett ■ school. " According to the arrangement, Mr. Miller opened, and in a speech of one hour he gave us a most masterly exposition of the late Com promise measures of Congiees, proving most conclusively that they were io perfect accord ance with the demands of the South. To the charge of “ disunion,” the party (Southern Rignts) in Scriven plead guilty, a sineerify of purpose which we commend most heartily to the party in other sections, as tendering thp true issue. Mr. Bellinger next took the stand, and commenced by saying, Georgia was very jealous of South Carolina, and as a matter of course, of him also; for he was watebed very closely by the constables when in Georgia. He did not tell us for what, but I have no doubt he felt he was a very suspicious character "what ought to be tuk up." Tne lamented elder Wel ler cautioned his son Sammy “to beware ot widders.' I would say, “Btware of South Carolina chivalry That the authorities should watch closely a man who would think Georgia was jealous of South Carolina, was lobe expeeled; but it could only be because they considered him a fit subject for the Lunatic Aeylu . Two of hie assertions merit partic ular notice. First, that Carolina was ascertain to secede as the sun shone i« his face. R did shine there and no mistake, yet we believe in the divine precept, “no prophet is without J honor even in his own country. Mr. B- is no doubt aware of that fact. Secondly, Caro lina preferred the election of McDonald to Cobb, because it was believed that Georgia wsuld follow Carolina. There, Georgians! what think you ofthatl Is it plain enough ■ Ur do you wish it still plainer I No dodging or